Linguist, specialized in American English and psycholinguistics; inventor of Language Mapping, a generative grammar; author and translator.
I have never loved Poland, though I was born there. I was only 11 years old when the martial law began. The Polish military culture took on in the country well before 1981 and survived year 1983. And there are no inborn feelings. I especially never liked the region I lived, Silesia, as it stank with pollution. There's no way to like the industrial odor in the air, I believe.
Born in Poland — and nobody ever has choice on the time and place to be born — you cannot change your citizenship, unless the President allows it. There is Polish law to say that.
■→Polish embassy in London:
The President's decision is sovereign and there is no right of appeal.
You have to write a letter and enclose numerous documents, even an autobiographical note by hand. The Polish constitution says you remain a citizen unless you renounce, but the procedure is legally defined as requiring the permission. If the President does not agree, you “do not” renounce.
European Union should require that all member countries allow citizen freedom of decision on renouncement.
Abroad, the picture of Poland (that comes mostly from the Polish) is that of heroic resistance against neighbors, vile and ruthless in their line of business.
For centuries, Poland was Europe's marching ground — when it was not dismembered and wiped off the map by some combination of Germany, Austria and Russia. It battled the Teutonic knights in the Middle Ages, and Hitler's blitzkrieg in September 1939 lives on, in the minds of the elderly and the imaginations of the young,
— you can read from as far away as Australia and ■→The Sidney Morning Herald.
Influence by Polish services
I remember Poland primarily for undue influence by Polish services, mostly military. I emigrated in year 2004, long enough after the ■→Round Table to tell it did not bring the changes it had promised. Here is some of my picture of Poland.
Years 1991-2006, in the Poland promised to be democratic, operatives of Polish Military Information Services, ■→WSI, independently formed — and independently named — The Society for Utmost Irresponsibility “Roll-up” | Stowarzyszenie Najwyższej Nieodpowiedzialności “Rolowisko”.
They were seeking extra money and interfered with civilian businesses in a spirit of nonchalance as deep as showing in their emblem to imply a crowned capon for the Polish eagle.
A report on WSI activity became famous in Poland, and it had the usual motif, of Russian influence. Polish operative doyens yet have been always chosen by long ancestry, Polish “z dziada pradziada”, and the “Roll-up” was neither Russian temptation, nor ordnance.
■ Macierewicz report in English, Gutenberg org→
WSI was a merger of the Communist ■→Internal Military Service and the Polish Army ■→Second Directorate of General Staff. These predecessors in activity self-appointed as well, partook in death verdicts and executions on suspected opposition to include women. The law did not assign them any such duty. Women never have been subject to military service in Poland.
■→Wikipedia, Executions in the Main Directorate of Information:
Executed in the Main Directorate of Information
- Krystyna Mielczarek (1923 – 1946)
- Barbara Niemczuk (1922 – 1946)
Arrested in the beginning of July 1946. Sentenced to death on July 31, 1946. The execution was carried out on August 27, 1946, in the Military Main Directorate, Warsaw quarters.
The Polish military manner that drove to the martial law was beginning to take shape already then, 35 years before. The governing sentiment, or so it looked, was the noble liberty; law was as a "holy oracle", only sarcastically: if it did not specifically ban or ordain, it "allowed".
The “little meadow”
The Polish “Łączka”, a little meadow, was a secret burial site for those executed or tortured to death by special services. The law was a weak constraint on the secret mien in the infamous “Section Ł” of ■→Powązki Military Cemetery.
The bill of January 31, 1959, on burial of the dead, abolished a regulation of 1932, and gave the right of interment also to persons "who willfully took on the task". Corpse transportation did not require any permit in built-up areas, or in other Polish territory within 30 kilometers in range. People of no medical training could pronounce a person dead.
■ The bill of January 31, 1959, on burial of the dead→
Articles 10.1; 11.2; 14.1; 23.
The crimes were committed with special cruelty, on Polish citizens, by Polish citizens. ■→Adam Humer acted for the Public Security, a civilian service who closely cooperated with the military. His American birth was pointed out, and he was called a Stalinist at the same time, but his sadistic acts did not result from American or Russian recommendation. Paradoxically, if to blame Russians (Americans were not in the territory, and they were not involved with the government), it would have to be for their not having controlled Humer enough.
