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South African Apartheid: Soweto (South Western Eastern Townships) - so Where To?


Hugh Masekela ~ Soweto Blues

SOuthern WEstern TOwnships - (SOWETO)

James Sofasonke Mpanza led 20,000 people to Occupy vacant council land due to overcrowding in Orlando East and West-long before there was "Occupy Anything... This led to the formation of Soweto. He is Known as the The Father Of Soweto..

James Sofasonke Mpanza led 20,000 people to Occupy vacant council land due to overcrowding in Orlando East and West-long before there was "Occupy Anything... This led to the formation of Soweto. He is Known as the The Father Of Soweto..

Mpanza riding one of his "Racing horses" of which he owned several and he fought for squatters to eventually create what we now See today as SOWETO

Mpanza riding one of his "Racing horses" of which he owned several and he fought for squatters to eventually create what we now See today as SOWETO

Part of Mpanza's house in 957 Phinyela Street in Orlando East. His family only got their Title Deed in 2010

Part of Mpanza's house in 957 Phinyela Street in Orlando East. His family only got their Title Deed in 2010

Ernest Oppenheimer who donated R6-million to help start build what is today known as SOWETO, because the Apartheid government would not do it and was hoping the squatters would 'melt away' into their Apartheid designated Homelands...

Ernest Oppenheimer who donated R6-million to help start build what is today known as SOWETO, because the Apartheid government would not do it and was hoping the squatters would 'melt away' into their Apartheid designated Homelands...

1976 Students Protesting Afrikaans and Apartheid

1976 Students Protesting Afrikaans and Apartheid

June 1976 Revolution - Mbuyiselo carrying the limp body of Hector Pietersen among the first victims shot by the police at the start of the students march in 1976

June 1976 Revolution - Mbuyiselo carrying the limp body of Hector Pietersen among the first victims shot by the police at the start of the students march in 1976

Already Soweto's attractions, the former Power Station signifies and Marks-out Soweto for tourist and is also now a famous landmark.

Already Soweto's attractions, the former Power Station signifies and Marks-out Soweto for tourist and is also now a famous landmark.

Forced Removals in Apartheid South Africa

Forced Removals in Apartheid South Africa

Known Hostels, built for migrant workers and built throughout Soweto. Only men were allowed in these premises

Known Hostels, built for migrant workers and built throughout Soweto. Only men were allowed in these premises

The Regina Mundi Church in the Township of Rockville in Soweto, south Africa. This church became a symbol of resistance during the Apartheid era

The Regina Mundi Church in the Township of Rockville in Soweto, south Africa. This church became a symbol of resistance during the Apartheid era

The Map of SOWETO's Townships

The Map of SOWETO's Townships

South Africa has a vast and advanced network of Highways and this sign on the the Golden Highway, which partly passes through Soweto in a tangent

South Africa has a vast and advanced network of Highways and this sign on the the Golden Highway, which partly passes through Soweto in a tangent

Newly introduced WesBank Street Race with drivers from different categories racing the 2.2 KM 'L-Shaped track along the Chris Hani Road (Opp. the UJ Campus) and Nicholas Street. 20,000 attended

Newly introduced WesBank Street Race with drivers from different categories racing the 2.2 KM 'L-Shaped track along the Chris Hani Road (Opp. the UJ Campus) and Nicholas Street. 20,000 attended

A View of the City of Johannesburg in South Africa

A View of the City of Johannesburg in South Africa

Part of Soweto's Sprawl

Part of Soweto's Sprawl

Newly rebuilt Orlando East Stadium, in one of Soweto's Oldest Township known as Orlando East, near the City of Johannesburg

Newly rebuilt Orlando East Stadium, in one of Soweto's Oldest Township known as Orlando East, near the City of Johannesburg

FNB or Soccer City City modelled like an African Calabash being prepared for 2010 next to Soweto Highway

FNB or Soccer City City modelled like an African Calabash being prepared for 2010 next to Soweto Highway

Jan Van Riebeeck with the Khoi/San 1652

Jan Van Riebeeck with the Khoi/San 1652

Nazis in South Africa

Nazis in South Africa

Checking an African's pass: South African Apartheid Pass Laws

Checking an African's pass: South African Apartheid Pass Laws

Last Boer War

Last Boer War

Afrikaner WeerstaandBeweging(Afrikaner Resistance Movement) AWB

Afrikaner WeerstaandBeweging(Afrikaner Resistance Movement) AWB

South African AWB Nazi Sign

South African AWB Nazi Sign

Vooertrekker Hoogte Boer/Afrikaner Museum commemorating the Great Trek, in Pretoria

Vooertrekker Hoogte Boer/Afrikaner Museum commemorating the Great Trek, in Pretoria

Dr. Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd  said: We call ourselves Europeans, but Actually we represent the white men of Africa!

Dr. Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd said: We call ourselves Europeans, but Actually we represent the white men of Africa!

The Hector Pietersen Museum in Orlando West, Soweto, South Africa

The Hector Pietersen Museum in Orlando West, Soweto, South Africa

South Africa's 2010 World Cup Stadiums

South Africa's 2010 World Cup Stadiums

The now transformed Orlando Power station in Orlando, Soweto, into a tourist attraction symbol

The now transformed Orlando Power station in Orlando, Soweto, into a tourist attraction symbol

Welcome to Soweto Sign in Soweto, South Africa

Welcome to Soweto Sign in Soweto, South Africa

Nelson  Rolihlahla Madiba Mandela holding a model of the World Cup

Nelson Rolihlahla Madiba Mandela holding a model of the World Cup

The provinces throughout South Africa where the stadiums for the World Cup will be held fro June 11 to July 11

The provinces throughout South Africa where the stadiums for the World Cup will be held fro June 11 to July 11

Soweto Tennis Open paid in the newly revamped Arthur Ashe Stadium inside the bowels of Soweto

Soweto Tennis Open paid in the newly revamped Arthur Ashe Stadium inside the bowels of Soweto

Squatters seen here erecting their ramshackle shack house which Mpanza found deplorable and went out to fight against

Squatters seen here erecting their ramshackle shack house which Mpanza found deplorable and went out to fight against

Apartheid's Forced Removals

Boer Nazis

Boer Nazis

The Vulture Culture: The Changing Mzatnsi....

Nazism Apartheid Style

Early White Settlers and Separate Development

The Europeans attitude toward the Africans can be traced back to the arrival of White settlers in South Africa. Van Riebeeck and his and his crew on the orders of the Dutch East India Company in 1652, they were too keep their establishment as small as possible to limit it to a refreshment station which could service ships passing by on their way to India. The remnants of he hedge built by Van Riebeeck marking the outer limits of the station can still be discerned in the botanical gardens at Kirstenbosch, Cape Town.

After five years, the Dutch East India Company allowed to set up as independent colonists, and this was when the White Supremacist mentality was created. M. F. Katzens writes: "Slaves were imported on a small scale from the beginning of the settlement and they gradually became part of the permanent feature of the settled new White society; also, this happened once private agriculture was part of the south-west of the Cape colony."

Whites and the Khoi exchanged cattle and goods; smallpox and other epidemics caused great mortality; some groups retreated inland, and accepted the Dutch Company's authority. In 1785, the San, who had lost their hunting lands and game, that this resulted in a guerrilla warfare between the San and the settlers. The displacement of the Khoi, some of them were incorporated into the new society as servile dependents of the white farmers as herdsmen, domestic servants. As the cultural barriers broke down in the Cape, due to widespread miscegenation between whites, slaves, and the Khoi Khoi, this gave rise to the emergence of the Cape Colored people.

The attitude of the White settlers toward the indigenous and the slaves, was unhealthy that Van Riebeeck's successor, Wagenaar, issued and instruction in 1662: "The Hottentots(Khoi) and the Capemans, with whom a free access has been hitherto allowed, shall still continue to enjoy the same; and you will on no account suffer them, out of wantonness, or upon trifling causes, to be called by the garrison, the cattle herds, or the sailors, 'black stinking dogs', still less to be kicked, pushed or beaten..."

According to historical account, the expression "black stinking dogs" originated with Van Riebeeck himself. Professor C. W. Kiewiet has this to say about the attitude of the colonists towards the locals: 'According to their belief it was more than their arms that made them prevail over the natives, and their superiority depended on more than their intelligence or their institutions.'

Their superiority was born of race and faith, a quality divinely given which could not be transmitted to other races or acquired by them. 'The stinking black dogs', as van Riebeeck already called them, suffered from an inferiority, predestined and irreparable, which fixed their place in a society of white men.

A Hundred years after Jan Van Riebeeck landed in the Cape, the colonists, who came to be known as the Afrikaners or Boers, evolved their way of life in isolation. They lived a life of subsistence, not much different from the life of the local inhabitants, but they developed self-sufficient and independence of outlook contradicted by the slave ownership.

Their life was grim, and were facing a multitude of human and natural obstacles. The Bible was their anchor and faith, but otherwise lived a bleak existence. Economically they had their place in the field, and the kitchen; socially and politically they stood outside the circle of the rights and privileges of white men; even legally they existed in an ambiguous region between law and the arbitrary will of their master. This has remained the attitude to present day 21 century South Africa.

The history of South Africa, since 1652 has undergone more changes than al of which cannot be talked about in this limited article. But it should be borne in mind that the British and the Afrikaners relationship was antagonistic and in constant opposition. Trade, cheap labor and land were some of the most contested issues of the day. W. M. Freund wrote:

"The Final transfer from Dutch to British rule did not in itself precipitate a revolution in government.

"The reformist impulses of the Early British and Batavian administration were so submerged by the wight of established Cape practice to the extent that by 1814, the transitional governments had simply reaffirmed the essentials of Cape social structure as it had existed prior to 1795. In 1814, Lord Charles Somerset assumed office as governor of the Cape. It was his misfortune to govern the Cape at the time when the new social forces generated in a rapidly industrializing Great Britain engulfed the colony, sweeping aside not only

"Somerset but the entrenched power of local oligarchy and the established rhythms of the local economy. The couple explosion of the 1820 Settlers at the periphery of the colony and the 'revolution in government' at its center reverberated far beyond the borders of the Cape, exposing the peoples of the interior to a dual invasion by the British Settlers, apostles of free enterprise and free trade, and the Afrikaner Voortrekkers, bearers of a racial ideology precipitated on a system of coerced labor."

The Commission of Eastern Inquiry in 1822 investigated all aspects of Cape Administration and make specific recommendations for regulation and practical improvement. This Commission recommended that creation of an Independent legal system to guard against both arbitrary misuse of power and erase corruption within the ranks of administration.

They sought to create an efficient civil service able to overcome the inequities associated with the patronage system. They also wanted to remove the last of the economic restraint associated with the old mercantile system, and to stimulate prosperity through free enterprise. Given personal liberties and security of property, it was hoped that the Khoikhoi would eventually become 'industrious framers and respectable members of the community.(Barrow)

The Great Trek was a name given to the deliberate immigration from the Cape by some 15,000 Afrikaners, almost all of them came from the eastern districts , and were moving into the interior where they could search and find a place to go into the interior where they could govern themselves according to the "old Burgher" and regulations and duties. Their recommendations towards the Anglicization of the colony was lined to the first two recommendations, and their recommendations with regard to the Khoikhoi were lined with the third recommendations.

The Commissioners considered the servile conditions of the Khoi and free Africans further inhibited their energies towards frivolous pursuits. The Commission concluded that, by restraining free competition, the existing system drove up the prices of provision and prevented growth of the internal market, limited economic demand of the colonist to the acquirement of a few articles of the first necessity and deprived the Cape of the solid Prosperity of a thriving and industrious population.(RCC, Reports).

By the early 1830s the new land and labor regulations, imperfectly enforced though they may have been, were beginning to bite,and the more astute amongst the Afrikaners were able to predict their loss of control already. Sentiments for the great Trek were founded on statements made by the Afrikaners such as tis one: "Now we have a Civil Commissioner to receive our money fro Government and for Land Surveyors, a magistrate to punish us, a Clerk of the Peace to prosecute us, and get us in the "Tronk"[prison], but no Heemraad to tell us whether things are right or wrong ... The Englishman is very learned ... They and the Hottentots will squeeze us all out by degrees."(Stockenstrom)

The Trek

The fact of the radical shift in colonial policy through the recommendations of the Commissioners of Inquiry, raises no doubts that the immigration of the Afrikaners was a response to certain specific policies of the colonial government rather than an Afrikaner reaction to British rule or a response to the breakdown of black and white relations on the Eastern Frontier.

Either than the Slagters(Slaughters) Neck Rebellion in 1815, the Afrikaners were satisfied with the English government. But After 1828, in the critical areas of labor, land and local administration,The Commission's 'revolution in government' overturned Somerset's practices and installed a new system inimical to the needs of the Afrikaner. This was at a time when the farmers, squeezed by depression and tempted by the new goods offered by the settler traders, needed their laborers, and it was at the time when the colonial government intervened and freed this labor from the involuntary servitude.

The colonists had always been resentful of authority, and they disliked it doubly if the authority was British. The manifesto of the Trekker leader Piet Retief, giving reasons why his party intended to leave the Cape , whilst proclaiming "we will take care that no one is brought into a condition of slavery; we will establish such regulations as may suppress crime and preserve proper relations between master and servant ...

We will complain of the severe losses which we have been forced to sustain by emancipation of our slaves, and the vexatious laws which have been enacted respecting them." R.E. Simons goes on to point out that: "Few settlers in the Cape accepted the humanitarian's ideal of racial equality. Emancipation opened a new stage in the relations between White and Colored; but it did not revolutionize the society or abolish discrimination.

The fact that the British government was unwilling to make land grants to Afrikaners whereas it was more than generous to make land grants to British Settlers and Khoikhoi caused widespread resentment in the district, and the practical steps towards slave emancipation proved the last straw. A man called Louis Trichardt and thirty other families of his district sold their property and left the colony vowing never to come back.

Trichardt was eventually given 12,000 morgen of land by a Xhosa King called Hintsa. There's suspicion by the British that Trichardt supplied Hintsa with fire arms. A guy named Christian Muller suggested that the Boers(Afrikaners) side with the Xhosas against the Boers.(Muller). It is interesting to note that the Son of Trichardt, was willing to remain under the sovereign of the Xhosa King, but the other emigrants could not accept the equalization of the colored and Africans and the whites.

Piet Retief, another Boer leader said that:

"The Afrikaner were neither willing nor able to change our color for the sake of temporary happiness. Anna Steenkamp declared that placing slaves on an equal footing with 'Christians' was 'contrary to the laws of God and the natural distinction of race and religion.' The Constitution of the later South African Republic[Transvaal] proclaimed that "The people desire to permit no equality between colored people and the white inhabitants either in church or state."(E. Eybers)

The Dutch desire to be rid of the British was also prompted by their wish to own slaves, to be able to discriminate between White and Non-White, to re-establish the patriarchal relationship between master and servant, which had existed from the time of Riebeeck and was being destroyed forever in the Cape. The Boers recreated new republics of the orange Free State and Transvaal.

This enabled the Afrikaners to fashion a life-style for themselves and their old ways. The Boer Republics eventually set up by the Trekkers were based on constitutions which permitted of "no equality between colored people and the White inhabitants, either in Sate or Church. The Boer President of the Transvaal colony, Paul Kruger, insisted as strenuously as Riebeeck and Reties that, "The black man had to be taught that he came second, that he belonged to the inferior class which must obey and learn.

The British crushed similar attempt in Natal because they wanted to control the port of Durban. The British regularly harassed the Boer Republics and were always intervening. The British annexed the Transvaal in 1877 and these lashes ultimately led to the First War of Independence by the Boers in 1880. But the discovery of diamonds in Kimberley in 1867, and gold in the Transvaal, Witwatersrand area in 1886 transformed the British Imperialist attitude towards south Africa.

The shoe of South Africa suddenly became a land of opportunity for the entrepreneurs, profit, Capital, adventurers who made their way into the diggings and the mines. In 1899 this led to the Second War of Independence. The British committed some war atrocities against the Boers who were fighting to preserve their freedom, their language, their possessions, their racial supremacy, their very existence as an independent people. The British won the war, but it was very expensive and the Boers signed the Peace of Vereeniging.

The occupation of the Boer states, Transvaal and the Orange Free State. At the end British concentration Camps held 200,000 Boers in segregated Camp and 80,000 Africans. It has been speculated that more than 26,000 women and children perished in the camps… In the war itself 6,000 Boers were killed and 22,000 British soldiers died. In the 1900s talks were held to form a union. The Union of south Africa was set up in 1910 with each of the four provinces with special policies where non-whites were concerned.

The union was under the British and was a member of the Commonwealth. The union's first prime minister was a former Boer War general Louis Botha a moderate Boer who wanted to cooperate with the British. The first parliament, meeting in 1913, set up 'tribal reserves' and formally prohibited and prohibited Africans - except those in the Cape - from buying land outside them.

The new law forced thousands to pack their belongings and move off the farms they thought they owned. Black at that time were 78% of the population; the reserves made up just slightly more than 7% of the land. Alan Paton described in Cry the Beloved Country the disastrous effects of this policy in on the land in the African Areas:

"To many cattle feed upon the grass, and too many fires have burned it. Stand shod upon it is coarse and sharp, and the stones cut under the feet …

"The great red hills stand desolate, and the earth has torn away like flesh. The lightning flashes over them, the clouds pour down upon them, the dead streams come to life, full of red blood or the earth. Down in the valleys women scratch the soil that is left, and the maize hardly reaches the height of a man."

The South African Reich

"The history of the Afrikaner reveals a determination and a definiteness of purpose which make one feel that Afrikanerdom is not the work of man but a creation of God. We have a Divine right to be Afrikaners. Our history is the highest work of art of the architects of the Centuries" by D. F. Malan. And this is what Hitler wrote in the Mein Kampf: "It was the Aryan alone who founded a superior type of humanity; therefore he represents the archetype of what we understand by the term: MAN. ... It was not by mere chance that the first forms of civilization arose there where the Aryan came into contact with inferior races, subjugated them ad forced them to obey his command."

The Nationalist Party underwent a considerable change during its years wandering in the wilderness. It became more bitter, more exclusive, more aggressive — and it gained steadily in strength. I began to work not only the political realm, it put a great effort into extra-parliamentary activities, social and economic sphere. The paid attention to the all development of the Afrikaner people, to church affairs and social welfare, work among the growing army of the poor whites, to education, sports, culture, trade and industry.

The guiding force of this nationalist spirit was a secret society know as the Broederbond, formed in 1918 and maintained an open existence until 1924, then it went underground. In 1944 its membership was estimated to be at 2,672, as given by the Nederduitse Reformed Church's Rev. de Vos as follows: 357 clergymen, 2,039 teachers, 905 farmers, 159 lawyers, and 60 Members of Parliament. By the 1960s it had grown to 7,000 members. Its modus operandi was to coordinate activities among Afrikaners and to ensure that Broederbonders are placed in key positions which can then be utilized for the advancement of the Volk.

Mrs Janie Malherbe described the forces that were at work in the 1930s Broederbond as follows:

"This terrifying, octopus-like grip on the South African way of life was made possible by reorganizing the Broederbond on the pattern of Hitler's highly successful Nazi State, complete with Fuehrer, Gauleiters, group and cell leaders, spread in a sinister network over the whole of South Africa.

"This was initially planned by high-ranking Nationalist and two Stellenbosch students who were sent to Germany, at Nazi expense, to study the Nazi cell system. The man who planned this consultation with the then Nationalist leader, Dr. Malan was Graf von Durckheim Montamartin."

Montmartin was sent to South Africa by the Nazi government in 1934 to attend an educational conference, but in reality, he was to consult secretly with the Broederbond elders, attempting to ensure that South Africa would side with Germany in the war which Hitler was about to be involved in. Mrs. Malherbe reports:

"The immediate result of his visit was the reorganization of the Nationalist Broederbond on the Nazi system, the main difference being that where Hitler re-invoked the rites of the German Pagan Gods to promote his ideologies, the Nationalists Broederbond declared that their plan of complete domination of white South Africa, and absolute subjugation of the non-whites, was an implementation of South Africa's God-given destiny.