In Warsaw alone, Polish special services had secret burial sites in,
- Służew, Wałbrzyska street, Dolinka district and Saint Catherine parish, the horse races;
- Praga, “Toledo” and November 11 street;
The picture of Warsaw city changes, if to take this Polish secret "governance" into account. The map is available from my ■→Google Drive.
In standard Polish language, ■→łączka is a place for care-free leisure or beginner exercise, as a ■→"donkey little meadow". Year 2016, Polish Institute of National Remembrance announced a meeting at “Łączka”, care free to adopt the verbal behavior by former opressors.
Anything was better than people with Polish Military Information. They were -- sadists by a big S and murderers by a huge M.
— Paweł Wieczorkiewicz, a historian, about Polish Military Intelligence
You are going to be an en-en, was a phrase you could hear in Poland also many years after the Round Table, if you were not inclined for Polish services. The acronym meant “name unknown”, in Polish nazwisko nieznane. It was used under Communism for bodies difficult or impossible to identify.
Year 2009, the acronym “NN” recurred for surveillance. Purportedly, it was to mean telephone “number unknown” (Polish, numer nieznany). Polish services claimed they had no idea what phone number they were monitoring or wanted to monitor. The judge granted a warrant, and the object turned out to be a politician, Janusz Kaczmarek.
The “dummy citizen”
Communist times, a Bureau B human target was nicknamed figurant ― a dummy, poser, silly, someone to pretend. In colloquial Polish, a term to get along with thieves and their jargon. A surveillance task would be worded as,
Addresses, contacts, and lifestyle; observation to be continued also if the dummy departs | Adresy i kontakty oraz tryb życia; w razie wyjazdu figuranta obserwację prowadzić dalej.
The facsimile below shows a declassified document from 1969, with the word “dummy” (Polish, figurant) in a red frame. It also says the person was taken under observation based on a photograph | na podstawie fotografii.
The operative toolkit
An operative toolkit from the times of the Polish People's Republic would look capable of influencing people as well as stone. People were also “broken”, that is, forced in the service.
The country law, according to the local nature, did not have specific commendation on use of objects as here in the picture, and the services' sarcasm did not require a permit.
Polish services continue to disdain the approach, that where the law does not provide, the matter should remain out of the agency's capable hand. There is no bill to regulate the services' “intimate activity”.
“The citizen has no defense”
Year 2009, ■→Henryk Piecuch, a Polish border guard under Communism, went public with his observations on the new — “democratic” and Polish — “intimate service”:
The citizen has no chance for defense. Technology is at such high standards. It is only the matter of matching the proper agent with the victim.
Obywatel nie ma szans na obronę. W dzisiejszych czasach technika jest na tak wysokim poziomie. To tylko kwestia doboru odpowiedniego agenta do ofiary.
Piecuch described former practices to provide diplomats and generally VIPs with company of both genders; he evaluated Communist business talks, in the context, as successful, and service quality as “skies higher”, when compared with the Polish “tender Tom” affair.
■ Henryk Piecuch dla Wirtualnej Polski→
Communism certainly was not a success in economy. There is still no help for an idea as business to be common and not private; or for work to serve other people rather than oneself. Below, we can see the strongest single factor in the Round Table: rationing coupons and anyway empty shops.
On the idea to have the country going, Gromosław Czempiński was not as critical as Mr. Piecuch, and praised Tomasz Kaczmarek, the intimate special agent:
... He (“tender Tom”) carried out his tasks excellently. He made two illustrious cases, and that certainly owing to his talent, skills, and proper training.
... Świetnie wypełniał swoje zadania. Zrobił dwie głośne sprawy. Zapewne dzięki talentowi, umiejętnościom i odpowiedniemu przeszkoleniu.
Intimate behavior for purposes other than consensually attained personal pleasure has a standard name, derived from Latin as laid out ■→here. There is no need to change the name.
Mr. Kaczmarek stated he was a patriot, which brought him support from the Law and Justice party. “Tender Tom” joined the Polish Sejm in 2011. He gave up as a parliamentary in 2015, in context of another scandal.
There never has been a universal key to human minds and feelings, and there never is going to be such a key, whatever the progress in technologies. Subjecting citizens to ■→defect, and more, alluding to economy, deserves the quote:
Government even in its best state is but necessary evil; in its worst state, an intolerable one; for when we suffer, we are exposed to the same miseries by a government which we might expect in a country without government; our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer.
— Thomas Paine, Common Sense
Modern toolbox repertoires do convince that notions as electronic harassment would necessarily belong with illusions. Use of microwave technologies on people is not regulated by Polish law actually at all. Barrie Trower worked for British intelligence. He talks about micro-wave use on human targets. I have translated some of this account into Polish and subtitled an excerpt, I believe fair use and practice: Technologie mikrofalowe (videopress.com)
This article entire is available in Polish.
■ Republika z przyrządami — TERESA PELKA IN POLISH→
Jeżeli się człowiek urodził w Polsce, a wyboru co do czasu i miejsca swojego urodzenia nikt nie ma, nie może zmienić obywatelstwa, o ile nie pozwoli na to Prezydent.
■→Barrie Trower - The Dangers of Microwave Technology - YouTube
Source video, Interview with Barrie Trower.
■→Sample search, Eclogue report
The link tells on Eclogue reports use.
Barrie Trower has been doubted, but it does not look all just a story.
“It's a carousel”
Year 2016, Andrzej Milczanowski describes Polish services as “on a carousel”. He blames frequent changes in staff:
For services to be able to work effectively, they need a sense of stability. Nonetheless, in many, many years, they've been a spinning carousel. Not only now. Since mid 90s, actually. The [political] left came, reaped, and put their own in. The right came, reaped, and put in their own. In such situation, our chances are low, let me say, to educate professional services.
Aby służby mogły efektywnie pracować, one muszą mieć poczucie stabilności. Natomiast od wielu, wielu lat kręci się karuzela. Nie tylko teraz. Od połowy lat 90-tych właściwie. Przychodziła lewica, kosiła, i dawała swoich. Przychodziła prawica, kosiła, i dawała swoich. W takiej sytuacji mamy niewielkie szanse, że tak powiem, na dochowanie się profesjonalnych służb.
■ Andrzej Milczanowski on YouTube→
In Poland, not only cooperatives would have to personify enormous devotion for the government. Beside microwave technologies, which on the one hand have no chance to become wonders beyond words — but this, for individual human living experience, is obvious — there are graphics technologies, and after all, one could get animated, having been painted — only this might not be as obvious on that other hand, for living experience as by more than one person. Pixel by pixel (Polish, pikselek po pikselku) became another verbal threat you could hear in Poland, if you were not complacent.
I have never cooperated, never intended, and wouldn't be interested in cooperation. For what I know, Polish services used remote technologies before I left Poland, and their manner had nothing to do with polite behavior. It might result in injuries, which maybe ■→MRI scans are able to show — I do not know that.
There is not really one mentality for all people, whatever country it would be. Search for “mentalność narodowa” (national mentality) brings results over the Internet, because people usually have associations.
Hundreds of years under feudalism or death in a patriotic rebel impulse, neither looks a good idea for living. And you can read over the Internet that to be Polish is like being some thousand years old, because in Polish, national mentality means the national past and faith.
■ Internet, “mentalność narodowa”→
A Polish man in “the treadmill of history” — a bit like in the movie ■→Once Upon a Time... Man — would either have little to say on the matters of the country, as the nobles' “democracy” allowed only their chosen in the Parliament, or would have to undertake tearing the homeland to pieces himself. There were no free elections; the government was by the select, not by the elect, and liberum veto by one nobleman could hold up all parliamentary proceedings.
■ Wikipedia: Sejm of the Polish–Lithuanian Crown→
The Polish word for a parliament is Sejm. Under the crown, the senate consisted of nobility high ecclesiastical and secular people, and the lower house of lower ranking, nobility as well.
Below, we can see the famous Rejtan by Jan Matejko: the ■→First Partition of Poland was decided by Polish nobility. In the middle, the painter placed a figure for ■→Stanisław Szczęsny (Lucky) Potocki, whose life yet could not be called all so happy.
Austria was one of the partitioning powers of 1772. ■→The Rescue of Vienna (Odsiecz Wiedeńska, as it is usually called in Polish) evidently did not help Poland gain in lasting alliances. There is little talk about this, but ■→Jan III Sobieski took practically all Polish forces to that ■→Bald Hill then. Poland, had it been attacked the time of the Vienna Woods, would have been conquered.
The commonplace thing
Polish noblemen coined the name “Rzeczpospolita”. In simple words, the country was a commonplace thing, as vulgar matters were named those times too; we may see ■→Doroszewski's dictionary, or ■→Wiktionary. Pospolita dziewka was a term of offense to suggest a woman of primitive manners and low conduct. The word dziewka alone did not offend.