This was a clever ruse, for by its means, the powerful Dutch Reformed Churches could be roped in." a speech by Hertzog was reported in the Star newspaper in 1935 where he described the Broerbond by stating that:

"It's members were a grave menace to the rest and peace of our social community, even where it operates in the economic-cultural sphere. It's members are sworn not to entertain any cooperation with the English speaking population and thereby they stand in direct racial conflict with our fellow English Afrikaners, and are striving by way of domination on the part of the Afrikaans-speaking section to put their foot on the neck of English-speaking South Africa. I.M. Lombard wrote several articles in the Transvaaler newspaper in 1944 wherein he stipulated seven ideals for which the Broederbond was striving for:

(1) The removal of everything in conflict with South Africa 's full international independence;

(2) the ending of the inferiority of the Afrikaans-speaking and their language in the organization of the State;

(3) separation of all non-White races in South Africa, leaving them free to pursue independent development under the guardianship of Whites;

(4) putting a stop to the exploitation of the resources and population of South Africa by strangers, including the more intensive industrial development;

(5) the rehabilitation of the farming community and the assurance of civilized self-support through work for all White citizens;

(6) the nationalization of the money market and the systematic coordination of economic policies;

(7) the Afrikanerization of public life and teaching and education in a Christian-National spirit. while leaving free the internal development of all sections in so far as it is not dangerous to the State. Dr Malan warned that: "The Broederbond was nothing more than a non-political Afrikaans society which, where necessary, will take action for Afrikaans interests and will positively help up the Afrikaner, just as there are many societies, each in its own sphere.

In 1944 General Smuts banned the membership of the Broederbond by civil servants and called it 'a dangerous, cunning, political Fascist Organization'. So far, we are beginning to see the roughened outline of the creation and makings of Apartheid demonic policies as we go to know it in the World over up to today.

As this article has consistently pointed out that since the 1700s to the present day the Boers or Afrikaners, have worked very hard to cling to their beliefs and ideal social structure which according to them was preserving their racial purity, dominance, their language and the subjugation of all those that were non-White.

The Nationalist Party had been waiting for this time since the Great Trek to the forming of the Union of south Africa until the Nationalist take-over of the governance of South Africa. Now the Afrikaners were in a position to implement their Apartheid rule when they took power in 1948.

Grand Apartheid

The real architect of Apartheid was Hendrik Verwoerd, who too was one of those Boers who went to Germany in the mid 1920s where he studied psychology and whilst there he had close contact with the architects of Naziism. When he returned to south Africa,he became a professor of psychology in the exclusively Afrikaner university of Stellenbosch. In 1937, has appointed as the first editor of the newly formed Afrikaner Nationalist mouthpiece, Die Transvaaler newspaper, by Jan Strijdom, a leading Afrikaner figure.

In one of his first editorial, Verwoerd stated: "Both in Italy and in Germany, the systems have done much that is good for these countries, although of course they are not without fault ... The Nationalists would be very remiss if they did not study the conditions existing in Europe, where new methods of state organization and new objectives are born out of the pressures of nation building."

This word, Apartheid, was first used in parliament by in January of 1944, which, according to Dr. Malan, "It meant to ensure the safety of the white race and of Christian civilization by the hones maintenance of the principles of apartheid and guardianship.

In 1947 The Nationalist Party appointed a commission whose conclusions were issued by the Head Office of the National Party. It said:

"The policy of our country should encourage total apartheid as the ultimate goal of a natural process of separate development. It is the primary task and calling of the State to seek the welfare of south Africa, and to promote the happiness and well-being of it's citizens, non-White as well as White."

Realizing that such a task can best be accomplished by preserving and safeguarding the White Race. The Nationalist Party professes this as the fundamental guiding principle of its policy. Dr. Malan as Prime Minister put his apartheid belief in this manner:

"The purpose of the Apartheid policy is that, by separating the races in every field in so far as it is practically possible, one can prevent clashes and friction between Whites and non-Whites.

"At the same time, in fairness to the non-Whites, they must be given the opportunity of developing in their own areas and in accordance with their own nature and abilities under the guardianship of the Whites; and, in so far as they develop in accordance with the systems which are best adapted to their nature and traditions, to govern themselves there and serve their community at all various levels of their national life."

Apartheid Vitriol

Dr. Frensch Verwoerd

Mr Strijdom was succeeded by Dr. Verwoerd, who, as has been noted above, was the architect of Grand Apartheid described the apartheid policy on his visit to London 1961 as follows: "We want each of our population groups to control and govern itself as is the case with other nations. Then all can co-operate as in a commonwealth — in an economic association with the Republic and with each other ... South Africa will proceed in all honest and fairness to secure peace, prosperity and justice for all by means of political independence coupled with economic interdependence."

And then Dr. Verwoerd speaking in the House of Assembly in January 1963 said:

"Reduced to it\s simplest form the problem is nothing else than this: We want to keep South Africa White ... 'keeping it white' can only mean one thing, namely, White domination, not 'leadership,' not 'guidance,' but 'control,' 'supremacy'. If we are agreed that it is the desire of the people that the White man should be able to continue to protect himself by retaining White domination, we say that it can be achieved by separate development. South African nationhood is for the Whites only. That is how I see it, that is how he will see it for the future." (addition mine) Dr. Verwoerd, as Prime Minister, went on ahead and instituted the apartheid blueprint.

Dr. Verwoerd's policy of separate Development was supposedly an effort to "for a peaceful multicultural society," with each society or community exercising its right of political and economical self-determination, so argue the apologists of Apartheid today. In fact Verwoerd was responsible for African genocide in hospitals, Technikons, building of homelands, brutal and burdensome taxes on Africans, enforcement of the most outrageous segregated and poor type of education anywhere in the world for African South Africans.

White South Africans today still maintain the fallacy and lie that, Africans in South Africa and in particular, in the Black Homelands, were economically and educationally more developed than Free African states of Africa during the dark days of Apartheid. And white in South Africa are now maintaining that these Apartheidized Bantu Education centered schools were the training grounds for todays black leaders. What in fact this sorry intellectual racists are saying, is that what Apartheid under Verwoerd did, was benefit Africans today. In one of the internet apologetic sites for Apartheid, one reads the following which is from this site- notmytribe.com/tag/genocide:

... The development corporations have been disbanded, (Not because of disinvestment of Apartheid-my addition) and the estates have been allowed to go to ruin. Millions of jobless and roofless people are flocking to the cities and towns and live in abject poverty conditions in tin shacks, posing serious health and security problems in[?] breeding grounds for crime....

A high prize paid for a "Simplistic Democratic System," now recognized by those familiar with the situation as a majoritarian tyranny(meaning, the authoritative rule of Nazi apartheid was the best for "Simplistic majoritarian Democracy"?!?!) An untenable social engineering process of nation building in a country with its deep historical ethnic fault line(well, nicely put: Blame the victims of apartheid abuse as they try to resuscitate their decimated people, and call them a majority of tyranny and bad social engineering).

Afrikaners are a crucial element to ensure the development of South Africa and the African Continent. (Well,... this is interesting because this is the Verwoerdian principle and nothing is new here, except the rehashing of old and tired Apartheid philosophy which has decimated the African population and no one has been held accountable.)

I am going to write a hub on these issues and expose the hidden and shredded history of Apartheid abuse of Africans and the consequences thereof today. This is the type of trite rhetoric that flourishes in today's media and blogs within South Africa, and it is time it is now exposed.

Prime Minister Vorster, in a speech he gave on the radio in September 1966, after he came into power following the assassination of Verwoerd, said:

"I believe in the policy of separate development, not only as a philosophy but also as the only practical solution in the interest of everyone to eliminate frictions, and to do justice to every population group as well as every individual. I say to the colored people, as well as to the Indians and the Bantu(Indigenous Africans) that the policy of separate development is not a policy which rests upon jealousy, fear or hatred. It is not a denial of the human dignity to anyone, nor is it so intended.

"On the contrary, it gives the opportunity to every individual, within his own sphere, not only to be a man or woman in every sense, but it also creates the opportunity for them to develop and advance without restriction or frustration as circumstances justify, and in accordance with the demands of development achieved." This is what the whole rule and policies of apartheid is all about - It means a life of privilege and plenty for the Whites, based on the exploitation of cheap African labor.

"This fact can only be perpetuated through white domination becomes apparent whenever Nationalist Party leaders speak to their supporters. Mr Strijdom said that their policy is that the European must stand their ground and must remain Baas in South Africa. If we reject the Herrenvolk idea and the principle and the idea that the White man cannot remain Baas, if the franchise is to be extended to the non-Europeans, and if the Africans are given representation and the vote and the Africans are developed on the same basis as the Europeans, how can the European remain Baas ... Our view is that in every sphere the Europeans must retain the right to rule the country and to 'keep it a White man's country'."

Ever since 1948, The Nationalist Part propounded the policy of separate development, and they designed an economy that is more dependent on Black labor. They planned on converting this Black labor into a migratory labor force, this was in order to prevent a permanently settled Black proletariat o the midst of White-dominated society.

This then became the raison d'être for the creation of the policy of Bantustan, of homelands, of border industries, of the pass laws,of the Group Areas Act and the mass movement of Africans for one area to the other: in this case they were removing Africans living next to white areas, or lands that Whites coveted, which they called the "Black Spots".

The mythical creation of a 'native state somewhere for Natives' was perpetuated as their possible moral justification for the maintenance of White domination over the rest of the country, and all the areas dubbed White South Africa, which is were the riches of the Country are concentrated. The Afrikaners began legislating for separate development and making apartheid a reality.

South African Concentration Camp Laws

Draconian Legislature

Today there are more or less than 40 million South Africans, and, as has been noted above throughout their history, the Afrikaners has not yet ever envisaged that they will ever Constitute one nation, even though today there is talk about South Africa being a rainbow nation. The whites panned it such that economically there is a pyramid that has Whites at the apex, coloreds and Asians in the middle, and Africans at the bottom. On the political and social front, the different races must never meet, and they instituted impenetrable legal and physical boundaries, imponderable force of custom barriers. Here is a list of some of the laws set and passed by the Nationalist Party in laying down a secure and slid foundation for the Apartheid State:


Asiatic Laws Amendment Act: Withdrew Indian Representation in Parliament. What scare the whites was the actual voting strength of the whole non-white people, if the principle of non-White franchise were permitted, and educational policies were extended to the whole South African population.

Electoral Laws Amendment Act: Made stringent the conditions for registering. This was done by the Nationalist to strengthened its position amongst White voters, and the vote was extended to persons of eighteen years and over. By 1951 the Afrikaner birth rate was one-third that of the British, with the median Afrikaner age being twenty-three, compared with thirty for the English speaking people.


Citizenship Act: Lengthened the period of residence to five years for British subjects and six for aliens before South African citizenship could be granted. This act also provided for withdrawal of acquired citizenship by the Minister of Interior under certain circumstances.

Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act: This law made marriages between White and non-Whites illegal. If a person lived in South Africa married a person of mixed descent outside South Africa, the marriage was to be voided in South Africa.

Asiatic Land Tenure Amendment Act: All who made less than one hundred and eighty-two pounds a year(the majority of African workers), and all migratory workers, irrespective of earnings, were excluded. By another further Amendment, the income eligibility was raised from one hundred and eighty-two pounds to two hundred and seventy-three pounds in 1957.

Native Laws Amendment Act: This act create a special labor bureaux, not to benefit workers, but to restrict the flow of African workers to the cities and towns, to make certain that abundant labor is always available for the mines and the farms.

Asiatic Land Tenure Amendment Act: Gave strength to stopping Indian "penetration" of urban areas in Natal and Transvaal, prevented Indian "penetration" of the Cape. This was a law that prohibited Indians in the Orange Free State and South West Africa.

South-West Africa Affairs Amendment . This act provided for the representation of South-West Africa's White citizens in the South African Parliament.


Population Registration Act: They established a racial register of the population compiled by the 1951 census. The population was classified into Europeans,Colored Peoples and Africans. Some difficulties arose, whereby dark-looking people who have never been classified as White, and light-skinned people who have been officially classified as non-Whites. This law was bound to fail because it wanted to keep the White community White.

Suppression of Communism Act: This was an act the Nationalist utilized to attack civil liberties of all sections of the population, communist or non-Communists. This meant any doctrine or scheme that was establishing despotic system of governance based on the dictatorship of the proletariat; a scheme that aims bringing about any political, industrial, social or economic change within the Union through threat and promotion of disturbances and disorder. An organization which aims at the encouragement and feelings of hostility against Europeans and non-Europeans of the Union calculated to further the achievement of dictatorship, and so on.

Immorality Amendment Act: This act prohibited illicit carnal intercourse between White and non-White(the original one in 1927 Act prohibited intercourse only between White and African). This act condoned immorality between people of the same race, but converts it into a criminal offense from the moment that the race groups are different.

Group Areas Act. The act established racial ghettoes which required ownership and occupation of land was restricted to a specific population group. To achieve racial separation, hundreds of thousands of people had to give up their homes and move to areas designated by the regime. The aim to remove non-Whites from the central areas they have lived in for centuries and to settle them in segregated areas far away from the cities and towns. There have been reports of many cases of suicide by many Africans whose homes and savings have been threatened by the Application of the act

Privy Councils Appeals Act: The act abolished the right of appeal to the Privy Council from the South African courts.


Separate Representation of Voters Act: This Act provided for the removal of colored voters from the common roll.

Bantu Authorities Act: The establishment of 'tribal,' regional and territorial Bantu Authorities in the reserves(later, the homelands). These 'Bantu' authorities are not elected by a popular mandate, but are appointed by, also, dismissed by the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development. The word had come to be in use from black being called "Kaffirs," "Natives". "Bantus," up to "Plurals" in south Africa.

Native Building Workers' Act: This act provided for training and registration of Africans as skilled building workers, but for work in African Areas alone. This law prohibits Africans from working as odd-jobbers in urban areas, while whites are prohibited from placing any contract with an African builder.

Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act: This act prohibited anyone entering upon any land or building, or any African location, or village without permission. Under this law, millions of so-called illegal-squatters were ordered to remove themselves, the structures or buildings erected by them, eventually destroyed by the regime.


Criminal Sentences Amendment Act: Under this act, certain offenses, including robbery and house-breaking with intent to commit an offense, were entered to whipping not exceeding ten strokes, with or without imprisonment, and the courts were empowered to suspend the sentence in whole or in part. The criminal Procedure Amendment Act was introduced in 1965 wherein compulsory whipping was stopped, and corporal punishment was restored into the courts .

High Court of Parliament: This act was passed in order to assist in the removal of colored voters from the common role.

Natives (Abolition of passes and Coordination of Documents) Act. Its fanciful name does not hide the fact that the consolidation of passes into single document to be known as the reference book and issued to all Africans over the age of sixteen. As these books are issue, finger prints are taken and recorded in a central bureau. The reference or pass book was to be carried on the person of the holder and produced on demand, failing which the offender maybe arrested on the spot. Under this Act, African women have been subjected to the pass for the first time through passage of this Act.

Native Laws Amendment Act: This Act provided that no African would be permitted to remain in an urban area for longer than seventy-two hours without permit unless he had been born and was permanently resident there.

The Native Services Levy Act: This Act was laid down that urban employers of male Africans aged eighteen year and over should pay to the local authority a levy of 2s.6d. a week for the provision and maintenance of water, sanitation, lighting, or road services outside an African township.


Bantu Education Act: The education of Africans was transferred Bantu Education, not to the Union Department of Education, but from the provinces to the Department of Native Affairs in 1953. The Act contained no details of the type of education to be purveyed. But Dr. Verwoerd provided its blue print by stating thus: "Racial relations cannot improve if the wrong type of education is given to the Natives."

They cannot improve if the result of Native education is the creation of a frustrated people who, as a result of the education they received, have expectations in life which circumstances in South Africa do not allow to be fulfilled immediately, when it creates people who are trained for professions not open to them, when there are people who have received a form of cultural training which strengthens their desire for white-collar occupations to such an extent that there are more such people than openings available.

Therefore, good race relations are spoilt when the correct education is not given. Above all, good racial relations cannot exist when the education is given under control of people who create wrong expectations on the part of the Native himself, if such people believe in a policy of equity, if, let me say, for example, a Communist gives his training to the 'natives.'

Such a person will, by the very nature of the education he gives, both as regards the content of that education and as regards its spirit, create expectations in the minds of the Bantu(Africans) Which clash with the possibilities of this country. It is therefore necessary that Native Education should be controlled in such a way that it should be in accord with the policy of the state.

In a later statement, Dr. Verwoerd elucidated what he was saying above as follows:

"I just want to remind Hon. Members that if the native in South Africa today in any kind of school in existence is being taught to expect that he will live his adult life under a policy of equal rights, his is making a big mistake." This law gave the Minister powers to decide what the content of African education should be, and classroom conduct must be approved by the Minister's permission."

In 1954, Verwoerd said:

"The general aims of Bantu Education Act is to transform education for natives into Bantu Education. A Bantu pupil must obtain knowledge, skills, attitudes which will be useful and advantageous to him and at the same time beneficial to his community … The school must equip him to meet the demand which the economic life in South Africa will impose on him... There is no place for him [the Bantu] in the European community above the level of certain forms of labor....

"For that reason, it is of no avail for him to receive a training which has as its aim absorption in the European community. ... Until now he has been subject to a school system which drew him away for his own community and misled him by showing him the green pastures of European society in which he is not allowed to graze. What is the use of teaching a bantu child mathematics when it cannot use it in practice? ...

"That is absurd. Education is not after all something that hangs up in the air. Education must train and teach people in accordance with the opportunities in life. ... It is therefore necessary that native education should be controlled in such a way that it should be in accordance with the policy of the State."

Verwoerd believed that Bantu teachers must be integrated as active agents in the development of the Bantu community. The black teacher must not try to rise above is community, and must not be integrated into the White community. A whole new Hub is going to be dedicated to Bantu Education in South Africa, wherein we will full explore the ramification and changes brought about by this type of educational system.

Immigration Regulation Amendment Act: This Act permit or public vehicle to reserve such charged any person in charge of any public premises or vehicle for the exclusive use of any race or class. The doctrine of separate by unequal was inshrined in South African Law.

Native labor(Settlement of Disputes) Act: This Act outlawed strikes by African Workers and established a complicated machinery for the settlement of industrial disputes involving Africans.

Criminal Law Amendment Act: This law prescribed very severe penalties for the breaking of any law as a political protest.

Public Safety Act: Provided for rule by decree in an emergency.


Natives Resettlement Act: This provided for the establishment of a Resettlement Board to undertake the forcible removal of 57,000 Africans from Sophiatown, Martinadale, Newclare and Pageview, the so-called 'black spots' in the western area of central Johannesburg, to Meadowlands and Diepkloof,over ten miles south west of the city of Johannesburg. The population of this western area was taken on military lines at gun-point. The Afrikaners, to mark their conquest of Sophiatown they renamed it 'Triomf'(Triumph). These areas became what is known as "Soweto," today .

Native Trust and Land Amendment Ac t This removed the obligation on the government to find alternative land for displaced squatters, approximately over one million people.

Riotous Assemblies and Suppression of Communism Amendment Act: It removed the ones on the Minister to give hearing to any person he proposed to ban, and rendered all 'named' Communists ineligible for election to Parliament or Provincial Councils.

South-West Africa Native Affairs Administration Act. The Act transferred the administration of African Affairs in South-West Africa from the Administrator of the territory to the South African Minister of Native Affairs.


Departure from the Union Regulation Act: This Act laid down that no South African over the age of sixteen years should leave the Union unless in possession of a valid passport or permit, and those who criticized the government policies had their passport withdrawn.

Appellate Division Quorum Act: It enlarged the Appeal Court and qualified its right to pronounce on the validity of Act of Parliament.

Senate Act: Enlarged the Senate to facilitate the passage of the Separate Representation of votersBill.

Criminal Procedure and evidence Amendment Act. This empowered the police to enter and search premises without a warrant. In the debate about this measure, the Minister of Justice made it clear that the Bill was aimed at extra-parliamentary political opposition.

Natives (Urban Areas) Amendment Act: The Act prohibited owners of buildings in an urban area from allowing more than five Africans to reside in any one building at any time except with special permission from the Minister of Native Affairs. The Act was aimed domestic servants housed at the top of blocks of flats. It's estimated that 20,000 Africans, in Johannesburg alone, had to move out and were expected to pay increased rent and the transport costs of their removal.

Motor Carrier Transportation Amendment Act. The National Transport Board or local boards were given the power to enforce apartheid on transport services.

Criminal Procedure Act: It extended the powers of the police to kill someone suspected of committing an offense who was fleeing or resisting arrest.


Industrial Conciliation Act. This Act provided for the splitting of the trade union movement on racial lines and for the reservation of jobs on a racial basis.

Native Amendment Act: Permitted the banishment orders to be served without prior notice to the person concerned.

Natives (Prohibition of Interdicts) Act: Laid down that , when an African was in receipt of a removal or banishment order, no court may issue and interdict which would have the effect of suspending execution, or suspend the order until the outcome of review proceedings or an appeal. The African - even if he were the wrong man and had had a notice served on him by mistake — was to remove himself first and argue his case afterwards, even though irreparable damage might have been caused to him and his family.

Natives (Urban Areas) Amendment Act: This Act empowered an urban local authority — if it considered the presence of any African under its jurisdiction to be detrimental to the maintenance of peace and order. The Act was specifically aimed at so-called 'political agitators'.

South Africa Act Amendment Act: Revalidated the separate Representation of voters Act of 1951.

Riotous Assembly Act: Consolidated the laws relating to control of riotous assemblies and provided, inter alia, that persons found guilty of intimidating others to stay from work or to join ay association or society(like a trade union),or picketing,or braking a contract of employment, would be liable to pay a fifty pounds fine or six months in jail or both.


Natives Law Amendment Act: This Act contained the 'church clause' which the Minister of Native Affairs was empowered to direct that the attendance of Africans at any church service in a White area should cease. This Act made it an offense for a non resident to enter or remain in n African Location, village or hostel without permission of the managing official.

Group Areas Amendment Act: This particular Act prohibited members of a disqualified racial group from attending a public cinema, or partaking of refreshment in a licensed restaurant or refreshment room, or tea room or eating house, or visiting any club, in a particular group or controlled area except under permit.

Native Laws Further Amendment Act: This Act gave the Minister power to deport so-called 'foreign natives', whose presence in South Africa was considered by the Minister not to be in the public interest.

Nursing Act: Provided for the introduction of Apartheid into the nursing profession. Separate registers and rolls were to be kept of White,Colored and African Nurses, while the Nursing Council in control of the profession was to consist of White persons only.

Immorality Act: This increased the maximum penalty for illicit carnal intercourse between Whites and non-Whites to seven years imprisonment, while making it an offense not only for a White and non-White together to commit an indecent or immoral act, but also to solicit one another to the commitment of any such act.


Criminal Procedure Amendment Act: It empowered the Supreme Court to apply the death penalty in cases of robbery or attempted robbery where the accused was proved to have carried a dangerous weapon,or to have threatened or to have committed assault.

Electoral Laws Amendment Act: Extended Franchise to White persons over eighteen years of age.

Natives Taxation and Development Act: Made a provision that every African male over eighteen years old should pay basic general tax of one pound and fifteen shillings instead of one pound. Under this Act, women were liable to pay general tax for the first time.


Bantu Investment Corporation Act: A corporate body was established known as Bantu investment Corporation of SA Ltd to promote and encourage the economic development of Bantu persons in Bantu areas, by provision of money, technical, or other assistance, and expert advice. The affairs of the corporation were to managed by board of directors appointed by the Minister and consisting of whites only.

Criminal Law Amendment Act: This provided for 'week-end' periodical imprisonment and laid down minimum sentences for certain categories of offense.

Prisons Act . This Act made it an offense to sketch or photograph or publish sketch or photograph a prison or prisoner or to publish false information about a prisoner or ex-prisoner or the administration of any prison with the onus paced on the publisher to prove he had taken reasonable steps to ascertain the veracity of his story. The effect of this has been to discourage the Press from exposing jail atrocities.

Extension of University Education Act: The Act provided for the exclusion of non-White students fro the hitherto open universities and the establishment of segregated colleges on ethnic lines for the various non-White races.

University College of Fort Hare Transfer Act: This Act transferred control of the college to the Minister of bantu Education, to change an open University of high academic standards into a 'tribal' college of low ones, with staff carefully purged of all liberal elements.

Industrial Conciliation Amendment Act: The Act gave the Minister of Labor to outlaw strikes in the canning industry.

Motor Carrier Transportation Amendment Act. This enabled Transportation Boards t enforce apartheid taxi services through-out the Cape and Natal. In the other two provinces(Transvaal and range Free State), such discrimination already existed.

Promotion of Self-Government Act: This Act abolished African representation in Parliament and outlined procedures for the establishment of so-called 'self-government' in the Reserves.


Factories, Machinery, and Building Work Amendment Act: This empowered the government to order the provision in factories of separate entrances, clocking in devices, pay offices, first-Aid rooms, protective clothing, crockery, cutlery and work rooms for the various races. The government had separate sanitary conveniences, washrooms, changing rooms, rest rooms, dining rooms and work places where the employees of different races worked in the sane room.

Referendum Act: The Act provided for the holding of a referendum on the establishment of a republic.

Reservation of Separate Amenities Act: This Act provided for and facilitated for the enforcement of apartheid on the beaches in South Africa.

Senate Act: This law reduced the size of the Senate, which had been enlarged in 1955 to facilitate the passage if the Senate Representation of Voters Bill.

Unlawful Organization Act: This law empowered the Minister of Defense to order any person or class of persons to evacuate or assemble in any particular building or premises or area in time of war or during operations for the prevention or suppression of internal disorder.


Urban Bantu Councils Act: This law permitted an urban local authority to establish an Urban Bantu Council for any African residential area under its jurisdiction, such a council consisted of elected and selected members, with the number of selected members not exceeding the number elected.

The councils are intended as a substitute for the direct representation of Africans on the urban local authorities themselves, a policy that was contrary to the policy of the government. Representation was based on ethnic bases of the African people, with separate representation for the Zulu, Xhosas, Sothos, Tswanas, Pedis, Vendas, Shangaans, Ndebeles, Swazis; all of which are the nine(9) ethnic groupings comprising the African peoples of South Africa.

Defense Amendment Act: The Minister of Defense was given the power to order anyone to evacuate, assemble in any building or area in time of war or during operations for the prevention or suppression of internal uprising. To avoid the suspicion that he was aiming at the establishment of Concentration Camps, and the Act made such an order to remain for four days, although the order may be renewed.

Defense Further Amendment Act: This law allowed for the extension of military training for White youths selected by ballot.

Police Amendment. This Act or law allowed and provided for the recruitment of a White police reserve.

General Law Amendment Act: This Act provided for detention without bail for up to twelve days.

Indemnity Act: This law was created that no proceedings, whether civil or criminal, arising from acts committed during the 1960 state of emergency, could be brought in any court of law against the government and its officers. The Press announced that because of the consequences of the Sharpeville shootings, the 244 claimants of police murder and brutality, were suing for two-hundred and fifty-thousand pounds, for the murder of their breadwinners, personal injury and unlawful arrest. As a result of this Act, none of the victims could sue nor claim anything.

Liquor Amendment Act: This law removed all restrictions on the purchase of alcohol by Colored people and Asians for off-consumption, and it gave power to holders of off-consumption licenses to sell liquor to any African aged eighteen or older. This law has created an army of alcoholics in the African community form 1961 to the present.

Republic of South Africa Constitution Act: This Act established the Republic, headed by the State President, and outside the commonwealth since the Prime Ministers' Conference f March 1961. South Africa stopped being a Union and became known as the Republic of South Africa.


Colored Development Corporation Act: The Act established a colored Development Corporation to encourage and promote the economic development of the colored people. The Board of the Corporation consisted of Whites only.

General Law Amendment Act: The law, the so-called 'Sabotage Act,' laid down a minimum penalty of five years and a maximum of death for sabotage, and provided for the placing of government opponents under house arrest. Winnie Mandela was subjected to these draconian measure and exiled from her house she lived in, in Soweto.

General Law Further Amendment Act: This law made painting slogans on walls to be punishable by six months in Jail and other penalties that might be imposed under another law.

National Education Advisory Council Act: The National Education Council was established and its fifteen members were elected by the Minister of Education. This centralized control of education by the government was finalized through the legislation of the National Education Policy Act of 1967.


Aliens Control Act: Provided, inter alia, Africans from foreign countries without legal papers may be detained and deported without trial. Pending their deportation order, these Africans were made to work as required.

Constitution Amendment Act: This Act provided for the recognition of African languages as additional official languages in the proposed Bantustans.

Explosives Amendment Act: This law increased the maximum penalties prescribed in the principal Act of 1956. If anyone was arrested for causing explosions endangering life, was sentenced to three years.

Higher Education Amendment Act: This enabled that the Indian University Education from the Department of Education to the Department of Indian Affairs.

Liquor Amendment Act: Stated that liquor could not be supplied to workers as part of their wages, but that companies could supply their employees free liquor to any African over the age of eighteen for their personal consumption.

Rural Colored Areas Act: This law amended conditions for the occupation of land and provided for the establishment of advisory boards in colored reserves.

Extension of University Education Amendment Act: Provided for Ministerial control of staff appointments at Fort Hare university college.

Births, Marriages and Deaths Registration Act. This Act provided for compulsory registration of African Births, marriages and deaths, to take effect when proclaimed by the State President on the Government Gazette.

National Film Board Act: Provided for the establishment of a National Film Board to produce propaganda films for the government.

Defense Amendment Act: This law enabled members of the Citizen force and Commandos to be called out in support of the police to suppress internal disorder.

Better Administration of Designated Areas Act. Provides for a mass evacuation or removal of population and the elimination freehold land ownership rights for Africans in Alexandra Township, very near Johannesburg.

General Law Amendment Act: Provided for the detention of persons without trial for the purpose of interrogation.

Bantu Laws Amendment Act: Restricted Africans' rights of residence in the Urban Areas - should be read together with the Bantu Laws Amendment Act, 1964.

Transkei Constitution Act: This Act was passed in order to provide for so-called 'self-government' on the Transkei(Southeast Coast of South Africa.

Colored Persons Education Act. This Act surrendered the control of education for Colored persons to the Department of Colored Affairs.

Publications and Entertainments Act: Provided for the censorship of newspapers, books,films,state shows, and art exhibitions.


Bantu Laws Amendment Act: This law tightened restrictions on Africans' rights of entry, residence and employment in urban areas.

Bantu labor Act: This Act consolidates the laws to the recruiting, employment, accommodation, feeding and health conditions of African laborers(There was no change in principle taken into account).

Colored Persons Representative Council Act. This Act provided for the establishment of a Council to come into being after the planned abolition of Colored representation in the Central Parliament.

General laws Amendment Act: This law tightened security las that any person refusing to give evidence in a criminal trial can be jailed u to twelve months, and alleged accomplices can be compelled to give evidence, even if they incriminated themselves in the process.


Bantu Homelands Development Corporation Act: The minister of Bantu Administration was empowered a development Corporation in each African Homeland to promote economic development. The management of this entity was placed in the hands of Whites.

Criminal Amendment Act: This Act provided the state with the power to detain political activists and certain classes of criminal cases to held for 180 days for repeated periods without bail.

Community Development Amendment Act: The group Areas Development Board was renamed the Community Development Board and provided with additional powers.

Suppression of Communism Amendment Act: This act prohibited the publication of speeches or writings by banned persons who had left South Africa, it also empowered the State President to ban any publication deemed to be a continuation, even if in another name, of one already prohibited.

Constitution Amendment Act: This law increased the number of seats representing White voters in the House of Assembly would hold office for five years from the date of their election, from 150 to 160, with six seats for White voters of South West Africa and the remaining four for White representatives of the Colored Voters!

Separate Representation of voters Amendment Act. This Act laid down that Colored Representatives in the House of Assembly would hold office for five years from the date of their election. The Bill mad it clear that the views of the Colored voters need not be taken into account if Parliament should be dissolved at any time for the purpose of consulting with the White Voters.

Group Areas Amendment Ac: This law made the Minister of Planning responsible for the planning of group areas for Whites, Coloreds and Asians, and for permit control up to the time that group areas are proclaimed. The development and permit control fell under the Minister of Community Development.

Official Secrets Amendment Act: This Act made it an offense to communicate or publish any information relating to any military or police matter in any manner or for any purpose prejudicial to the safety or interests of the State. This law was passed in part to curtail the freedom of the Press completely.

Police Amendment Act. It empowered any policeman, at any place within a mile of the South African Border, to search anybody, vehicle or premises without warrant. This was done in order to thwart saboteurs form abroad.

Prisons Amendment Act. The Act tightened up restrictions on the publication of information about prison conditions and prisoners.

Indians Education Act: This law transferred all Indian education from the Department of Education to the Department of Indian Affairs.

Copyright Act. The State President was empowered to authorize or prohibit the publication or presentation of any work or production. The Act was designed to stave-of boycotts of South Africa by overseas authors, artists, many of whom were prohibit production of their works before a segregated audience.


Bantu Laws Amendment Act: This law laid down that only citizens of the territories of the homelands can live there, and no one else, without a permit, and this included Whites, Coloreds, Indians and Africans were barred from the homeland of the Transkei, in the Eastern Cape, unless the Minister gives the permission.

Rand Afrikaans University Act: Provided for the establishment of an Afrikaans university in Johannesburg. They omitted the 'conscience clause' that guaranteed the freedom of religious belief.

Civil Defense Act: This law gave the Minister of Justice sweeping powers over persons and property in the event of an emergency or threat of an emergency.

General Law Amendment Act: This sabotage Act was extended to South West-Africa and provided for the detention of political prisoners dubbed "terrorists" without trial for fourteen days.

Suppression of Communism Amendment Act: It contained a clause that authorized the continued detention of political prisoners who have completed their sentence. Robert 'Prof' Sobukwe, the Leader of the Pan African Congress, was detained under this clause.

Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Act: This law extended the terms of office of he Colored representative in the House of Assembly to October 1967.

Industrial Conciliation Amendment Act: This Act provided for the compulsory deduction of trade-union dues from workers' wage packets Those White workers who did not want to belong to a mainly non-White Union, opted for the formation of a separate union.

Industrial Conciliation Further Amendment Act: This Act prohibited strikes and lockouts for any purpose for any purpose not connected with the relations between employers and employees.


Terrorism Act: This law or Act. This law made terrorism a crime punishable by five years imprisonment and a maximum sentence of death. Suspected terrorists were detained for indefinite periods, and this included someone who was in possession of information about terrorist activity.

Training Centers for Colored Cadets Act: The Act provided for compulsory registration and training on military lines of Colored males between the ages of eighteen to twenty-four. It was a move to replace Africans with the Coloreds because africans were being endorsed out of Western Cape in terms of the government's policy of separate development.

Suppression of Communism Amendment Act: This law prohibited persons convicted or listed under the suppression of Communism Act from practicing as Advocates or attorneys.

Border Control Act. The Act tightened the provisions on entry to and departure from the Republic of South Africa.

Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Act: The term of office of the for the Colored Representative in Parliament to October was extended to October 1969.

Defense Amendment Act: All White youth who turned seventeen were now liable for service in the Citizen Force for ten years, and the Commandos for sixteen years. This Act made it an offense to publish information about military matters either in peace or war, unless the permission by the Minister of defense.

National Education Policy Act: The Minister got the power(Previously held by Provincial Councils) to determine the policy to be followed in the education of White Children in their schools.

Educational Services Act: This Act laid the rule that the Department of Education will control education for whites in universities and technical colleges.

Physical Planning and Utilization of Resources Act. the Minister of Planning had complete control over future industrial development, and had power to veto establishment in urban areas industries based on African labor

Mining Rights Act: This Act gave the Minister increased control over the granting of mining rights in the African reserves.

Pension Laws Amendment Act. This bill increased pensions for all races, and war pension increases for Whites, Coloreds and Indians.

Population Registration Amendment Act: This law made ones racial descent determined race classification. This Bill aimed at stopping racial integration between the races.

General Law Amendment Act: This law was passed and extended the detention of Mr. Robert Sobukwe, leader of the Pan African Congress, on Robben Island for a further year.

Immorality Amendment Act: The Provisions of the Immorality Act were tightened.

Foreign Affairs Special Account Act: Provided for a fund to be used for 'services of a confidential nature' by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Minister said that he would not use it on foreign espionage. The Nationalist said: "The Likelihood is that the sums are intended to buy sympathy from African countries of dubious loyalty to the cause of African liberation. The other likely object would be to align South Africa." !967)


Criminal Procedure Amendment Act: This Bill provided that a magistrate may, in mitigating circumstances , impose lighter sentences because this Act enable them to grant bail to persons accused of murder or high treason. It also prohibited publication of any information relating to charges of extortion or indecency.

Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Amendment Act: Any person who domiciled in South Africa, but enters into marriage outside the country, and cannot be solemnized inside the country, this kind of marriage will be void in South Africa.

Universities Amendment Act: The Minister was empowered to withdraw funding to the university if it fail to comply with the conditions laid down by him. The South African Indian council was converted into a statutory body with a minimum of twenty-five members. They were appointed and dismissed by the Minister.

Births, marriages and Deaths Registration Amendment Act. This Bill stated that children born after December 1967 should be registered. Births,Deaths had confirmed race classification of the parents or child. This Bill was to ensure that the race classification on a birth certificate was the same as that on the Popular Register.

Community Development Amendment Act: Licenses were not issues to anyone who, in terms of Group Areas Act, is not qualified to occupy the trading premises, unless having an exemption form the Minister of Community Development.

Promotion of the Economic Development of Bantu Homelands Act: This Act provided for the continuation of the Bantu Investment Corporation, and Xhosa Development Corporation, and the creation of similar Corporations in other homelands.

Development of Self-Government For Native Nations in South-West Africa Act: This Act provided for the establishment of six Bantustans in South-West Africa -- Ovamboland, Damaraland, Hereroland, Okavangoland, Eastern Caprivi and Kaokoland.

Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Act: This Act abolished the of Separate Representation of the Cape Colored voters in the Assembly, the Provincial Council of the senate, established by the original Act of 1951.

Colored Persons' Representative Council Amendment Act. Provided for the establishment of a Colored Council of sixty members-forty elected and twenty nominated

Prohibition of Political Interference Act: Prohibited multi racial political parties and meetings.

General Law Amendment Act: It included a clause providing for the detention of PAC leader Robert Sobukwe for a further year.

Economic Cooperation Promotion Loan Fund Act. This law provided for the granting of loans to aid the economies of 'friendly' developing countries.

Armaments Development and Production Act: Established a state-owned armaments industry with and initial capital of R100 million('R' for Rands, south African currency).

The Apartheid regime can be characterized in this way: It is a unified White minority subjugating and denying an undifferentiated African majority any meaningful rights by means of a combination of overtly racist legislation, a powerful administrative machine and the use of brutal military and police force. The White controlled South Africa easily pointed out to the threat that was threatening White culture, poser and rule.

Black Dominance - the Black peril — fueled apartheid authoritarianism, justified and legitimized it for Whites, and made the concentration of power in few hands. Separate development remained the official dogma despite a widespread feeling that granting local independence to a handful of homelands, and the intention to make all Africans, no matter where they really resided and worked, putative citizens of the homelands, only obscured the demographic and political realities: blacks would continue to constitute a majority in all the urban centers of the country, and in the rural, white farmed areas as well.

No legislated fiction could eliminate their preponderance, their economic relevance to modern South Africa, their political salience, their ability, regardless of age, of being mobilized against prevailing norms, their antagonism to separate development, their distrust of homeland options, the increasing radicalization and nationalism of their politics, their new refusal to prefer the option of embourgeoisement to shift in political fortunes, and their determination to share power instead of merely demanding relaxations of social Apartheid.

The history of Afrikaner politics is marked more by pragmatic responses to the realities of power than by ideological autarky. When it was time to cooperate with the English, the Afrikaners did so. When they were defeated in war, they made most of the resulting bitterness, bided their time, and returned victorious and determined never again to be denied political primacy. With the dawn of modern and contemporary politics no matter how begrudgingly they handled it, most Afrikaners new that eventually, Africans will take over the country and its political, economic ad social power; they new it was inevitable and could no longer be dismissed nor would the problem disappear. It did not, and Africans are the majority rulers in South Africa, and have been now in control for the past 20+ years.


Erudite Historical Memorial Struggles:

The Father Of Soweto

The history of the formation of Soweto is one that has not yet been fully told, and at this point we begin where it all originated from. This was all set in motion by James Sofasonke Mpanza who was an activist who laid ground for Civic struggles and he created the first Civic Movement in the country. Without the late James Sofasonke Mpanza, there would be no Soweto.