Today, the word dziewka is hardly in use; the noun ■→rzecz and the adjective ■→pospolity have not changed at all. To say that people are great, united, or republican is no offense. To say that people are commonplace cannot be a compliment.
Rzeczpospolita does not translate well into a commonwealth, and it remains confabulation, to translate it as a republic. Into Polish and back, a republic corresponds with the word republika.
Polish nobles' culture
Already before the First Partition, Poland had been divided with feuds. ■→Forays had become a habit to raid and take hold of property, nobody to care a shriveled slip of paper for legality.
There were no human rights. To a nobleman, raiding a village and burning it was not a crime, unless another noble objected. It was the same about killing a peasant: only if he or she was of worth to another landowner, the noble perpetrator might expect trouble. The nobility was own judge, as Sienkiewicz described the royally pardoned Kmicic in the ■→Deluge, to "heighten hearts". In reality, monarch interventions were rare: those were the nobles to select kings and queens.
Under the crown, people at large were “souls” of no citizen status, and landowners cultivated the class divide, especially in finance, but also in education. A peasant might not dream about school. This also meant that people hardly had any military capacity.
Polish victory over the ■→Swedish Deluge is properly described as Pyrrhic: Lesser Poland lost 23% of population, Masovia 40% in villages and 70% in towns, Greater Poland 50% in villages and 60% in towns. Royal Prussia lost some 60% of its population ( I. Ihnatowicz, Z. Landau, A. Mączak and B. Zientara).
■ Wikipedia, Polish losses in people during the Deluge→.
Altogether, the “nobles' democracy” brought ■→three partitions, and Poland vanished from the map until World War I:
- The Duchy of Warsaw was not sovereign, and Poland was not its name;
- The Congress Poland was actually just another Partition; vassal to Russia and smaller even than the Duchy, the area politically did not afford the status of a freehold, under the Russian rulers Alexander I, Nicholas I, Alexander II, Alexander III, and Nicholas II — until 1915.
I have never supported royalism, having read a book on Polish history in my primary school years. I can recommend the free resource below to people of that age who speak Polish.
The Polish woman
The "treadmill" Polish man would not have a partner. A human being of the female gender was in the nobles' culture either a peasant workwoman or kind of a mistress, as gender does not occur in that language without allusion to intimate capability. One way or the other, the woman was absolutely not encouraged to think. If she worked, the opinion was she must have been poor; she could not vote, as there were no elections, and decisions, already at home, were made by whatever slipshod, but a male.
Regards of gender rather than partnership joined Stanisław “Lucky” Potocki and ■→Zofia Witt née Clavone. She had had her affairs with services of different nations, and he could not hope for a status with any, having lost his connections and property. Must have been, he had learned such a way to live, not to expect partnership with a woman.
Marriage with an older man did not mean freedom from the culture-bred intimate priority. ■→Maria Walewska married a man much older than herself, ■→Anastazy Walewski. She gave birth to a son, who was taken away "for upbringing", and then, as it was described, her environment inclined her to have a relationship with Napoleon.
Might be, ■→Napoleon also had learned such a way to live, before he ended up on an island. Reportedly, Maria Walewska was already pregnant when getting married, and her second son, never acknowledged by Napoleon, was born to the marriage as well. Therefore, she would not have had any offspring by her husband.
In this alternate idea for marriage and family, there would have been a big role the environment played, that is, the noble's culture or, to be exact, the people who wanted to keep it.
■→Wikipedia forwards Frederic Masson in his account on Walewska as involved with Napoleon only for the sake of her home country.
The sacrifice was complete. It was all about harvesting fruit now, achieving this one single equivalence [convincing Napoleon to support Polish independence movement], which could excuse my debased position. This was the thought that possessed me. Ruling over my will it did not allow me to fall under the weight of my bad consciousness and sadness (“Marie Walewska”, E. Guillaume, Paris 1897).
Reportedly, Walewska was granted divorce from Anastazy because her brother testified on having forced her to the marriage. The first child might have been by someone outside the noble caste, the Łączyńskis were maybe under debt, or it even was some unhealthy family secret.
Nevertheless, if the "treadmill" Polish man were young so as to have his life entire ahead of him, he would still look unlucky all the more, if his girlfriend issued a comment as "all was sacrifice".