James Sofasonke Mpanza was born in 1889 in Georgedale, in KwaZulu-Natal, and was schooled in Amanzimtoti. He was once imprisoned when he was in his 20's for burning an Indian merchant inside his shop after allegations that the man was abusing African women. Mpanza was imprisoned and sentenced to death and imprisoned at Pretoria Central Prison whilst awaiting his execution. During his time in prison he converted to Christianity and wrote a book called "The Christian Pathways". He was pardoned by the visiting Duke of Kent in 1927 after being imprisoned for nine(9) years. Mpanza was granted clemency after writing a letter to the British Royal.

After his release Mpanza settled in Bertrams, in Eastern Johannesburg, until he was moved to Orlando. At that time, what was later to be known as Orlando East and later Orlando west, across the Klip Rivier, at that time it was a farm of south west-Johannesburg and named after Orlando Leak, the administrator of the township

Due to the urban Areas Act, which perverted African South Africans from owning houses or land in the city, Orlando quickly became over-crowded. As a member of the Orlando East Advisory board, Mpanza appealed to the then minister of "Native Affairs" for adequate housing, but was unsuccessful. In 1944, he decided to actively address the situation on his own by leading a group of 20,000 homeless people to a vacant land next to the Klip Rivier and set up a squatter camp there.

The new settlement was called -Masakeni- named after the sack materials that were used to build these ramshackle dwellings and informal dwellings/houses. Mpanza separated the site into four blocks and administered them without assistance from the authorities. His fight for basic human rights and decent housing etched Mpanza into the historical record and memory of South Africa. Legislation was passed later in 1944 to remove the squatters, and this resulted in a violent confrontation and two deaths.

In 1945 Ernest Oppenheimer loaned the city R6-million (now equivalent to US$ 758,000 to provide adequate housing to the squatters of 'eMasakeni,' and today the place is known as Orlando East/West and Jabavu townships [The story about Oppenheimer will be fleshed out a bit below on this Hub]. This marked the start of SOWETO(South Eastern/Western Townships), now one of the biggest and most famous Townships in the World. This is where Mpanza furnished and created his Party called the "Sofasonke Party" which addressed problems the people of Orlando East/ West and Jabavu had with the autohrities and with each other. Mpanza passed away in 1970...

Houses of Bondage

Soweto is not a Zulu, Pedi, Xhosa, Tswana, Ndebele, Shangaan, Venda, Sotho or Swazi/Tsonga name maybe meaning Peace or name of some great leader. It is simply and Acronym and an amalgam of words cobbled together by the Johannesburg City Council into The GHETTO of SOWETO or South Western-Eastern Townships.

This was an appropriate bureaucratic designation for this realization of the relentless bureaucratic idea that Whites and Africans must live apart. Officially, the Nationalist Government considered Soweto a temporarily unavoidable social aberration in what has now been declared a "White area". Eventually - or so the Theory of apartheid postulated, at its most preposterous, holds — the entire urban African population will melt into the "Tribal Reserves" or "Bantustans" or "Native Reserves" or "Tribal Homelands"(which they attempted in the later years of their rule and called them Bantustans or Homelands-and they failed dismally).

The Afrikaner Government held that if they can allow Africans of Soweto to acquire free hold rights, that would be the anchor for Africans to settle permanently in the midst of White Society, and according to the Boers, that was against the policies of their Government. As has been extensively noted with the Apartheid draconian laws, all were strictly and specifically designed to separate all races inside South Africa, and the regime spent a lot of money and power to actualize Apartheid reality of divided, separate and unequal society, dominated by Whites.

Ernest Oppeheimer was keenly aware of the need to amalgamate his mining companies with the United States capitalists. He met with American mining engineers in an effort to combine the Eastern Rand Mining and other companies with financial and political communities in the United State.

He met with a man called Herbert Hoover. A former Finance Minister Henry Hull, and Ernest said: "If American capital wishes to obtain a footing in South Africa, the easiest course would be to acquire an interest in our company. JP Morgan was among the considered investors in this new government of Apartheid's endeavor. The name, Anglo American Corporation was used to indicate American connections. In September 1917, the Anglo-American Corporation of South Africa, Ltd. was registered

It was at this time when Sol Plaatjie came into the picture and began to write about the plight of Africans in this way: "You will see Africans, both men and women driven away from their homes, their homes broken up, with no hope of redress, on the mandate of a government to which they had loyally paid taxation without representation — driven from their homes, because they do not want to become servants ..."

Sol Plaatjie was referring to the Native Land Act which prohibited all black from buying or leasing any land outside designated territories known as the 'Reserves'. As indicated above with the passages of so many draconian laws, Africans were henceforth forbidden to settle in areas marked for Whites; they could stay there only as laborers, even though more than a million of them had been working as productive tenant farmers and sharecroppers.

Houses in the 'Veld'

African were relegated to useless and harsh parts of the country, which comprised 13% of the total land mass of Africa. The rest of the 87% was reserved for whites (Same today during ANC rule). In a false way, the Act was meant to create "parallel institutions" for Africans and Whites, but in effect it was known more as the principle of separate but equal (in reality, unequal/segregated facilities).

General Smuts put it this way: "The races should be kept apart in our institutions, land ownership, in forms of government, and in may other ways. As far as possible the forms of political government will be such that each will be satisfied and developed according to his own proper lines.

"It was during this time that the mines were suffering huge labor shortages. The government and the Randlords, and the Act made it possible for Black to go and look for work in the mines, digging up the gold and diamonds, and this is what the owners and investors of the mines were hoping for."

Sol Plaatjie spoke indignantly about this issue: "If anyone had told us at the beginning that a majority of members of the Union parliament was capable of passing a law … whose object is to prevent natives from ever rising above the position of servants to white, we would have regarded that person as a fit subject for the lunatic asylum."

Life in the Shacks

This Act had tragic consequences because hardly any finds were set aside for the adjustment period, and African farm system totally collapsed. Poverty with all it affects, was the norm. Infant mortality rose: every fifth child died in its first year. Crime became rampant, Black could neither go forward nor backward; their customs from eons ago, and common laws were shattered, yet their education was left to the ill-equipped missionary societies. Untrained, geographically limited, hampered by selective pass laws and taxes, the Africans crowded back into the mine compounds.

Life had dealt an uneven and unimaginable blow onto the Africans of South Africa, and this left Africans with an unrecoverable culture shock: the weather was strange and cold: the Sun was seething in December and snowed in the winter; the sanitation in the compounds was primitive and terrible, and that easily spread diseases; there were fortune tellers and spider fights; the women were auctioning themselves of to the highest bidder; the thefts and beatings in a place without laws or regulations, was perplexing and devastating.

For Africans to leave their farms and ride in on the trains to Johannesburg was as if they have been transported in time. The City of gold presented a different scene. According to a visiting Australian Journalist: "Ancient Nineveh and Babylon have been revived. Johannesburg is their twentieth-century prototype. It is a city of unbridled squander and unfathomable squalor."For Africans, it was as if they entered into the entered into the tenth century with their intense culture,village life and age old rites, and exited into the twentieth century city of technology and segregation.

At nighttime, the gold digging African miners lived in all male hostel mining compounds; during the day they tunneled deep(some are now more or less two miles into the ground) into the earth, which was a dark and hazardous explosions and cave-ins. Whatever age they were, they were dressed as 'boys', and the mine owners made sure that they never matured to adults. They could not bargain for higher wages and better working conditions. Africans were not allowed to go on strikes, to hold office, to become managers of any kind.

Schools were very poor in every sense of the word. Early adolescents were expected to leave school earlier and join the African miners labor force of cheap labor. Every African knew that he could be replaced very quickly because there were hundreds vying for his position. The over-supply of labor affected Johannesburg greatly.

The African work-seeker took any menial job without any fuss. Oliver Schreiner commented thus: "if, blinded by the gain of the moment, we see nothing in our dark man but a vast engine of labor; if to us he is not a man, but only a tool, [if] we reduce this vast mass to the condition of a vast, seething, ignorant proletariat — then I would rather draw a veil over the future of this land." Oliver saw all the drudgery from a white persons perspective, and it is very moving, Sol Plaatjie, an African stated it this way:

"Native mothers, evicted from their homes shivered with their babies by their sides. When we saw on that night the teeth of the little children chattering through the cold ... we wondered what their little mites had done that a home should suddenly become to them a thing of the past."

One family ejected in the same manner, Plaatjie witnessed them burying their child at night so that the proprietor must not see them, and he wrote that: "Even criminals, dropping straight from the gallows, have an undisputed claim to six feet underground in which to rest their criminal remains."

But under the cruel operation of Native Land Act, little children, whose only crime is that God did not make them White, are sometimes denied that right in their ancestral home. When the ANC was formed, John Dube became its President, and Sol Plaatjie became the Secretary General and continued to oppose the injustice Africans suffered from being forced out of their house and put in treeless, rock ridden/filled empty spaces in the middle of nowhere.

Matchbox Houses

As the Afrikaner Nationalist Part implemented their strategy of Grand Apartheid, they were sounding of its policies and rhetoric. In 1955, Johannes G. Strijdom declared: "I am being as blunt as I can. I am not making any excuses. Either the White man dominates or the Black takes over. I say that the non-European will not accept leadership — if he has a choice. The only way the Europeans can maintain supremacy is by domination."

People were subjected to division by race and the Group Areas Act was applied to lord over them, and this was the main pillar of apartheid This Act condemned mixed as 'deathbeds' of the European race. Other regulations forbade entry of Africans into universities.

Ernest Oppenheimer provided his employees with electricity and water-borne sanitation facilities which today, are still not even available to about half the population of Europe. At this time, black miners were earning five pounds a month and their families were not allowed to live with them. The White mine worker made fifteen time more than what African miners earned, and they did not have the problems of dual residence: living in the mine compounds and with their families.

They did the latter. Oppenheimer maintained that they had to up the standard of living for the White people, and at the same time he saw no sense in lowering the standards of the lives of Africans either. Ernest and Harry Oppenheimer proposed to build new African towns where Anglo's Black workers could live with their families. The Boer Prime Minister, Verwoerd, who was against the quarters, answered him as follows and complained:

"Then every mine can establish its own Native towns with married quarters. That will mean a series of Native towns in the vicinity of the big cities. What about the inevitable day when the vein of gold ran out? A large number of towns will remain... They may amount to 20, or 30 or 40 within that area." Verwoerd loathed to envision the hideous proximity to whites, and they rejected and condemned the plans as out of hand.

Oppenheimer , after reading a book written by Father Huddleston, called "Naught For Your Comfort" in which he wrote about the forced removals of Africans as follows: "In the morning they had gone to work as usual, leaving their wives and children still asleep under the blankets. They had returned in the dark evening to find the roofs stripped from their shacks: their families squatting in the open round a brazier: their children crying with cold and the desire for sleep."

And Father Huddleston wrote what he witnessed for himself:"I found a woman in labor amongst those round the Brazier(Mbaola/Paola), and her baby was born under the winter stars at night. In that dejected little group ... the picture of Bethlehem and the rejection there, came to life." Father Huddleston saw the crimes of murder in the Sophiatown and concluded that the murderers, those murdered had no value in themselves as persons.

Both of them were about Africans: a different category, another species living in a world apart. His critics responded with a piece entitled "Without Fear or Favor" written by a conservative politician: "Without fear or Favor" stated: "I would say that it is men like ... Huddlestone who cause mischief and mistrust among countries. Should trouble indeed arise, they would have contributed greatly to it through their unjust criticism."

After reading the book, and skeptical about Father Huddleston's assertion that Verwoerd-Strijdom policies are like those of Hitler. Oppenheimer had never been to the Shantytown on the outskirts of Johannesburg and was warned, as a White man, not to attempt to go there. He is reportedly to have remarked: "Never mind, there were some things one had to see firsthand. No guards, thank you; no priest, no company officials, Just myself and Ina serving as our own witnesses to Bantu life."

No one attacked, reviled or remarked very much to Oppenheimer when he went to the Shantytown nestled net to a rivulet named Kliprivier. They were bothered by what they saw: a place of aimlessness and despair, with occasional religious celebrations and other social and family distractions. The law, as stated above under the 'Concentration Camp Laws' heading above, demanded that Africans be removed from their 'illegal squatting' next to White areas and sent to 'prescribed' areas in specific African areas-Apartheid government designated.

These areas were present and supposed to equal to White areas. The government insisted that were vacant acres with water taps, and the Africans can assemble their own shacks there, until they day, whenever that will be, the Government decided to shovel some scrap funds their way for their relief.


Ernest Oppenheimer concluded that Father Huddleston was right, because the Johannesburg City Council had objected and used [Illegal law on new plans for housing plans for Africans. Throughout the three years, Africans had set up a maze of shanties and shacks built of whatever they could scavenge: packing crates, cardboard, plastic, some corrugated iron(material used a hundred years earlier by Cecil Rhodes and other diamond diggers). It is estimated that Shantytown had more than 10,000 African living in sordid conditions of squalor, filth and diseases.

Oppenheimer started speaking out: "Anyone who has visited the Native areas on the outskirts of this city, as I have done, would be impressed by the urgency of the need for action in clearing away the slums[Ghetto?!] that have grown almost as rapidly as the industrial development of Johannesburg. The Native people are the employees of European citizens. Improving on the living conditions of Africans should make for healthy, efficient, law-abiding and contented service." Oppenheimer went ahead and badgered his fellow mining executives and arranged for the building of some 15,000 houses over the next three years.

The Ghetto of Soweto Today

On November 27, 1957, Ernest Oppenheimer passed away. A salute of his passing away came from the African quarters, where he had new housing built replacing the battered and rotten shanties people had to live-in. The occupants, Africans, wanted the name of their new place to be called after their benefactor, Sir Ernest Oppenheimer, but the Johannesburg City Council, because there was serious smoldering of animosities between Ernest and the government, the city opted to change the name to SOWETO, an acronym for South Western/EasternTownships.

SOWETO is a vast township located just outside Johannesburg that is really one of Africa's largest cities. It holds more people than entire nearby countries, such as Botswana and Swaziland. There are probably four to five million people living there. Soweto epitomizes apartheid's failure. The vast majority of people who live there never regarded themselves as "temporary sojourners" in White South Africa, but as permanent city dwellers who were receiving minimal negligible services and maximum harassment by the Boers. They constantly rebelled against the South African System and did not accept the inferiority status.

Soweto has been built in a valley, and often it is covered by a blanket of dense smoke and smog for the coal fires. For an outsider to see all this smog and try to penetrate and understand what is beneath the cloud,is very difficult to understand. The sprawling ghetto of Soweto is made up of several differently named townships like Orland East, Deipkloof, Zola, Naledi, Moletsane Phiri Central Western Jabavu Kwezi Tladi, Dobsonville, Meadowlands, Pimville, Rockville, Chiawelo, Zondi, Orlando West, Dube, Mofolo, Dube Hostel, Mzimhlophe, Mzimhlophe Hostel, West Cliff, Mapetla, Snaoane, Phiri and some many more that have been built ever since. Soweto is busy, industrious and very much alive and the heartbeat of South Africa.

Banks and billboard, Kentucky Fried Chicken, McDonald, commercial and other small colleges, boxing academies occupy and dot the landscape of the sprawling ghetto. There are now some beautiful suburbs, many african shops, businesses, libraries, two three courts, police stations, Community halls, churches, stadiums, one TV Station, Soweto TV, lots of radio stations, a Soweto Highway and Sun City Prison, army bases and so forth…

This is where many professional writers, teachers, ministers, businessmen, sports stars and team owners, and other professionals live. There are street vendors, car mechanics, hair dressing saloons, shoe makers, horse-shoe smiths, and every sort of professions and professional can be found inside the Townships called South Western Townships.

There are also several hospitals, but the biggest is Baragwanath Hospital (now called the Chris Hani Hospital), but locals still use the old name, which is the biggest facility in the Southern Hemisphere. It has the best medical care throughout the rest of Africa(yet, it's still not as good as White hospitals in the same country).

Then there is a great and massive African workforce in Soweto. and these include foreign laborers, Those from the rural areas within South Africa-Born and raised in Soweto denizens, and so on. This Township of Soweto will be discussed much more fully in the upcoming Hub on this vast and humongous ghetto-metropolis.

So, Where To Now?

Some people say that Apartheid died when Mandela was released form jail. And others are now attacking and accusing the 20+ year old new African Rule being is [mis-]managed by the ANC. There are many points that need to be discussed about the current South African Government and what it is that they are doing or not doing right or wrong, In the upcoming hub I will be discussion this section above in a much more detailed and historical and contemporary presentation about the direction that South Africa(See My Hub Titled Mzantsi(South Africa, At the Cusp Of Implosion...") is headed and what to look forward to.

Where this country is going is still unclear, but what is clear is that the effects and affects of attitudes and perceptions — post colonial Apartheid. There are many aspects that have not been discussed about Apartheid in South Africa that will be looked into through various Hubs(As one already pointed to above), that will be focused on the 'so-where-to-now aspects of the process of deconstructing the Apartheid history which still affects and controls the lives of millions of Africans, and all those who still are exploiting(As the ANC is doing today), its lingering effects, and the facilitative nature and the potent abusive power it still has on the victims of separate development through the ANC.

It is still not clear where South Africa is going, and one thing is certain, twenty-plus years is not long enough to know definitely. From the internet and inside South Africa information and communiques, things are not going right, but the present government is trying to stabilize the post apartheid situation, and forge a new one. So far, they are faring badly on their governance report

They do not seem to be doing a great job(The ANC), but they have stopped some of the most egregious attitudes towards Africans, but other issues have arisen and will addressed extensively and with an eye on the direction of that the post apartheid now ANC government; with opposition from the former Apartheid regime means, that Apartheid is still alive and well in South Africa, and the struggle to end it is not an easy undertaking and going nowhere fast. Apartheid has rooted and anchored itself very well with the South African economic, cultural and social Apartheid matrixes-and the ANC is its conduit.

Up to this point in the history of South Africa, Africans have been oppressed, suppressed, depressed, repressed, abused, shunned and disrespected by both foe and 'would-be friend' alike within South Africa. This fact has not been altered one bit by the former ruling minority attitudes and behaviors towards the local indigene, and foreigners alike, even after Mandela was released, nor during his reign or after-this includes the present-day treatment of the Africans of South Africa under their rule…

The most debilitating and horrid truths for all African people of South Africa is that their present existence has gotten far more worse by day and years — 20+ years and counting. The conditions today in South Africa for the Majority of African South Africans, are similar to and worse-off than those conditions to those of pre- and during Apartheid rule; they are now in a reality that has gotten far more worse under the new post Apartheid latter-day ANC(African National Congress rule). With the lackadaisical ANC rule, black faces have been nominated and dominated and used by the Imperialists along with the democratically deposed Apartheid regime , to undermine the paltry gains made by the South African African majority.

These people who are helping under-develop the locals have adapted to the existing Apartheid norm of looking down upon the local African South African South Africans as inferior, lazy and criminal in their ways whenever interacting with Africans from the north of South Africa, within South Africa. This is a fact that is occuring daily and heard by the Africans of South Africa hurled at them by their African neighbors north of South Africa.

The ousted President Mbeki and his cabal have labelled this as "Xenophobia," while at the same time dispossessing and rigidly suppressing and denying local South Africans basic human needs and many constitutional rights. Lots of foreigners and the would-be detractors of African peoples in South Africa as fostered by colonial/imperial have a dim view of Africans in South Africa-particularly the Europeans, which has been aptly characterized this way by Mark Twain:

"There are many humorous things in the world; among them the white man's notion that he is less savage than other savages." If one understands what Mark Twain was saying, this means that the political and economical shenanigans played out onto the African South Africans, it has today become one of the many origins of the current state of social, economic and political malaise that is being foisted upon the suffering as experienced by the African South Africans within South Africa(The Land of the birth and aAncestors), without any let-up.

This is important for us in order to understand the psychological, political and economic tendencies and behaviors presented by the Africans of South Africa today-and why hey Africans in South Africa react as they do to foreigners. This cannot be off-handedly be cast aside or ignored, because in the very near future, the Africans of South Africa,as a nation, they will need to know and understand that both personal and collective psychology they clearly present today, affects them adversely and they need to have a fighting chance to be able to wrap their minds, psychology, intellect, emotions and so forth around these debilitating issues.

Where Africans Are Coming from

The laws that have been described in-depth as much as possible above as they were constructed and applied throughout the years,need to be known, as listed, and understood, as to how they are and have affecting us in the days of Apartheid and today, as they continue to affect the Africans, that is, what are they, how they affect their effects, and how this impairs the development of Africans, and in the final analysis they will have to deal with their understanding of all what has happened to them since 1652 to contemporary milieu and society of Africans within South Africa.

Most African peoples in South Africa know and understand that both personal and collective psychology are constructed from those experiences which can be consciously retrieved from memory, written history, as well as to those experiences which have been forgotten or repressed, but which still represent themselves in individual and collective habits, tendencies, traditions, emotional responsivities, perspectives, ways of knowing and processing information, attitudes and reflex-like reactions to certain stimuli and situations.

Also, both types of experiences interacting with current perceptions utilized by individuals and groups to achieve certain material and non-material ends. Certainly to fully realize their "Ubuntu" (Zulu) or "Botho"(Sotho), i.e., their human-beingness as an autonomous and authentic Nation Of Mzantsi.

Furthermore, in reiterating Wilson, we have to know and understand that: "The psychology of individuals and groups may also, in part, be constructed from"historical and experiential amnesia". That is, when an individual or group is compelled by various circumstances to repress important segments of his or its formative history — he or it at the same time loses access to/the crucially important social, intellectual and technical skills associated with that history which could be used to resolve current problems...

Consequently, to some lesser or greater degree, the individual or group may be handicapped or disadvantaged by the resulting amnesia. Finally, individual and group psychology are in part constructed from the perception he or she or it has of/on his/her or its history, the inferences drawn from that history about the kind of person or group he/she or it may be, what other persons or groups think of him/her or it, and the destiny that awaits him/her or it.

The character of individual and collective consciousness and the range of the their behavioral possibilities and very significantly influenced by the quality of their recordings and recollections of their historical experiences. To manipulate history is to manipulate consciousness; to manipulate consciousness is to manipulate possibilities; and to manipulate possibilities is to manipulate power."(Wilson)

It is very important that Africans write and read their own history from themselves and through their own perspectives. The Europeans that have conquered the Africans made it possible for them to remain in the state of perpetual state of depression, oppression and a permanent mind-set and existence both physically and spiritually.

The intellectual and cosmic view and reality has be downgraded and distorted to the extent that a state of confusion exists amongst the Africans of South Africa-this has to be highlighted. Wilson states this succinctly as follows:

"For what must be the form and functionality of African consciousness and behavior if they are derivative of an African history written by the oppressor? The history of the oppressed, as written by their oppressors, shape the consciousness and psychology of both the oppressed and the oppressor. It helps legitimates the oppressive system and to maintain the imbalance of power in favor of the oppressor.

"Eurocentric history writing essentially an exercise in publishing apologetics for the European oppression of African peoples; often a gross and crude attempt to create and shape a subordinate and inferior African consciousness and psychology. It seeks to impose a social/historical/cultural amnesic tax on the heads of African peoples and thereby rob them of their most valuable resources — their knowledge of truth and reality of 'self,' their cultural heritage and identity, minds, bodies and souls; their wealth, lands, products of their labor and lives."

The Path of the TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Committee)

After the workers strikes of the 1970s, 1976 African student revolution, and the world's economic boycott and apartheid regime being called a pariah, the ANC ascendancy, and the now defunct Apartheid Reich, a new government of National Unity was formed in post-Apartheid South Africa. Desmond Tutu came up with the Idea of Reconciling the nation of South Africa by forming the Truth and Reconciliation Committee. This is how it was described by Ntsebeza and Bell:

"When Apartheid was wrapping-up it rule, which came out of a compromise of the Codesa talks at Kempton park,in Johannesburg, that is where we come across a new entity called the Government of National Unity. On the basis of equal responsibility and joint culpability, the authors and administrators of apartheid and leaders of all anti-apartheid opposition were trying to bridge the bloody and oppressive past and a hopeful and more humane future.

The TRC wanted to like the perpetrators and the victims, between those responsible for a crime against humanity and those who resisted it. Given these circumstances, the truth really never came out. On the one hand were the representatives of a deeply corrupt and brutal Apartheid minority regime; on the other, those representing the mass of the wounded and oppressed majority-the ANC.

The oppressors wanted and wished for silence, secrecy or automatic absolution; the majority of the Africans want to rip aside the lies, deceits and obscurantism/obfuscations of the past. One side wanted to forget, and the other side wanted to know. Now, with the present-day ruling ANC, they want to revive and re-implement the Wall of Apartheid secrecy for the ANC in power today in South Africa.

Within the upper echelons of both sides, there was much to hide, many private agendas were working to deflect, blur or stymie demands for full and frank transparent disclosure. Unity became the watchword, reconciliation the means. There was broad agreement that too much of the truth would be a dangerous thing. Although this tended to be dressed up in demands and assurances to rule out 'witch hunts'.

The Codesa talks had reached their conclusions and the delegates had agreed the tacked-addendum that led to the vague promise of reconciliation and reconstruction. The following years were spent considering how such a transition could and should be managed. Contacts were made with like-minded groups and with potential funders, By 1993 Boraine and his group, like the ANC executive, had come to the conclusion that some form of Truth Commission with an Amnesty provision would be necessary to cement the concept of National Unity.

The present ruling party in South Africa, then, had realized that its original demand to prosecute the apartheid criminals would be as politically impossible as the blanket Amnesty demanded by the Afrikaner Nationalist Party. The one was unworkable in trying to take over apartheid state machine; the other was would be unacceptable to a mass constituency which had only recently fought and forced concessions that produced negotiations. ... this conundrum has never been resolved, to date

What was needed was a synthesis, because it had now become no more white power against black power, which was an antithesis; a middle road between what were classed as unacceptable extremes. This analysis opened the way for those beneficiaries nominally opposed to apartheid and were by then condemned for their hypocrisy by both pro- and anti-apartheid activist. Big business stepped in, which in the wake of the 1984 and 1985 slump of the economy, had become remarkably outspoken about the need for some kind of democratic change.

The great turning point,when the regime moved from cul-de-sac of Grand apartheid ideology to champions of non-racist future in 1986 and claimed support for change. This was the year when continuing and growing mass resistance turned the tide. Fear coursed through the white establishment and triggered thoughts of compromise and racial cohabitation at almost every level.

The case of big business as the core of a stable society could no longer be argued: it was accepted. This was the genesis of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Tutu was made chairman, because the TRC had clearly taken onto religious undercurrents and apartheid was then regarded as a sin with its roots in frail human nature. The final choice of the chairman, his deputy and fifteen other commissioners rested with Nelson Mandela.

President Mandela was presented with a shortlist of twenty-five names selected by a multi-party committee that had interviewed forty-five of the 299 people nominated by various groups and individuals. The demand for blanket Amnesty also continued to be voiced by the Nationalist Party as it came under increasing pressure from its own constituency. The apartheid machinery fearing that it would be made scape-goats(the police and the army) began their public protestations calling for"collective responsibility" of the political establishment.

They were saying that individuals should not be blamed for carrying out their order, even if only under 'implied authority'. General Constant Viljoen, known as the "butcher of Cassinga," called for general Amnesty. He said that there should be no names named, but merely the acceptance by various leaderships of collective responsibility for human rights violations. The police took a similar line.

The extent of the compromise was reflected in the composition of the TRC announced by President Nelson Mandela on December 1995. Fifteen of the seventeen names came from the final short list. Mandela added two: a Methodist Church leader from Kwazulu Natal and a lawyer. There were no direct challenges to the list, and certainly not to the names added by Mandela.

But apartheid's former President, form whom Mandela took power, expressed his unhappiness with the final choice, and in particular with that of the chair and deputy. De Klerk opined that both Tutu and Boraine had a history of opposing the Nationalist Government. With all the opposition to the members of the TRC, the final point was that, on balance, the involvement of the TRC was not an opportunity to be missed.

The TRC began with its commissioners, legislation establishing it was in place. That was as far as it went. They were a diverse groupings: seven women and nine men of different ages, professions, and ethnic and political backgrounds. Eight were lawyers by training and four, including the chairman and his deputy were religious Christian Ministers. There was at least one atheist, a couple of agnostics, a Hindu and a Muslim, mostly were Christians and displayed commitment to or have been active in human rights campaign.

Demographically the commission was unbalanced. 35 percent-6 members were drawn form the ranks of apartheid's white beneficiaries who comprised 17 percent of the population. Only seven commissioners - 41 percent — came from the African community that was 70 percent of the population. From the start there was an undercurrent of concern that carried a racial essence; there were also concerns from the start, suspicions about hidden agendas.

There was also concern among the commissioners with more activist backgrounds about the inclusion of Chris de Jager, a Broederbond lawyer who hailed from the far right of the political spectrum and had a reputation as a die-hard racist. There was evidence of tension when the sixteen commissioners assembled on December 1, 1995, so they agreed to go to retreat to get to know each other and come to grips with the task ahead. It laid ground for the emphasis on a fundamentally Christian outlook… They were able to distinguish between grievances and grief and to hold together a passion for justice and a compassion for the perpetrators.

With a short time of 18 months allotted for the commission to complete its business, they had to reorganize their schedules, complete their existing work and tie up their affairs There was the question of wetting up the basic infrastructure. Premises had to be found furniture and stationery ordered, telephone and data arranged before matters such as job descriptions could be agreed and responsibilities assigned.

Tutu took charge of the Human Rights Violations Committee with Yasmin Sooka and Wyanand Malan as his deputies. Hlengiwe Mkhize agreed to chair the Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee with Wendy Orr as her deputy, while Sisi Khampepe and Chris de Jager accepted appointments to the Amnesty Committee. Richard Lyster felt he should not head the investigative unit because he had antagonized the IFP Party, where much investigation would obviously take place. Dumisa Ntsebeza took over as the political head of the still-to-be established TRC investigative unit. This made him, effectively, third in seniority in a TRC structure that had to be built in a hurry.

What was also obvious, even at that early stage, was that a large number of the key-personnel involved in sustaining the system, as well as in committing some of its worst abuses, would not be coming forward. The guarantees about 'with hunts' ensured that most of apartheid's architects and directors would never shed light on the past. Many would remain in position of power and authority, having literally got away with mass murder and worse.

The TRC never took advantage of the powers it had to delve into these allegations of abuse and gross impropriety. But then, there were many areas that were opened up and, for one reason or another, were never examined by the TRC. Individuals, from lowly spies to assassins, blackmailers and the blackmailed, compromised teachers, judges, lawyers and civil servants, lie hidden within the fabric of a society where many of those who manipulated them, and know and can use their secrets, also remain at large.

This was a reality that would come bak and haunt the TRC, almost disabling this creature of compromise that, for all its faults, at least revealed something of the horrors of the hidden past. i.e., Grand apartheid masquerading as the Third Reich in south Africa since 1948, and build concentration camps throughout the South african landscape and calling them Black Locations or Townships; with their Gulags, John Vorster Square, and their killing and slaughtering farms, Vlakplas.

After Goldstone's revelations, de Klerk placed all army intelligence services under the control of Lieutenant-General Pierre Steyn and ordered him to conduct an urgent investigation into the shadowy Directorate of Covert Collections. A month later Steyn briefed de Klerk on his findings. We do not know what the general told the president, but it is believed he dropped a bombshell which eventually prompted de Klerk to dismiss 16 senior officers and suspended seven others for alleged involvement in illicit political activities, including murder.

De Klerk himself admitted that members of the South African Defense Force had been involved in illegal activities — some of which led to civilian deaths — and that they had attempted to impede the country's movement towards democracy. He said the revelations left him "shocked and disappointed":

"However, I am also resolute. I always said if there is a sore, I want to cut it to the bone and I think we are finally on our way to doing so. We will use every effort to attain that goal. I do not think one can say that the relatively limited number of people involved in any way could constitute a 'third force'. That term has become something to denote a sinister force behind all the political problems of South Africa. There is no evidence of such a force in the security forces."

To millions of blacks, Goldstone's revelations provided irrefutable evidence against the Apartheidizers of moral corruption and depravity at the possibility that dirty tricks operators were not too far removed from the inner government circles who sought to impose their will on vulnerable members of the ANC's armed wing. In the Townships(SOWETO, for example), they knew that South Africa's security forces were allowed too much rein, usurping the very laws they were supposed to uphold, protect and enforce.

The army ended up terrorizing neighboring states and conducting undeclared wars against them, while the police, through its secret branch conducted a ruthless Gestapo reign of terror against opponents of Apartheid. As people in the Townships saw it, a boil had been lanced and the ugly truth was beginning to come out. They knew that the security establishment had been blackmailing de Klerk, fearing that his reform program would expose its activities in the bad old days when destabilizing black organizations was the order of the day.

The result was that Military Intelligence had made mockery of de Klerk's statements that he was negotiating with the ANC and other political group in good faith. Widows and widowers, the orphans and the disabled people who had borne the brunt of the "third force" activities for almost a decade were crying out for justice. Political organizations were now operating above ground, yet the [Apartheid]government's close allies were still hell-bent on covert attempts to destroy them. At that time de Klerk said there were indications that some individuals were trying to sabotage the negotiation process, but added that there was yet no evidence that anyone had been aiming to overthrow the government violently

While the disclosures left de Klerk "shocked and disappointed," the country was enraged. People in the Townships did not believe that a mere 23 security officials were a few putrid flies in the dirty, otherwise pure ointment. To the masses, to deny the existence of a 'third force' was to indulge in sophistry. Daily there were calls that de Klerk should submit the country's security forces to supervision by an international force and resign his own position to make way for a democratic government. ANC is in power, but Apartheid is still alive and lurking in the shadows, but only time would tell…

South Africa is now headed for the World Cup 2010, and there has been a lot of infrastructure rebuilding, renewal, fixing of roads and houses being done. The politics of the day regarding road to the World Cup have taken on a new turn. And in the end, after the oWord cup, these Stadia stand like White Elephants with practically no use on them and for them, by the locals.

The Two Weekends of Hopeful Change(See My Hub, "South Africa And the 2010 World Cup"... Already Published here on Hub Pages)

Since South Africa was given the honors to host the World Cup Soccer Finals, a lot of water has gone under that bridge. There were haranguing, moans, groans, complaints, near-rebellion and harsh criticisms about the new government and its myriad issues, by all South Africans of every stripe. The events took a sharp turn on the 22 of May 2010, when the Semi-finals of the rugby matches were played for the first time in Orlando Stadium, Soweto, South Africa.

It was the first time such an event had taken place in the history of Soweto and South Africa, that two of the most flamboyant and powerful teams of the South African Provincial Rugby league played their game outside Loftus Stadium, which has been taken up by the World Cup officials. The fans who came for the semi-finals matches at Orlando stadium were well-received by the inhabitants of the large sprawl of Soweto, and in particular, by the inhabitants of Orlando East, with grace, courtesy and "Ubuntu".

The local TV later showed pictures of white people in Soweto having fun like never before in the local Taverns, clubs, B&Bs and ordinary well built homes and ramshackle shacks called 'Mkhukhus.' On the 22 of May 2010, new friendships were developed and old perceptions were shed off. The negative dialogue that has characterized the inter- and intra-communications amongst the different races in South Africa was debunked.

When Loftus was inaccessible to the Rugby league, players and their fans, Orlando Stadium, which is not officially used for matches in the coming World Cup, was the venue of choice, and, as usual, all the wild stories wafted within the discourse and talking points amongst South Africans.

On the 22 of May 2010, the White Rugby fans were overcome and overwhelmed by the reception accorded to them by the inhabitants of South Africa, in Soweto, where they begun to go into the Townships, and enjoyed their beer, Boerewors and steak amongst their former subjects, who they were now meeting as equals and comprised the majority rule through votes within South Africa.

None were abused or attacked, but instead, on this particular weekend, the local thugs who were trying to pull a fast-one mugging whites, were severely beaten by the locals and thrown into jail. The 22nd was a dress-rehearsal for the Finals between the Blue Bulls and the Crusaders Rugby Teams on the 29th in Orlando Stadium.

On the 29 of May 2010, the Rugby Finals were held in Orlando Stadium between the Blue Bulls and the Crusaders. Although the traffic jam left little to be desired because of the fixing of the Soweto roads, and the general repairs being done in preparation of the World cup, that did not dampen the meetings of the two peoples of South African: the South African Africans and the Afrikaners(whites) of South Africa.

The citizens of Soweto were flummoxed, flabbergasted and filled with thrill and happiness when they saw a large contingent of the Afrikaner people descending onto their Ghetto, now called a suburb, on foot, in their cars, riding the local taxis, and the newly inserted public buses called "Rea Vaya"(We are going/moving). Those whites who are used to organized and sanitary life-style in their domicile, were complaining a lot about the logistics. Some came to the match two and a half hours late.

The one fact that should not be overlooked was that the stadium was full to capacity, and there were those who came late. The coming and going into Soweto by the Afrikaner people ushered-in a new chapter and phase and terms of race relations. The Fans of both the Blue Bulls and those of the Crusaders, without the egging-on or help of the elected officials, Internet, Blogs and professional Spin Doctors, TV, Newspapers and ignorant and uninformed propagandists on both sides of the racial divide, found their way into the graces and cordial social relations with the Africans of the Soweto Townships.

The coming together and the mixing and socializing of the two races,namely Afrikaners and Africans outside the restrictive and dogmatic dividing ideologies, on both sides, were cast aside and full participatory interaction became the norm of the man in the street of both races in Orlando East and throughout the Suburb of Soweto. The fans were received as neighbors and friends without any incident to speak of.

This event saw the people of Soweto standing on the rooftops of their houses, some of the denizens stood in their yards and pavements and waved and hailed at the whites drives going bye, and the white drivers waved back in the same spirit of neighborliness and brotherliness. After the finals were over, the whole Township buzzed and roared with long time lost friendliness and replaced with happiness and acceptance of the others as to who they are and what they meant to each other; the meeting was an affirmation of the general populace of their nationalism and sorely needed tolerance between the races.

As the Blue Bulls rolled into Soweto, little children were running along their buses, and the fans of the Blue Bulls half-hanging out of the windows of the buses, were fascinated by the Township and its multitudes, were greeted by the cries of "Bulle!", Bulle!" friendly howls of African crowds and the clapping and cheering of the local residents in a welcome fan-fare and fun-fare exuding from the hosts. The fans were doling out money to the children and people, and this was indeed a new thing in South Africa.

The Afrikaner people, following their teams into the newly rebuilt Orlando Stadium, opened up the doors of "Divide," and ushered-in an era o intra-/inter social community, family and individual interaction sorely needed in South Africa without any prodding or propagandized stated social togetherness. There is a burgeoning feeling permeating South Africa that more of such natural social come-togetherness should be the trend, and more unrestricted people's movement be they new mantra and socializing.

The people of Soweto were used to seeing many white soldiers and white police crews and men in balaclavas, assaulting them and killing them. The 22 of May, the Africans saw the white people come into their ghetto/suburb with open palms and friendly smiles and, acknowledgement of the African people and as themselves-they were also towing behind them their women and children.

It was an unusual sight for the people of the Township of Orlando perched on the edge of the Soweto and Soweto Highway, to see thousands of White men and women along with their families and children. Maybe the gridlock helped to get them out of their cars, buses and Combis, and onto the streets of Orlando East, see its people, houses and life and seeing the "it" that makes Soweto without being informed, but personally seeing, feeling hearing and clasped within is rhythms and pulse.

This is what has been lacking and lagging in South Africa and its social relations: the freedom to communicate, within social entities and make new relations between the Afrikaners and the Africans free. The Blue Bulls have pledged to make Orlando Stadium their home stadium and this looks like the Rugby world is in Soweto to stay. Some say that they felt safer at Orlando Stadium than at Ellis Park in Doornfontein.

The residents of Soweto welcomed the throngs of White Rugby supporters walking through their streets towards the stadium for the first game of its kind in the vast suburb of Soweto south of Johannesburg. It is indeed a change like no other in the history of the Township of Soweto and, Johannesburg and South Africa as a whole — hope, that all can see, believe in and live in.