Napoleon was not in the prime of his youth, and according to the above, he was completely right, not getting married with Marie. He gave her money and lands. Walewska's memoirs are difficult to find, thus I cannot check on how she would have described her feelings for the gifts.
Napoleon claimed the one to have found Walewska was Talleyrand, yet he tasked the Agent-General and diplomat with bringing a young and good-looking noblewoman. Talleyrand was friends with Józef Poniatowski, who reportedly visited the Walewskis during their stay in Warsaw and gave Maria such a message:
Maria, you must go to that man [Napoleon – I.Sz.]. It is not us, it is Poland entire to demand this of you! I am appealing to your patriotism!
■ Polityka magazine on Maria Walewska→
Polityka adds, the Napoleonian Temporary Council wrote Walewska a letter:
Madam! Small beginnings often have great results. As long as people are governed by passions, you are going to be one of the fiercest powers. As a man, you would have given up your life for the good and righteous cause our home country is. As a woman, you can serve it with your body. Do you believe Esther yielded to Ahasver for love? She sacrificed to save her country, and hers was the glory of the salvation.
For the sake of the game, also God was called to the alcove. Maria would have written,
Oh, what relief would that be, if you said the thing to have caused my demise was the fact that God's Providence had used me as a tool, indispensable for our dear home country's revival.
This is the way she would have described ■→Suvorov, by whom she claimed she begot her first child:
He was caring and nice. I could tell him everything. Though he was young, I noticed many decorations on his chest and thought he must have been very valiant.
Not much is really known about Walewska, all is stories by different people. Her memoirs make a story too, some people even have them for a "speech for the defence". Suvorov paternity has been firmly denied by the Russian side. And God – to look at the Warsaw Duchy – did not let himself used.
Motivated by patriotism, you did not want to see the danger, she purportedly wrote to Anastazy.
■→Onet sums up: It seems the person of Maria Walewska became used, twice. First by the patriots, who, appealing for her sacrifice for the country, required a step outside the borderline for shame and then principles of decency. And many years later, when her story was told in a way to fit a myth of a beautiful Polish woman, ideally to inscribe with the present national discourse.
Regarding the present national discourse, I'm unable to desist: ■→discourse does not have to mean a conversation or any speaking really; for a scale as a country entire, dialogue could be an option.
With reference to the present times, the numbers in the Polish army around the time of Walewska should not escape attention, even if this would be the point about the "discourse", as not talk about the numbers at all. They compared well with those for the Polish army today, and that not by percent, but literally, in the cipher.
Year 2018, Polish armed forces consisted of 144 thousand 142 people, where the air force could be taken off, as there was not air force in any army, Walewska times.
■ Wikipedia, Polish Armed Forces→
According to the Polish National Library, about 100 thousand Polish soldiers joined Napoleon's Russian expedition, inclusive of some 37 thousand under Poniatowski, exactly the one with the message for Walewska, above. I cannot tell if the Polish ever would have set off for Russia like this, in winter, and in living experience the endeavor was worth a madman. Poniatowski either did not have a message from Poland on that, or he ignored it completely.
■ Biblioteka Narodowa, Heritage France-Pologne→
According to ■→Wikipedia, some 90 thousand Polish went to Russia, few returned, but altogether the Duchy gave the emperor some 200 thousand people, mostly land force. (Otto Pivka, 2012.Napoleon's Polish Troops. Osprey Publishing, pp. 8–10. ISBN ■→9781780965499). Part were dispatched to subdue the ■→revolution in Haiti.
Why the affair? The Duchy was annulled in 1815, after 8 years only. Walewska's relationship with Bonaparte lasted some 3 years.
An ■→ethos cannot be something covert, ■→sub rosa. Regarding service to a country, the law is such norm, and the picture below is to show the absolutely nonsense of such involvement. "To serve the country", Walewska would have been to keep intimate company and more, give birth. I could only disdain, disparage, and loathe such an idea.
To conclude on the Polish man in "the treadmill of history", he would be literate, of course. The Polish now also have arbitrary guidance on punctuation, to put a comma before every "który", "iż", or "że" (English who, which, that).
I cannot think about any possible rationale; maybe a mental shortcut would be of use: you punctuate as Walewska in her diary for "iż" or "że", and as the Polish cemetery law (above) has it for "który", kind of nutshell, for the man and life.