The Struggle for Economic Democracy in Soweto, South Africa

Community Organizations and Institutions

Not long after South Africa's first nation-wide, non-racial elections, African South Africans (Blacks) in the new multiethnic society suffered an unemployment rate of 20-50 percent. African South Africans own 2% or less of the $210 billion capitalization on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. Whites in South Africa own or hold title to 86% of South Africa's land while constituting just 13% of its total population, and own 90% of its economic wealth. This leaves the rest of Africans and "Coloreds" of South Africa, who constitute 87% of its total population with title to just 14% of its land and 10% of its wealth. As one leading African South African put it — "it's a recipe for revolution".(Michael Brown)

It is obvious that the gaining of political democracy, e.g., equal access to public accommodations by Africans, will not resolve potentially explosive racial and political conflicts which threaten to destabilize the whole South African nation unless and until economic democracy is also instituted for Africans.

This simply means that ownership and control of South Africa's wealth, land, economic resources and production must be equitably and proportionately shared between its White and non-White populations. Moreover, this means that Africans must, through individual, corporate, and institutional means not only found, buy and establish or expand new and existing businesses which operate in both the national and international economies, but must acquire high levels of equity in the major corporations and financial institutions now exclusively owned and controlled by Whites. African South Africans must form joint ventures and partnerships with major foreign corporation who wish to do business in the country.

Given the virtual absence of paucity Black capital, the achievement of economic democracy of economic democracy for Africans faces overwhelming social and economic obstacle. New or unusual methods for achieving economic democracy must be found. There are some indications that such approaches are being discovered and utilized.

For example, African South African, Donald Ncube,a former executive and board member of Anglo-American, South Africa's largest Conglomerate(Whose founder was responsible for the building of Soweto), assembled an unusual group of investors to acquire Black Majority ownership of African Life, a formerly White-owned insurance company which catered essentially to the Black(African) market.

Mr. Ncube acquired 51% of the company by going to Black(African) organizations that control money and assets but are outside the traditional financial markets. They include trade unions, church groups, trusts and Stokvels(akin to Caribbean 'Susus" in the US) or community pools of money that were set up to allow blacks to get around the lack of bank financing). The purchase of a majority of stakes in African Life by the consortium of Black institutional investors led Mr. Ncube, "marks a breakthrough in black empowerment because it brought existing black capital into the mainstream economy (WSJ, 3/3/94)

These cooperative ventures worth $160 million rands (Around $50 million US) in the hands of a broad section of the Black working community, sets an exemplary standard for Africans across the diaspora, especially African Americans. Adrian Arnott, African Life's outgoing chairman, speaks to the possibilities of tis approach when he was quoted as noting that, "This is a new sort of alliance between business and the black community that I'd like to think is a strategic coup" (WSJ, ibid).

While Mr. Ncube's approach is instructive, other indigenous South African-led investor groups or consortia are also providing examples for achieving economic democracy through acquiring control of previously White-dominated companies. Dr. Nthato Motlana, MD, who was Nelson Mandel's personal physician, led a group of investors in acquiring 10% of Metropolitan Life and in acquiring a majority interest in the Sowetan, newspaper from the Argus media group(WSJ).

The Sowetan is South Africa's largest daily newspaper, with a circulation of about 225,000. Ninety-nine percent of its readership is Black, and before its acquisition by African investors was 100% owned by the white Argus Group. Dr. Motlana's group, Prosper Africa Group, has also acquired a 20% share of a new cellular telephone venture valued at $29 million. It must be noted that Dr. Motlana's approach to acquiring significant and majority interests in previously white-owned companies is highly controversial in the South African community,especially because he achieved those ends without putting up his own money and because Argus still retains a major role in the Sowetan.

The Motlana group's purchase of their 20% share of the cellular phone venture was "financed in part by a soft loan from the Industrial Development Corp., and in part by banks and other partners. In fact, Dr. Motlana's group acquired 52% of the Sowetan by swapping part of its cellular stake with Argus" (WSJ)

The Thebe Investment Corporation(African owned) also made a controversial transaction and investment made with major white white-owned corporation, and was described by Business Week thus:

"A few local deals are stirring up controversy, however, Thebe Investment Corp., headed by Vusi Khanyile, former head of the African National Congress finance division, was established by a trust fund headed by Nelson Mandela and other ANC leaders. Critics charge that it is unfairly dominating the shift to black entrepreneurship, first with an educational-publishing deal with Macmillan Boleswa, a Swaziland based Macmillan unit that had a lock on the schoolbook market in much of southern Africa.

Thebe received 25% of equity in the company in return, it seemed to critics, for little more than a channel of communication to the ANC's education honchos. Subsequent Thebe deals haven't quieted fears that its main strategy is to enter spheres where government licensing is required. Already, it plans to take over from the South African Airways, the state-owned airline, in partnership with a group led by the former CEO of Canada's Air Ontario.

And it's getting a foothold in one of the two lucrative cellular phone networks scheduled to start Mar. 31. Khanyile says Thebe's goal is to advance black economic empowerment and that opposition to Thebe is orchestrated by political opponents. But Mandela has personally acknowledged the problem, telling businesspeople at an election campaign meeting recently that the ANC was seriously contemplating breaking its links with Thebe soon (Business Week)

The deals entered into by the two companies mentioned above lacked sufficient capital and with others like them led to cries of 'tokenism' and 'opportunism' by their critics, and this indicated the aggravating presence of a dilemma faced by a black nation seeking to achieve economic democracy without sufficient capital of its own. The Wall Street Journal described this dilemma succinctly as follows:

Charges of Tokenism

"But the trend is controversial. Buyers are accused of tokenism; sellers are viewed as opportunists. "Quite frankly, it's largely a situation in which persons who have a certain amount of political clout are using money they don't have to acquire businesses they probably won't run," says Stephen Friedman, director of the Center for Policy Studies. The controversy reflects a quandary surrounding these transactions.

How can blacks expand their economic muscle when Apartheid has deprived them of the means to build up capital to do so? And when they manage to leapfrog obstacles — obtaining soft loans that can be repaid with dividends from their investments, for example — they're accused of getting favors because of their race or political connections.

"It's a Catch-22," says Frank Kilbourn, manager of corporate finance at Standard Merchant Bank, which has been active in the black empowerment trend. "If you don't want to be accused of tokenism, you don't do anything that isn't strictly commercial. And since they don't have capital, if you don't want to do something that isn't strictly commercial, you end up doing nothing. You have to find ways to cross the bridge from non-participation to capitalism."

However, it is important to note the most common means by which Africans are getting a foothold in the mainstream South African economy. Business Magazine describes it this way:

"BIGGEST PUSH. Wile some black-led consortiums have begun to buy up business stakes, the more common route to black ownership so far is through joint-venture deals with foreign, mostly U.S.,corporations seeking to reestablish a presence in the country they left in the tumultuous 1980s. Digital Equipment Corp., returned to Johannesburg last year to sell workstations.

"Apple Computer Inc., is in the process of setting up a sales office with some Black(African) partners. The biggest push is toward deals in consumer goods. First, Mike Inc., announced it was contracting a Soweto-based business group to produce leisurewear and distribute footwear through 400 outlets in South Africa in a deal worth $6 million. Then came the Reebok deal. Although the initial capital injection was little more than $1 million, the new partners s]]saw scope for rapid expansion and even manufacturing, creating as many as 450 jobs."

What is of interest here is the apparent willingness of certain American-based multinational corporations to inter into joint-venture deals or partnerships with Black South African groups while they have demonstrated little or no interest in making such deals with African Americans. It appears that these concessions to African South Africans and nations like the Red men in America are due to their being nations; or, that their markets are not totally or non-resistantly open for exploitation by outsiders.

Therefore, the community is merely exploited by the alien businesses who do business with or in it while contributing little or nothing to its social well-being. As to where Soweto is going, the jury is still out on that issue since the Contemporary government is still licking the droppings of the "Gravy Train" rather than take care of the basic needs and necessities of the denizens of Soweto and other ghettoes in the hinterland. The struggle is still continuing in regard to water, electricity and employment issues. Unless these are fully and completely addressed, the horizon of the future will still be thick with troubling dark clouds looming over the yet to be seen future.

Leadership Or No Leadership


Soweto Today: Non Leadership And Domcile

The African South African Petit Bourgeoisie - Sell Outs, Quislings, Turncoats

Mzantsi: Let's Talk Sharp with One Another...

Why Have We Come To Hate Ourselves? Well, Let's talk

At times write or post articles originally written of taken from some writers to upgrade our knowledge and consciousness. As a media enthusiast/analyst, I have been viewing several Walls on FB that portend to carry out the struggle. What these are, critically looking them, are just bellicose knee-jerk reactions and rants on our part, pretending to be caring and talking about our problems and plights. Well, in so far as the diatribes are concerned, it seems like a conscious people are engaged in a positive palaver, but that would be far from the truth. Our cream of the crop is rushing pellmell into being accepted and seen as being European, and not Africa… This is a fact, and i can argue with anyone contrary point of view on this matter...

In all earnestness, we have lost our bearings, moorings and campus in life. We are under great and grand delusions of grandeur, that if one were to accumulate more money, and sacrifice ones soul and human beingness(Culture, Customs, etc), that does not matter, but money does. We have dug ourselves, we Africans of South Africa, into a hole that we cannot climb out of. We glorify, cherish, and work very hard to be a poor copies of other cultures and are strung-up on material wealth and technological gadgets and nothing more.

We have become adept at scoffing and dismissing our cultural, linguistic, musical and other heritages that make us Africans of South Africa, and have become lackeys of other peoples around the world. We are a confused, scared and dumbed-down peoples. We of Mzantsi, have no sense nor direction of what is happening. We are all filled with uncertainties, distrust, and have to live with an irresponsible petty bourgeoisie which is very vulturistically opportunistic. They have a tendency to enquire as to ones status in our meetings in any situation, what kind of car one drives, where does one live, or was edumacated; they wear western contemporary fashion, smudge ourselves with foreign perfumes, jewelry(which we now put on our teeth, too), live in shameless opulence, and strive hard to maintain that type of status quo and wealth acquirement to our dissatisfaction-and desire to be accepted as Europeans, not Africans.

Today, because we have become very good at rejecting our culture, we have become an illiterate nation, with a miseducated youth and totally blank adult population. The matric results are one indicator of this charge. We are becoming sick nowadays, most of us suffering from flues, pneumonia, dysentery, diarrhea, in the middle and heat of the summer. We do not control our water (by we, I mean the army of consumers of this drinking water)-neither the electricity. We are inept in all what we do. We depend on nepotism, cronyism, which has been shepherded by a cabal of a motley crew of thugs posing as our government and leaders.

The people that are supposedly being put in position of national social responsibilities are ignorant, inept, dysfunctional, unknowing, arrogant, and pilfering upon the public coffers; corruption is rampant; rape and murder are chronic in our communities; Alcoholism is a pandemic disease; drug abuse and proliferation has becoming the new normal in our midst; churches are fleecing their parishioners; the much touted and oft abused concept of "Ubuntu" is no more existent in our divided and shattered African collectives; our children do not even know our part history, customs, cultures, traditions languages and other sacred rites and their practices, and we, the present elderly, are not even helping them, and we ourselves are functionally incapable of capturing/performing our culture, customs, traditions and the whole bit.

People are scared of critiquing the ANC; the ANC has arrogantly abrogated to itself all powers and is distorting and making its own polity ignorant and uneducated so's to rule over us effectively. They, the present government, wants us to accept that all these social malaise are because we are now experiencing a new democracy, newly found freedoms, in the face of all that they, our present leaders are doing that is wrong/corruption. No one wants to be told that we are a failure and being wiped out of the face of our land in all aspects of our decrepit existential reality.
Reading up on Wilson is an eye opener for us, if we will ever have the gall and guts to face our weakened state of being. Wilson writes:

"… The way we think, the way we behave, helps to create the kinds of victimization from which we suffer. The oppressive configuration the White man has assumed in relationship to the African man is in good part the result of the fact that we have permitted ourselves to remain in complementary subordinate configuration conducive to his oppressive designs. "The White man Cannot Be What He Is unless We Are What We Are As A People".
"And one way of transforming the White man is through 'self-transformation'. "He cannot be what he is if we are not what we are".

"Therefore, we must take responsibility for that part of our personality, that part of our community, and that part of ourselves over which we have control, and change that part. And if we change those parts of ourselves and our community, we shall change this man. Who gives a damn about changing him anyway? It does not matter!

"One of our major problems is that African leadership has been involved in converting Whites. That misleads us time and time again. Give it up! One of the major steps in the rehabilitation of the African man/Woman/Child, etc, is to give up the White man and forget about him!"

This is one helluva tough thing for the African elite in Mzantsi to wrap their heads and thin skins around. Why should they give up their stolen and ill-beggoten loot? Why should they give up their income, life-styles, power, importance, and standard of living for the sake of the good for all Africans. Why should they? This is the conundrum that that stops any one of these 'latter-day' South African millionaires are faced with. Why should they not hobnob with the celebrities and people of power? Give up golfing? Have no 'helpers' in their house? Are they not providing job creation, they wonder? Why should they not imbibe the accoutrements of the world of wealth and modernity? Why should they be bothered with paying obeisance and respect to an ancient and decrepit useless African culture, customs, etc, when the world is modern and moving along in the 21 century? Yes, these people who ask these questions and more are part of us, they are us.

We have to learn how to critique ourselves and accept our shortcomings and over-inflated sense grandeur. We should get rid of our confusion as to who we are as African People. We neither American nor European, nor will we ever be. We shall never be accepted as those people as being them, instead, they would respect us more if we were our selves, without trying to ape others. Our culture should guide our thinking. Our custom condition our behavior; our tradition determine ourselves as a people and nation. We cannot afford to be hoodwinked by television, and other western cultural imperial artifacts and gadgets. We should know these, but use them to suit ourselves. We cannot think like we are of European origin in our psyche and other distorted cultural unrealities we so apt to adopt, at the expense of our own indigenous cultures, traditions, customs and so forth

'Madness(Mental Illness) And Rage'

The African community must examine itself and see to what degree it has contributed to its own madness, demise, oppression and powerlessness.

When one looks around our own communities, there's an exaggerated reality of madness and mental health. We learn from Wilson that"

"A part of the problem of mental illness in not what people do to each other, and not what mama, daddy, or somebody else does to a child. A part of it is also how what mama does is reacted to on the part of the child. It is not so much that the Europeans think were are inferior, and that we this and that, and that the European maligns our character, et cetera: It is the reaction of anger, as Cobbs and Price point out, "The reaction of rage." Yes, we are going to find rage in teenagers, and rage in people that destroy and prey on the community; and it is the this reaction that distorts reality, distorts the individual's creativity, distorts the necessary unity and distorts the very mechanism that can get the individual out of his/her behavior," writes Wilson.

"I was talking to one drug addict who was outlining the regular thing about mama; mama not loving her and mama mistreating her. And so she saw herself as having only two choices; either would become what mama said she would become, or she would become better than what mama said she would become-both being reactions to mama, both still tied to her mama, both making her a creation of mama.

"The African(Black) bourgeoisie is as much a creation as is the African(Black) criminal; they are both reactionary styles, and both a means by which people try to deal with their dilemma of White oppression. And quite often people think, (and she-mama) thought that there are only two choices: Either I react to it that way or I react to it the other way; I react to it in terms of rage or I overachieve.
"But if reactions of rage, hatred, and vengeance are not permitted to capture the personality, to consume and concentrate consciousness and attention, perhaps then, another alternative, another approach will be discovered.

"This is the thing that we must recognize in ourselves as a people. Reactions in terms of depression, rage and anger, reactions in terms of compensatory mechanism, are reactions that help to deny the criminality on a certain segment of our people, and that obscures the behavior of many of our teenagers in our current situations — which help to maintain the situation in and of itself.

"Why can't our leadership deal with that issue? Why is it we say that African people are losing out in the so-called "arms" race. As they call it? Arms Race! Why aren't we questioning our leadership when since the 1950s (and 1960s), the situation of our people worsened? We have leadership, today, that refuses to confront forthrightly the issues and the circumstance in which we find ourselves.
"For not capturing economic and social control of our communities, and for not building up An African Orientated Philosophy, and for not building our brains, and studying, and reading, and writing, and organizing, and developing, we must hold ourselves responsible, in part, for the madness. I therefore suggest that the issue then is not so much one of diagnosis for the patient, but a diagnosis of ourselves, a diagnosis of the system, and more so than that — getting on with the work of revolution. (Wilson)

I began by titling this piece as "Let's Talk Sharp With One Another". We can all wax revolutionary and political until we turn some other color either than our melanin, that will not alter the fact that we are in serious trouble here in Mzantsi. Our leadership is made up of quislings, sell-outs and turncoats. This is an undeniable fact. Some of us here in Mzantsi are averse to such talks for it threatens their present status and reality if those who complain about our(the poor's) shredded present decrepit existential unreality. Well, talk, some of us will talk/write.

Well, it's about time we started talking to each other and not at each.We have to talk and listen to one another and stop dictating our half-cooked mind-sets to those we deem to be lower than us, and yet we are in the same prison, the same devastated reality that we face as the Africans of Mzantsi. I am not going to be talking so much about White people in my posts, but will directly address ourselves(Africans) as to what is happening to us today.

We should not kid ourselves that this is a problem that is faced by Africans in south Africa only. African Americans, those who are naive enough and come here to South Africa and behave with some haughtiness and arrogance, are in the same boat with us-where they come from in the United States. I need not say this because I might be dismissed as an African in Africa, but Wilson bears out my assertions, and this is what Africans, all over the world, are having to deal with, equally and in the same way, no matter what.

You are not better because you are an African American in America, nor am I better because I am an African in the Motherland… We are all in the same ship, prison and enclosed oppression, depression suppression and you name it, the same sh*t, we, Africans in Africa, and all those in the Diaspora, desperately need this type of talk and communications for our own sanity and survival as a people...

Wilson says we cannot be slaves and be Africans at the same time, because if one is to become what we see ourselves as today, slaves, we have to discard of our those characteristics that make one of Africa… This is profound, and it is important.

Dumbed Down Education: Post-Apartheid Under African Rule

Dr Asa Hilliard one of Africa's great educators who died recently and left us these parting words. "The education of African people is an urgent necessity. It is a matter of life and death. We cannot abide another generation of children who have no i

Dr Asa Hilliard one of Africa's great educators who died recently and left us these parting words. "The education of African people is an urgent necessity. It is a matter of life and death. We cannot abide another generation of children who have no i

Seeing Education As Miseducation In Soweto(Mzantsi)


Erudite African Mass Potential Leadership

There is a pervasive sense of foreboding and impending doom among Africans who let themselves look reality "dead in the face". In the face of the tremendous deterioration of their quality of life — mounting unemployment, increasing poverty, crime, moral degradation; devastating miseducation and the even more devastating lack of education; overwhelming drug addiction and insensate violence, homicide, terror, prostitution, disease and corruption.

In the face of children having children, social incivility, a youth culture whose raucous music speaks of nihilism, rape, robbery and murder. The degradation and venal hatred of Black(African) women, of everything Black(African). In the face of unfulfilled longings for the satisfaction of basic needs in the midst of the 'affluent'.

There is a need for food, for physical safety and security, for belonging, love, acceptance, higher self-esteem, knowledge and understanding, freedom and autonomy... achievement, creativity and self-realization, in the face of all these unfulfilled dreams and wishes-the African community in ever-rising crescendos emits a heart-rendering cry for new leadership. Even the old leaders are calling for new leadership.

The persistent call for leadership in the Black(African) community is a call for help, a call for a set of leading persons, organizations and ideas that can provide the community with a sense of unity, definition, direction, power, with a developmental plan and the wherewithal to realize its abundant human potential.

The most persistent complaints the community makes concerning it current leadership are that they have either been co-opted by the past apartheid White ruling regime; are outdated in terms of values, goals and techniques; are not truly and deeply committed to the welfare of the people; are self-centered, self serving, egocentric, 'corrupt'; out of touch with the current and future realities.

They are so timid that they cannot recognize the needs of the people or articulate those needs in ways which move the people toward their satisfaction; are intellectually inept and are not effectively educating the masses and inspiring them to realize the enormous power which lies dormant within themselves; are co-opted and put into strategic position by the ANC government even if they had been rejected by the communities and the African voting polity.

I won't debate or critically go into nor evaluate these complaints. I believe that even if the contemporary Black(African) leadership accurately gauged and articulated the needs of African people and their communities, this would not necessarily empower the masses. The generation of social power requires appropriate 'organization,' 'tactics' and 'strategies' — and a unifying vision or sense of mission. It requires a guiding set of ideas or an ideology whose attempted realization defines the social attitudes, relations and institutions which together can empower a people.

A people are empowered or disempowered by the guiding ideologies of their leaders to whom they pledge allegiance. Though leaders recognize the needs of their followers an are at one with them in terms of their own needs, their choice of inappropriate social-political ideologies and goals may bring both themselves and their followers to despair. This is the kind of poor, weak and tired leadership that the poor masses have to deal with.

This then means that as we're evolving in our understanding of this decrepit situation, we need to shine a brighter light on the problems that have been listed above and find out why is it so. It is here in this article I turn to Sankara for a much more sober and focused laser-like analysis to our these problem and what he has to say about it that will make our lack of understanding of these issues much more clearer, and poor people can mull on them and think them through much more clearly in a speech he gave on March 26, 1983....

Sankara runs the revolutionary rap thus:

Who are these enemies of the people?

"They are to be found here at home and abroad. At this very moment they are trembling, but you must expose them. You must drive them back into their holes. The enemies of the people are here inside the country are all those who have illicitly taken advantage of their social position and their place in the bureaucracy to enrich themselves.

"By means of bribery,maneuvers, and forged documents they have become shareholders in different companies. They are now involved in financing business and obtaining approval for this or that enterprise — in the guise of helping Upper Volta. These are the enemies of the people. They must be exposed. This section of the bourgeoisie must be fought against, and we will fight against it.

Who are the enemies of the people?

"They are the men in politics who travel through the countryside exclusively at election time. These politicians are convinced that only they can make our country work. These enemies of the people must be exposed and combated. We will combat them with you. The enemies of are likewise those who keep us in ignorance. Under the over of spiritual guidance and tradition, they exploit the people instead of serving their real spiritual needs and their real social interests. They must be fought against and we will fight them.

"The enemies of the people are also beyond our borders. Their base is among unpatriotic people here in our midst at every level of our society — civilian and military men, men and women, old and young, in town and country alike. These enemies from abroad — neocolonialism — are among us. From its base among these stateless men, those who have rejected their homeland,who have, in fact rejected their own people(the people Of Upper Volta (Mzantsi?), this enemy abroad is organizing a series of attacks.

First will come the none-violent and the violent stage. At this stage we are living through the non-violent stage [in the case of present-day South Africa, violence has become the norm]. This is the enemy abroad — imperialism, neocolonialism — is attempting to sow confusion in the minds of the Voltaic people. According to their newspapers,radios,and television, Upper Volta is all fire and blood.

You see, imperialism is wrong. But Imperialism is a bad student. Even though it has been defeated, though it's been sent out of the classroom, it come back again. It's a bad student. Imperialism never draws lessons from its failures. Its down in South Africa cutting African throats — just because Africans there are thinking about freedom, as you are today

Imperialism is everywhere, making us think like it, submit to it, and go along with its maneuvers by spreading it culture (cultural Imperialism), far and wide with the he;p of misinformation. We must bar the road to this imperialism. As I said,it will proceed to a violent stage. It is imperialism that landed troops in certain countries we know. Imperialism armed those who are killing our brothers in South Africa. Imperialism again is the assassin of the Lumumbas, Cabrals, Kwame Nkumahs, Machels..."

Need I say more. All I can add at this point is that practical application is needed, after writing such a pieces about ideas of 'Leadership' and What its made of and is doing at present, will be added on. The readers can make up their own mind about they have read here-the fact this remans an ongoing research project from which we will be posting ideas that are practical and helpful for Africans of South Africa.

The piece above gives and clear view of the mass mind in a simple form, the second part are the ideas of Sankara reinforcing the call for action, practice and tactics. The next post will put all these in a digestible context for all to use. We need to talk about these issue of leadership so as to sharpen our Critique and Anti-Critique of it... Is strange how power, society and leadership are still an on going conversation in the African communities on the Continent and in the Diaspora, and Sankara, in 1983, captured its essence and was evolving ideas how to really deal with it.

What we can do as South Africans with this material is to make sure we read it, and pass it on to as many people as people. An updated and educated masses is the most feared weapon by imperialism. The task of Africans in South Africa today is to see to it that they educate and inform the masses - This is the leader we should be looking forward and toward in the future tactics, strategies and social engineering using, implanting and embedding new formations, attitudes and ways of doing for the poor like has never been done before.

Welcome To Mzantsi

The Story Of South Africa Today is that of a Broken System And Country

The Story Of South Africa Today is that of a Broken System And Country

What's Happening And What's Going On In Soweto/Mzantsi: Seeing It In 20/20

The State Of The African Nation In South Africa

Let's Get it Right, Once And For All...

I am an ardent advocate of Anything South African(From a Sowetan's Perspective) and am not backing off my stance. Why? It seems like few people really understand what is happening to us here in Mzantsi(as we fondly) call our country. It seems that my exuberance in making the case of African South African is met with mixed reaction and some kind of Push Back. Well, for the first time I am editorializing about things South African and why it is so vehemently want to air our point with abandoned care. We are currently facing a crisis amongst ourselves as African South African. I am not talking on behalf of those who want to wear the cap that they are the African middle class of South Africa.

I am talking on behalf of the army of the poor and ignored. In my Township, there are people who drink bails of water to go to sleep; people who cannot receive medical help or never know when/where the next meal is coming from. People are still suffering the devastating effects of alcoholism, malnutrition, mental illnesses; freezing and unheated houses; drug abuses and multiple devastating diseases.

We used to bury people on weekends only — now we do so everyday — the cemeteries are already full and other space is being sought; we suffer unemployment, f*cked-up education; we live with rats, rodents and some big and larger than cats; we have many people living in shacks; the government is not taking care of the meek, weak, sick and poor as it should; Africans in Mzantsi are jeered at by everyone(mostly foreigners of all races) as being lazy, won't works; we still have to fight against the undercurrent put downs of our past enslavers who are manipulating foreign labor/economy/society and natural resources, at the expense of local workers; we are immersed in a state of enforced ignorance; women being raped regularly; men being killed, maimed and drugged, made alcoholics and rendered unemployable and unemployed.-

In sum, we are worse-off than during the Apartheid era-you hear people say so too. Then, when I defend the defenseless of South Africa, some people who are African accuse me of being only about South Africa. Well, we are about to loose our current population and land, and now I am told not to advocate for what is left of us or for us-if there is anything left at all, anyway...

We see our land being parceled away to the highest bidders, corruption is rampant, We are now on top in the scale of Everything bad that can happen to a people, their country and natural resources of which we own, we possess none. I am talking here, not about the rich and comfortable fat-bellied African elite, but what is going on in our lives as the majority African poor people... everything that we thought was ours is not-everything. At the same time we have to fight against a relentless and determined enemy(the past enslavers and the present African rulers) which has all the resources available like those with money and manpower, and when we raise our voices in disgruntlement we are told that we have to remember that the whole of Africa must be free. Our leaders brashly tell us that we are now free and 'everyone for themselves'.

But we forget that Africa was not liberated in one swoop. It went on over many years, and still those Africans who were free such a long time ago, still have not resolved their internal contradictions in their country. We are talking here of a mere 20 years and instead, we, the supposed-owners are the wretched of the earth-are still facing the same, now worsened, decrepit and oppressive conditions and existence since the Days of hard-core Apartheid above ground-which has now gone a bit underground but in still in control. How can we talk in terms of the continental unity when we all have to battle the West and the rest of those who think African South Africans should not complain, protest, try to push their national agenda, of which none of these things have been accomplished or are in any way or form in progress.

We are still reeling from the 48 straight years of the worst form of Naziism with its presently continuing effort to eliminate us. We are facing a predatory and gendarme rogue government bent on fleecing and enriching/deepening their pockets at the expense of the locals. Some people think that South Africa is New York, and they have the right to do as they please... Others act like fighting for issues South African is not fighting for Africa! Preposterous! Some of our South African brothers think that they are white, and you can tell from the way they are talking, walking, living and the whole bit.

They quickly run away from the present morbid and dreadful of our former Concentration camps(Townships) conditions with the hope that if they concentrate/live elsewhere, they might find respite from the present harsh realities facing our extinction. Thus far, we, the people of Mzantsi see nothing that we can be proud of or claim as ours — therefore, my insistence on the preservation of South African African history, culture, custom, traditions, languages and practices and rites, music, dances and garb is not because we have any handle on it, but because they are barely recognizable, and many of us scorn and scoff at them.

Poor education is disempowering our people, that is, unless you have money to send your child to better schools, you are doomed. This calamity and dysfunction is eroding the true social/cultural/customary/traditional fabric of our people; it's disappearing million of people due to HIV-AIDS, TB; cholera; high blood pressure, sugar diabetes, kidney failure; depression, repression; genocidal attrition... Everyday of our lives... Today, on the summer of 1983/1984. many people are suffering from dysentery, cholera and diarrhea and flue/pneumonia, pulmonary embolism, and so forth, that there is no outcry or protestation in raising these concerns.

South Africa is in Africa but it is run by everybody except the masses of African South Africa. You cannot talk of fixing your neighbors houses before you put yours in order. You cannot overlook the importance of building ones' Street, Township, Province without first taking care of and hold of all that is local. How can we talk of fixing Africa which has so many different countries run by the West and the East? Why pretend like we can take on this mammoth task whilst the city states within Africa are dependencies of the West and the Rest of the Capitalist vultures who are lurking in our mines, our farms, our railways system, our land, our metropolitan towns; our lives and existence.

How can we help in the reunification of Africa if we in South Africa are not even having a smidgen of unity; a semblance of a nation; neither controllers of our economy, media, sports, arts, music, manufacturing, you name it, Africans in South Africa, as a collective, are not holders of rights nor owners of everything that is enclosed within the borders of that country. These question still linger, and our people are dying by their millions from a myriad of ailments in this putrid and decrepit blindly robbed South Africa… yearly... for centuries.

Nobody has asked us as to what is really going on here in Mzantsi. Everyone knows that they can get a piece of action, but as to the locals, they are dismissed and not even listened to… I am raising this issue knowing that it is going to raise the ire of some people-so be it. What do I have to loose but my nation, custom, culture, traditions, languages, practice and rites... what do we have to lose but our land, its resources and all that is contained in it-of which, as far as I have been saying, is already lost-or is it? I am saying to my brothers and sisters in South Africa, we need to get this one right, no matter how long it may take us. We must know and dictate what is going on here in Mzantsi-as a collective of African people.

Some of us will not see this to fruition, but I am damn sure I am going to try and leave something for our children and their children to remember that the fight never stopped nor finished. We need to fight even harder, irk some people, maybe find some allies, if possible, but fight this war which has morphed into many fronts. I am identifying those fronts here, and I do not want any compensation for it. But I will use this viral media to get my point across- and I am using many new technologies to get this type of message-through Blogs, Internet radio, journal posts and writing; FM and Television-Worldwide to make our concern to be at the forefront of the global purview.

Everyone comes to South Africa and African South Africans cannot go out as they please for many reasons. African People have been purposefully kept ignorant; books are hard to come bye; the media is white-owned; Malls are white-owned; Whites still own 83% of the land; if you ask us locals, we will tell you that the sad thing is that really, nothing has changed, but instead, we are now living in hell without a choice of changing the order of things inside the country.

Our brothers are our enemies; our children disrespect us elders; our social mores and norms have been sacked, flaunted and discarded. We really never had 'freedom of speech', economic self sufficiency; educational development where teaching and learning should take place; we do not own our own businesses and are attacked from any imaginable angle; we are the most deprived of knowledge, information and at the tail-end of those technologically disempowered people, that we are; as a people, that , we have people decry the fact that we should not be talking South Africa, with all these social maladies and wretched conditions and existence we are facing as of the writing of this Hub.

If I have to advocate for South Africa, I will do so with gusto and much energy. I approach the issue of Africa from many points of view, and if one needs to prove what I am saying, visit my Hubs about South Africa already published here on South Africa, and then some.

We, as Africans of South Africa are facing a gigantic task of trying to cope, exist and survive. To do his, I am willing to be persecuted in whatever manner anyone deems possible, but that will not stop me from posting on other sites, till maybe some take me seriously about issue facing South Africa, and ultimately Africa(of which I still have a lot of posting to do on this particular angle-Africa). Fighting for Africans of South Africa will logically be followed by the fight for Africa, there is no other way around this issue.

Cultural, Traditional, Customary Ways Of Seeing and Being

Culture Lives - We are Our Culture

Culture Lives - We are Our Culture

Knowing Intimately Our History, Culture, Traditions, Customs: Our Way towards Freeing Ourselves And Becoming Autonomous

So, Where are we going to? What is the future looking like in Mzantsi? It is bleak, to say the least. Tense. Confusion and uncertainty rules. Mental illness has become increasingly magnified and disbursed into the core of the society. Ignoring the culture, customs, traditions and so forth, has brought about a people in no-mans-land. The people are not accepted as they vie to be of foreign cultures, and they have discarded their own customs, traditions and scared rites. There is no people that can exist and survive outside and without their culture. They are neither here nor there...

We learn more about this reality and history, if not being taught by Asa Hilliard that:

"In spite of centuries of attempts at ethnic cleansing and miseducation, there are ancient independent systems of indigenous African socialization that are still in operation today, on the continent and in the Diaspora. These systems are not familiar to most of us anymore. Some of our socialization retentions are watered down versions of what we once had, while some have changed little since ancient times. These retentions provide opportunities to observe and learn about some of the indigenous socialization practices.

"The task of reclaiming even a portion of the best indigenous socialization practices in Africa is enormous. The continent of Africa is some 11,608,000 square miles; twenty percent of the earth's land. Over 771,000,000 African people populate the continent. Add Africans in the Diaspora, and that brings the total of Africans in the world to more than a billion-and-a-half. Africans speak at least 1,000 different languages, practice a variety of rituals and traditions, and foster distinct cultures. But even with the variety on the continent and in the Diaspora, Africans possess many basic cultural connections that extend beyond individual, 'tribal' distinctions. They include similar socialization practices, rituals, and perceptions of community, the ancestors, and God.

Some African socialization retentions have been modified, and can be recognized only by well-prepared observers. Examples of African cultural retentions abound. Africans in Suriname, located on the North coast of South America, have managed to maintain traditional African culture; even more so than many contemporary Africans in Ghana. They are able to maintain these traditions after almost four hundred years of physical separation from Ghana (Counter & Evans, 1981).

So that whatever Asa is saying, adds to my point that, even though our culture seems useless or backward, whatever is left of it, we can and should be knowing it and practicing it as much as possible. There is no other way around this issue. If we stop running away from ourselves, we might be able to be sane and develop much more better within a culture that emphasizes, at its core, Humanity and Human Centeredness.

If we are going anywhere, it will be though the spirit and actions that will be dictated to us and condition us, our own and very sturdy and reliable African History, Culture, traditions, customs, sacred rites and practices, languages, music, Dance and traditional clothes.

More Changes, means issues still remain the same

Today, 20 years after the racist system of governance was brought to an end, Soweto has become a microcosm of the prosperity, poverty and everything in between experienced by the black population of today's South Africa.

Today, 20 years after the racist system of governance was brought to an end, Soweto has become a microcosm of the prosperity, poverty and everything in between experienced by the black population of today's South Africa.

Control; Option; Command; Return; DeleteThe Game Of Neocolonialsim

I Have Seen This Movie Before - I am Living Such A Movie: Seeing Oneself In The Looking Mirror Looking At Oneself Looking...

My township was "Yellow" and people were hustling and bustling-going up and down, standing in many groups, talking, laughing, listening to the loud speakers that are clogging our ether and peace. It is a day before the elections, tomorrow on the May 7 there's so much action, people are being bussed-in in droves; And the people were given a treat today in Orlando Stadium they are going to see a football match for 'Free"; there is a lot of talk and loud music, liquor flowing and somehow, a sad march and realization towards installing a government, which the people know will be worse than the past 20 years.

This whole charade has been going on for the past 20 years. The promises that have been made in the past elections are hammered into the peoples hearts and minds. Right now, as they knew it would be, they are going to vote and give ANC four-more-plus year to try and rule

The elections are finally here, and many people say, "Mmmm, you wait and see when people have to make their own decisions about who to vote for-I tell you, they are going to vote ANC, hands down… You ask why? Well, what else is there in this cesspool — (said in blip-able Kasi slang)… "Squat!" "Vokol!"(Nothing)

I have been posting articles to try and present an alternative input and point of view into the talking points about the elections in Mzantsi. In this issue, I will go cull from what Sankara reminds us about our own situation, today-which is very eerie and spot on about our own present situation of 20 years of neocolonial rule; Sankara was summing up the past neocolonial rule in his country"


"The task of constructing a new society cleansed of all ills that keep our country in a state of poverty and economic and cultural backwardness, will be long and Hard. ... The decision by French colonial imperialism to cut its losses was a victory for our people over the forces of foreign oppression and exploitation. From the masses' point of view, it was democratic reform, while from that of imperialism, it was a change in the forms of domination and exploitation of our people.

"This change nevertheless resulted in a realignment of classes and social layers and the formation of new classes. In alliance with the backward forces or traditional society, and in total contempt of the masses, whom they had used as a springboard to power, the "petty-bourgeoisie intelligentsia" of that time set about laying the political and economic foundations for new forms of imperialist domination and exploitation.

"Fear that the struggle of the popular masses would become more radical and lead to a genuine revolutionary solution was the basis for the choice made by imperialism. Henceforth, it would maintain its stranglehold over our country and perpetuate the exploitation of our people through national intermediaries. The entire process of organizing neocolonial society would be nothing more than a simple operation of substituting one form for another.

In Essence, neocolonial society and colonial society differed not at all. The colonial administration was replaced by a neocolonial administration identical to it in every respect. The colonial army was replaced by a neocolonial army with the same characteristics, the same functions, and the same role of safeguarding the interests of imperialism and its colonial allies.

"The colonial school system was replaced by neocolonial schools, which pursued the same goals of alienating our children from our country and reproducing a society that would primarily serve the interests of imperialism and secondarily, those of its local lackeys and allies.
With the Support and blessing of imperialism, Voltaic(Mzantsi) nationals set about organizing the systematic plunder of our country.

"With the crumbs of this pillage that fell to them, they were transformed, little by little, into a truly parasitic bourgeoisie that could no longer control its voracious appetite. Driven solely by personal interest, they no longer hesitated at even the most dishonest means, engaging in massive corruption, embezzlement of public funds and properties,influence-peddling and real estate speculation, and practicing favoritism and nepotism.

"This is what accounts for all the material and financial wealth they accumulated from the sweat of the toilers. Not content to live-off the fabulous incomes derived from the shameless exploitation of their ill-begotten wealth, they fought tooth and nail to capture their political posts that would allow them to use the state apparatus to further their exploitation ad underhanded dealings

"Hardly a year passed without them treating themselves to extravagant vacations abroad. Their children deserted the country's schools for prestigious educations in other countries(Or special private prestigious schools in the country-as in our case in South Africa)… "All the resources of the state were mobilized to guarantee them, at the slightest illness, expensive care in luxury hospitals in foreign countries"(and grand hospitals/expensive exclusive health care here in Mzantsi.

"All this has unfolded in full view of the honest,courageous, and hardworking Voltaic(Mzantsi) people, a people mired nonetheless in the most squalid misery. White Upper Volta(Big Cities of South Africa) are a paradise for the wealthy minority, it is a barely tolerable hell for the majority, the People.

"A part of this big majority, the wage earner, despite the fact that they are assured a regular income, suffer the constraints and pitfalls of capitalist consumer society. Their income is completely consumed before they have even touched it.

"This vicious cycle goes on and on, with no perspective of being broken."Through their respective trade unions, the wage earners engage in struggles to improve their living conditions(Marikana, for one). Sometimes the scope of those struggles forces concessions from the neocolonial authorities. But they simply give with one hand what they take back with the other.

"Thus a 10 percent wage increase is announced with great fanfare, only to be immediately taxed, wiping out the expected beneficial effects of the first measure. After five, six, or seven months, the workers finally understand the swindle and mobilize for new struggles. Seven months is more than enough for the reactionaries in power to catch their breadth and devise new schemes. Thus, in this endless fight, the worker always comes out the loser.