By nature, I do not follow the Polish Council recommendation. Benjamin Franklin himself would have laughed such pomposity off: to begin with the words "My dear son", and continue in a tone as for a political pamphlet, or legislation?
Polish persuasive or legal styles might altogether bring a picture as there is "always" (most often, in fact) the comma before the words as above, but this results from the style, it having little or no indeterminateness.
The first Polish republic
Poland returned on the map in year 1918, and that was when it was a republic for the first time. Some people might insist to translate the Polish–Lithuanian Crown as the “First Republic”. Such translation would mistake forms of government. Let us compare Thomas Paine, available free of charge also in my translation to Polish, from Internet Archive, at the link above.
If we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials.
First.—The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king.
Secondly.—The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers.
Thirdly.—The new republican materials, in the persons of the commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England.
— Thomas Paine, Common Sense
A republic is not a monarchy and it never has a king, queen, duke, or duchess — in short, a feudal lord or lady — for the country's head. Although the kings of the Polish-Lithuanian Crown became elective, they were not presidents chosen in free elections; they were chosen by feudal lords, and one could belong to the feudal class only by birthright.
The first republic, or "second" as a quote, began failing soon. Monarchist sentiments were strong. The assassin of President Gabriel Narutowicz, in 1922, was Eligiusz Niewiadomski, the Prus coat of arms by the Polish-Lithuanian Crown.
The country was taken over by ■→Józef Piłsudski, who overthrew civilian government in the ■→May Coup of 1926. Piłsudski did not become President, but remained actually a dictator, "Naczelnik". He had earned quite a name with the ■→“Miracle at the Vistula”: Russians were about to conquer Warsaw, when he resolved to attack from the south, an unexpected side then.
He never opened a school room for his strategies, and under him the Polish army continued to lag behind the German or Russian, in weaponry and staffing. The picture below shows the "Second Republic" military wits 4 years after his death, at Bzura, one of initial sites of encounter between the Polish and German in World War II.
Polish horseback cavalry was ordered to charge straight ahead, on German armored infantry tanks. The act was more of a suicide than strategy.
Hitler published Mein Kampf in 1925, a year before ■→Ignacy Mościcki became President and Piłsudski was “Naczelnik”. The Polish had regular news from Germany before the War, on Hitler rising to power. Mościcki issued his call to arms as late as August 31, 1939, still, not allowing citizen armament.
Lack of realism as above instigated the ■→Warsaw Uprising in 1944. The rebel had no chance to win, and it costed 200 thousand civilian lives. The ■→Home Army knew about the Nazi policy of mass retaliation.
The sad and devoid of strategy act yet befitted the myth of Poland as the ■→“Christ of Europe”. In giving the world the show, the rebels did not think if the world would have “bought tickets”. ■→Yalta definitely was not a standing ovation.
■→ Wikipedia, Warsaw Uprising, the opposing forces:
3 thousand rebel guns, against enemy 10 thousand armed force to include Luftwaffe.
“The third commonplace thing”
This is the national emblem of the third Rzeczpospolita, as the country continues to be named. The crown was added after 1989, by the ■→Contract Sejm. Poland is the only such eccentric in Europe: it has Presidents with royalist insignia. Citizens were not asked their opinions. There was no public vote on the matter.
Some of the Home Army soldiers formed secret armed squads, after the Second War. They were to be anti-government partisans, but they mostly raided eastern border villages; robbed factories and post offices, too. They murdered. They became the “cursed soldiers”.
The media show witnesses, and the Institute for National Remembrance has attested evidence and testimonies on acts to qualify for crime against humanity today. Among others, those were raids by the squad under ■→Romuald Rajs aka Bury. Click here to watch ■→eyewitnesses talking about Bury's crimes
- Świadkowie zbrodni „Burego” - YouTube
In the movie above, a young man says it is because of "heroes" as "Bury" the "sanctity" about the Home Army dies. It is not to everyone the Home Army could be whatsoever holy or sacred. Wading through sewage is not likely to become a strategy; the ■→Wola massacre began on the 5th day of the Uprising, and the rebels knew it.
I wrote critically about the Uprising when in primary school, according to own sentiment, by an ordinary civilian, such as those people in Wola, whose slaughter made no perceivable difference to the rebels. I have not changed my mind. There has been much talk about emotion and the rebel impulse, in context with the Uprising, but I think everybody should cope or learn to cope with own affect, rather than be let try to burden other people.
In year 2017, March 1st became the “Cursed Soldiers' Day”. A memorial run was organized through Hajnówka, where the “Cursed” murdered people. Their veterans received distinctions, also from the Polish president.
Year 2017, Polish president Andrzej Duda defended the “Cursed Soldiers” as if feudalism never was gone.
In Poland today, very many places of power are taken by people whose parents or grandparents actively fought the Cursed Soldiers, within the framework to establish Communism: in short, who were traitors, he told ■→TVP.
The dispute over the Cursed Soldiers is a historical encounter, but it also is an encounter on the “governance over souls” in our country, if the “governance over souls” is to remain in post-Communist hands. I say — No, added Duda.
It was in feudal Poland that landlords called the people “souls”. It was also the feudal time in Polish history as well, for treason to be viewed in hereditary terms, that is, people got blamed for ancestors. Another quote comes to mind, in context with Warsaw Uprising victims.
The speech was nothing better than a formal and pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to pride.
— After Thomas Paine on the King's Speech, Common Sense
There is no exaggeration in the quote. Andrzej Duda wants to be the first Polish president to wear the ■→royal chain of the Order of the White Eagle. King ■→Stanisław August Potocki wore it, and the Russian Romanovs did. Since the time Poland began own, whatsoever republican form of government, Duda would be the first.
■ Wirtualna Polska 2019, Senat zaczął prace→
You can never believe all you see in movies, yet selectively a film may illustrate a context well. Here we would have the Warsaw rebels, aware of the damage in town, but thinking about own fame.
Future generations will worship us, is the sense of the words at some 0:07:18 of the source video, or right here in the clip. I've enclosed my captions, as the source omits Mokotów and Warsaw city center, about Andrzej Wajda's Kanał.
“Blame on the USA”
Many cities went under occupation during WWII, yet they did not have anything as unreasonable and bloody as the Warsaw Uprising. On this, a strangest of lines happens to be developed — the USA should be blamed, for the World War entire; there would not have been WWII, had they intervened.
If there is anybody to be blamed, it is the USA more than Poland. Had our information been heard, they would have gotten involved early, to oppose Hitler. They are guilty more than us.
■→Lech Wałęsa blames the USA for World War II
Jeśli ktokolwiek jest winien, to bardziej USA niż Polska. Gdyby słuchano naszych informacji, to by się włączyli i szybko by się przeciwstawili hitleryzmowi. To oni mają większą winę niżeli my.
It would be yet hard to trust Wałęsa, Commander in Chief his own time, on a reasonable idea to get on horseback eagerly as for Bzura, because no such reasonable idea can exist. The Polish had a defense agreement with England, before World War II. Why blame America?
In year 2017, the Polish Institute of National Remembrance stated that Mr. Wałęsa was a secret cooperative in early 1970s. True, they did not like the USA. Did they blame America as well, for ■→sovietization, or own ■→coercive manner to make unwarranted demands?
"Third Republic" legal standards
It was year 2007, when the Polish Constitutional Court revealed their opinion that law was an abstraction.
The legislative authority consists in making binding norms for conduct that are abstract and general in character, stated the Constitutional Court.
Year 2015, the Law and Justice party evidently took the law for abstract, making own appointments to that very same Court. The party argued, the previous appointments by the Civic Platform were unconstitutional. European Union did not like the idea to create a precedent.
■→Polish Constitutional Court crisis 2015 — Wikipedia
Fundamental rights — The right to live
Year 2002, ■→Gazeta Wyborcza published a material on Łódź paramedics and doctors who terminated emergency patients with injections of Pancuronium, a curare mimetic, to get bribe money from a funeral company.
At that time, a funeral in Poland was about 5 thousand PLN. To get a picture on the Polish zloty in Łódź, a single bedroom flat of some 30 square meters was about 106-117 thousand PLN.
In business, money that would not calculate for investment, cannot calculate for bribes. The court gave verdicts for 5 murders and 14 cases of exposure to life threatening factors.
An amount of up to 70 thousand PLN is too much money, to promote burial for 19 bodies. There is no law in Poland to impose the funeral home, and no business would put money in, without an expectation on profit. A Swedish documentary indicated there might have been even 20 thousand victims. Wyborcza estimated the corruption scale for some 4 million PLN a year.