"The peasants, the 'wretched of the earth,' are also a component of this big majority. These peasants are expropriated, robbed, molested, imprisoned, ridiculed, and humiliated everyday, yet they are the ones whose labor creates wealth. The country's economy stays afloat despite its weakness, thanks to their productive labor. It is from this labor that the elite that the Gauteng's, Cape Townians are their Eldorado, and this sweetens their lives(just adjusted/added terms/names here)

"Yet, it is the peasants who suffer most from the lack of buildings, roads, health facilities, and services. These peasants,c creators of national wealth, are the ones who suffer the most from lack of schools an educational material(Lost books of Limpopo), for their children.

"It is their children who will swell the ranks of the unemployed after a brief stint in classrooms poorly adapted to the realities of this country. It is among the peasants that the illiteracy rate is highest - 98 percent. Those who most need to learn, so that the output of their productive labor can increase, are the very ones who benefit the least from expenditures for health care, education, and technology.

"The peasant youth — who have the same attitudes as all youth, greater sensitivity to social injustice, and greater desire for progress — finally leave the country-side in revolt, thus depriving it of its most dynamic elements.

"Their initial impulse drives these youth to the large urban centers[Name All The Big cities In Mzantsi]. There they hope to find better-paying jobs and to benefit from the advantages of progress.The lack of jobs pushes them to idleness, with all its characteristic vices. Finally, so as not to end up in prison, they seek salvation by going abroad(Local African cities)… where the most shameless humiliation and exploitation await them. But does Voltaic(Mzantsi) society leave them any choice?

"Stated succinctly, this is the situation in our country after twenty-three years of neocolonialism: a paradise for some and hell for the rest…"

By The Way, When Was This Written Or Spoken? It was Written And Spoken On October 2, 1983, presented by Sankara on behalf of the National Council of the Revolution in a national radio and television broadcast…

So It is Here in Mzantsi(South Africa). All What Sankara said above, is what we are — it is sort of like 'looking into the mirror and seeing oneself staring back at you'. I could not have said it better than the great President, Sankara. Everything he just said, is all taking place in our country, and has been happening for the past 20 years. I think it is about time we learned from Sankara that we are not unique in Africa with our Shamocracy/Democrazy… Many countries have gone through these shenanigans from their neocolonial rulers(in our case,today, with the ANC).

Reading Sankara, will help us realize as to what is happening and what is really wrong with the way we see and do things. What I am saying is, in preparation for the coming elections, four years from now, we need to learn and act in different ways. For me, closing this whole hullaballoo about voting,

I have decided to post the thoughts and experiences of Sankara, to be my keynote speaker as we are headed to the conclusion of voting. It is looking beyond that that I utilize Sankara, so that, if anyone four years from now can read this article, and identify all the things Sankara said in 1983, in 2018 or so, it means then we will have had one extra year from what Sankara has been 23 years of neocolonization, we will have learned nothing, and we will be repeating the same mistakes and so on, without no end.

My take of the election has been well-captured by Sankara above, and I aim to begin to learn from what he is said about Volta in 1983, to what is happening to us now in May 2014… Let's all get to work, we have a lot of hard-work ahead...

Here's Looking At You...


"Leaders Who Plan For An African Future, But Consider Knowledge Of The Past Irrelevant, Can Only Be Presumed To Be Harboring The Colonialist View Of the African Past. It Was The Wisdom Of Our Fathers to Emphasize That Each Present Generation Owes Obligations And Responsibilities To Both the Ancestors And the Generations yet Unborn...
-By J.F.A. Ajayi

Frantz Fanon Counseled:
"Each Generation Must, Out Of Relative Obscurity, Discover Its Mission, Fulfil It Or Betray It." ...

Thomas Sankara:

Thomas Sankara, often referred to as “Africa’s Che Guevara” was the president of Burkina Faso from 1983 to 1987. He seized power in a 1983 popularly supported coup, with the goal of eliminating corruption and the dominance of the former French colonial power.

Sankara’s foreign policies were revolved around anti-imperialism, with his government eschewing all foreign aid because, as he often said, “He who feeds you, controls you.” He pushed for debt reduction and nationalized all land and mineral wealth, averting the power and influence of the IMF and World Bank.

His domestic policies were focused on preventing famine with agrarian self-sufficiency and land reform, prioritizing education with a nation-wide literacy campaign, and promoting public health by vaccinating 2.5 million children. And his was the first African government to publicly recognize the AIDS epidemic as a major threat to Africa.

Thomas Sankara was an extraordinary man.

- He outlawed female genital mutilation, forced marriages, and polygamy and was the first African leader to appoint women to major cabinet positions and actively recruit them for the military. A motorcyclist himself, he formed an all-woman motorcycle personal guard.

- He encouraged women to work outside the home and stay in school even if pregnant.

- He launched a nation-wide public health ‘Vaccination Commando’ a state run program that in a period of only 15 days in early November 1984, completed the immunization of 2.5 million children against meningitis (a world record), yellow fever and measles. This operation was so successful in that children in neighboring countries like the Ivory Coast and Mali were sent to Burkina Faso for free immunization that helped curtail high rates of infant child mortality.

- He sold off the government fleet of Mercedes cars and made the Renault 5 (the cheapest car sold in Burkina Faso at that time) the official service car of the ministers. He lowered his salary, as President, to only $450 a month and limited his possessions to a car, four bikes, three guitars, and a refrigerator.

- He planted over ten million trees to halt the growing desertification of the Sahel and established an ambitious road and rail construction program to “tie the nation together.”

- He was known for jogging unaccompanied through the capital city in his track suit and posing in his tailored military fatigues with his mother-of-pearl pistol. And when asked why he didn’t want his portrait hung in public places, as was the norm for other African leaders, he said, ”There are seven million Thomas Sankaras.”

Sankara’s revolutionary policies for self-reliance and defiance against the neoliberal development strategies imposed by the West made him an icon to many supporters of African liberation. But his policies alienated and antagonized the vested interests of the small but powerful Burkinabe middle class, the tribal leaders who he stripped of the traditional right to forced labor and tribute payments, and the foreign financial interests in France and their ally Ivory Coast.

Compaore and Sankara

On October 15 1987, Sankara was killed by an armed militia of twelve officials in a coup d’état organized by Compaore. Sankara’s body was dismembered and buried in an unmarked grave. Compaore immediately took power, overturning most of Sankara’s policies. Compaore reportedly ousted Sankara because he believed that his revolutionary policies were jeopardizing Burkina Faso’s relationship with France and Ivory Coast. Sankara and Compaore were not only colleagues, they were childhood friends.

-This is why ‘Bad Karma’ should be Blaise Compaore’s middle name. He is a ruthless man who orchestrated the brutal assassination of his best friend.

-Yet he is the man routinely designated by the international community to act as a ’mediator’ to help resolve African conflicts…

Poerty In Plain Sight


Empty Promises And An Uncertain And Bleak Future For The People Of Soweto

Matthew Cassel reports:

"Our people need proper housing, not ghettos like Soweto."

These were the words of Nelson Mandela to tens of thousands at Soweto's Soccer City Stadium just one day after his release from 27 years behind bars in 1990.

Soweto, whose name is taken from the first two letters of "South Western Townships," was known as the capital of black South Africa.

Originally established for laborers in western Johannesburg's mines in the late 19 century, it became home to black families forcibly removed from areas around Johannesburg and other parts of the country. Anti-apartheid leaders like Mandela, who celebrated his 94th birthday on Wednesday, lived in Soweto while not in prison.

Today, 18 years after the racist system of governance was brought to an end, Soweto has become a microcosm of the prosperity, poverty and everything in between experienced by the black population of today's South Africa.

"It's very exciting growing up here," said 22-year-old Linda Dludla when we met at a neighborhood butcher shop that doubles as a bar on weekends near his home in Soweto's Senaoane township. "I was born at a time when a new system was being introduced."

Dludla is part of the first generation of blacks to grow up in the early 1990s, when the reconciliation process began and the country transitioned to democracy.

We sat on the park benches outside eating freshly grilled lamb chops, while shouting over the loud locally produced Kwaito tracks that combine house music with more traditional African sounds.

Dludla told me that while HIV, crime, drugs and other issues still plague the community, the government is making efforts by creating jobs. "People feel safer," he said.

Dludla, who said he supported the views of the governing African National Congress (ANC) party, to which Mandela belongs to spoke with pride about being employed as a financial adviser straight out of college.

He speaks comfortably in English, as does nearly everyone in Soweto, in addition to at least two or three native African languages like Zulu and Xhosa.

It was when the apartheid government tried to force Afrikaans into the education system that Sowetan students took to the streets in 1976, in what would later be known as one of the most important events in the struggle against the racist system.

Dludla believes it was those struggles of the generations before him that won blacks their freedom. But for him and many others who are part of a burgeoning black middle class, there are other issues facing Sowetans and black South Africans in general.

"Apartheid was not only an [oppressive political] structure, but a mental breakdown on people here. It made them feel less."

These days, Dludla said, "The government is doing what it can, but we need to meet them half way".

Black 'prosperity'

In the nearby Kliptown Township, a passenger train runs adjacent to the spacious Water Sisulu Square.

The square, named after Mandela's comrade, also an anti-apartheid activist, was created to commemorate the signing of the 1955 Freedom Charter, promoting the ideas of non-racialism and democracy, by the ANC and other opposition groups. Much of the 1996 constitution, which is considered one of the world's most liberal, resembled the demands in the Freedom Charter.

"Our country will never be prosperous or free until all our people live in brotherhood, enjoying equal rights and opportunities," reads one of the charter's main declarations.

However, just opposite the tracks some 100 meters away are rickety, one-room homes with roofs made from corrugated zinc.

Inside the narrow alleyways where children run shoeless lives 41-year-old Bob Nameng, the founder of Soweto Kliptown Youth (SKY). With long dreadlocks tucked into a cap and a silver cross hanging from his neck, Nameng spoke about growing up on the streets after losing both his parents as a child. He said that had he not met a woman in Kliptown named Mama Eva, he would have remained on the streets.

"She was a mother figure for this whole community, like our Mother Teresa. She gave me a lot, and the only way that I can show her I'm grateful is by the work that I'm doing," Nameng said.

SKY provides shelter to more than 70 black children from impoverished communities in and around Johannesburg. Nameng said he prefers to avoid the term "orphanage," because of the stigma that comes with it. He doesn't want the young people to feel self-pity.

Nameng listed a number of difficulties that Kliptown and other poor Sowetan communities face, and said the government is making little effort to fix them. "The situation is getting worse and worse," he said.

In communities like Soweto, economic development has transformed the area and overshadowed the extreme poverty. The Maponya Mall, which was opened at a ceremony featuring Mandela and other former activists in 2007, the most striking visible representation of this economic growth.

With shops like McDonalds, KFC, Timberland and Levi's, there are few local products at the Maponya Mall aside from the shoppers and a statue at its entrance commemorating the killing of 13-year-old Hector Pieterson, the first casualty of the 1976 uprising.

The mall has received widespread praise as the first of its kind in an area like Soweto, but Nameng isn't excited. "I feel it's a monster, it's swallowed so many small businesses. It's deprived so many poor women and youth a chance to be able to put bread on their table."

He motions to the passing train, saying that most of the poor people from the area now have to travel miles into Johannesburg to find affordable goods that are no longer available in Soweto.

Much of the overcrowding in the townships came during the 1950s, when the apartheid government began implementing the Group Areas Act, transferring non-whites away from areas reserved for whites. Nameng's family was from a racially and culturally diverse area called Sophiatown and was moved to the Meadowlands Township along with thousands of others.

Nameng said that today, the blame is unfairly being placed on the youth for the problems still existing in communities like Soweto. "Everywhere you go young people are being blamed," he said. "But in this country I don't remember a time when youth were given the necessities of life, especially the black youth. There was no compensation after all what has happened in the country."

No reparations were given to black people after apartheid came to an end. Nameng, like many blacks in South Africa, have grown disheartened by the post-apartheid era as most of the country's land and wealth has remained in the hands of the white minority.

"At first we were complaining about the white government, which was the oppressor. Fine, so we've got a black government now in power. What [now]? It's the same old boring song," Nameng said.

'Night is out of bounds'

In Dobsonville, another Soweto township, children blow bubbles and ride bikes past the gated homes of what could easily be an American suburb. It's the weekend and residents hang out in their front yards, some enjoying an icy drink on the warm autumn day, and like nearly everywhere in Soweto on the weekend, the beat of Kwaito and other music resonates somewhere in the background.

It's a joyous attitude in the neighbourhood as the sun slowly disappears behind Johannesburg's hills.

"For my grandchildren, night is out of bounds," said 65-year-old Gloria Majova. "At 6pm I want them home and inside the house."

Majova sits propped up with her two arms on either side of the chair. She speaks passionately, often raising her voice and straightening her back when she talks about protecting her family and how the community struggled against apartheid.

She spoke about raising her kids during apartheid when one of the biggest threats was the police. "When they were around, you could run into any house and you knew you were protected. It used to be like that."

During the transition to democracy, Majova told me about how Sowetan neighbourhoods formed street committees. "During that time there was almost zero crime," Majova said. "It lasted for a number of years. The jail in the Eastern Cape, they had to turn into a crafts centre.

"But now [crime] is escalating again. I don't think it's safe anymore in South Africa."

On A True And Working Democracy


Soweto: A City That Never Stops: Election 2014

Musings Beyond The 2014 Elections: An Elegy - But... This Is Not A Poem, But Our Lived Reality... People's Power...
In the neck of my hood/woods, the elections hunters have rallies taken on a circus race gathering and lawlessness of a people blowing steam. Constant TV haranguing, debates, bad vibes and many shenanigans on the ground, has us the residents in our area subjected to one helluva Bash called 'Marikana'. Later on this saga and shindig.

This was on the heels of a very well attended rally thrown by Zuma and his side-kicks. FNB was filled to the brim even outside of the stadium and the show was on. One of the highlights was Zuma's slide step-dance he performed to the howl of his followers. This had to be done to get the poor to say, with all the Nkdandla thuggery, 'he is a man of the people." A man after the people's minds and hearts."

Through his actions, he performs to win 'the hearts and minds' of his followers and those on the fence, etc. As far as our media goes, this was successful.

Talk was cheap in this rally, action shouted and roared more louder-jump on the stage, you will have cut short a long and involved speech. The government is using the 'show and tell' technique, by being 'live' in their 'organized' events exhorting the vote. And Television and other social media and the rest, beam all to the expectant, troubled, but captured audiences.

Some have seen a vision of a better ANC after these elections staged shows. A tinge closer to the eurphoria when the ANC ascended into power. Now, as we speak, they are pulling out all stops, and tactics to make sure they secure their rule.

Now, if you come to the Townships, the story of the ANC is something else. It is not only the ANC on the prowl for votes, but many 'strange' people tarry on the fringes on these ANC stronghold, and are not really getting traction. Many people around any corner, Tavern, household, street, Mall, funerals, talks with a certain amount of disdain for the opposition parties. When it comes to the ANC, they are more vicious. But come voting time like now, well…

"The Matter Of Fact Is That There Is some Changes We Can See..." Giving anyone a true sense of what's going to happen in the upcoming elections

But, now that votes are going to be needed, they are singing a different tune(Both the ANC and its voters), I guess it is because of the finality of the oncoming elections. Helicopters droning incessantly in the skies over Soweto-are an irritation to the already hyped up voter core.
In one Instance, DA was reported by word of mouth, throughout the Kasi, that they are having a shindig in some part of the Hood.

Some of the citizens, having imbibed some malt/hops, came to the gathering, and one of them, extremely inebriated, but said in the township colloquial:

"Who are you people? Why are you gathered in this Park? You don't even know anything about this park and yet ya'll congregating here… This Park was built by the ANC for us here in Kasie. You then have the audacity to come here and tell us (expletive) about the ANC." Well, for 'ya'lls information, were it not for the ANC erecting this park, you would all be standing on a reedy marsh..."

Other views and different people in the Townships talk about various and interesting points. Like a group of ladies and guys who were hanging our and having this Township logic palaver:
"The ANC has made our lives better with this 'Mdende'. Yes, we know there are no jobs, and we are aware that not all of us, can be educated, as we are now… "Let me tell you something," (a much more elderly lady began to speak)…

"During the Apartheid day's, when my grandmother used to get her 'pension'. They received not more than Twenty Rands every other month," and another chirped-in, "It was what Ten Rand, what are you talking about?"One of their friends quipped in: "6 times a year". "Now you look and can say, the difference is huge." As they all nodded and concurred.

Whenever I am in our midst, I eavesdrop a lot, more so to listen and participate/observe 'us' in a social interactive mode and mindset — whilst taking-in at the views people espouse or utter in their state of frustration, elation, conviction, belief, self-assertion, and so on. These are the true markers, for me, of the thoughts people verbalize, especially regarding the matters of the present-day government with all its political gyrations.

I think, within the Township people, one gets the rawness of how these issues impact them-and capturing the spirit of their delivery, is what is important. Capturing them in different settings is very hard because some points get lost in translation and writing. But it's worth trying.
My point is then at the point of the 'Bash' which I had begun to talk about in the beginning, and was dubbed "Marikana"..

It was as Wild as events get in this corner of my hide-out. There was a throng of old and young bodies doing all sorts of illicit and nefarious, lewd acts that were really consecrating the Name of Marikana 'attached' to this boisterously noisy get-together. Liquor flowed and poured down the lips and gullets of the Youth shamelessly; all sorts of Drugs that were smoked there clogged the air space and a misty pungent form and smell settled on this cantankerous rowdy/bawdy and fierce-looking, seriously wild group.

Being they left one wondering about the lawlessness that was a feature of the this Bash thrown by these youth in the area I call my home.

The Music was disturbing, its tone, lyrics and repetitiveness..Add to this coming from more than 30 cars letting blare their fine custom-made stereos and speakers. The screaming, laughing, many groups going into a dance mode whilst wailing/screeching/barking and drunken-drugged singing-along pierced the night, and raising more and more and shouting at each steps-and tick of the clock… right through the night … with no respite.

The Police? Where Were they? I had a gnawing feeling they had their feet kicked out next to their heaters, or car heaters.

The Bash was so loud and rowdy/noise from the youth, it somehow lulled us to sleep in the wee hours of the morning, and it was still going strong-with fight breakouts here and there-intermittently. This was a carry-over from the FNB stadium Rally where our leaders were prancing and sliding on the stage. Zuma stopped short of recreating Michael Jackson's Moonwalk. Really?

The Day after the elections, when the votes are in, and the 'winners' are announced, What Then? Having being given the election narrative as a dummy(Pacifier), like I have said somewhere, there's going to be a big downer, weaning ourselves from the present drug-like-intoxicating madness; and then, without any doubt or hesitation: Back Into The Vinegar Bottle, for All Of Us... Same old, Same old...

We are really facing some serious problems, and the future does not look that good. Perusing over some title headings in the press, the pundits lament: "Elections 2014: Everything And Nothing Remains The Same," "I am not Voting Against The ANC," "A Good Story To Tell, For Some," "Voting Is Not Enough: Beyond The 'Good Story/Bad Story' Debate,""A Personal Reflection On The election," KZN: Is The IFP Losing Ground?", "DA And ANC Youth Leaders Battle It Out," "Let The Youth Take Over The ANC," "How DA Rhetoric Propels Black Pathology Stereotypes," "Majority Still support The ANC,""Condemned To Obscurity: The State Of Our Population Register And The Right To Vote," "What Are '(post)Apartheid Conditions," "How The ANC's Gravity Defying Levitation Is Achieved," "On The Fall Of The ANC," which has been written by Siphokazi Magadla, I will cite a piece from her wherein she write:

“How did the ANC manage to dupe the people of South Africa?” ask Prince Mashele and Mzukisi Qobo, the authors of a new book, The Fall of the ANC: What next? The 20th anniversary of electoral democracy and the impending elections, all within weeks, force us to take seriously the place of time in the efforts to understand and diagnose the behavior of the ruling party and thereby ease or feed our anxieties about the future.

"When placed across time, current events are exposed as unremarkable, unspectacular and temporary because time allows us to appreciate continuities and ruptures with the past. At the heart of Mashele and Qobo’s thesis is the view that, looking back, the ANC was not ready to govern and that, “A great deal of what the party thought it would achieve was informed by an inflated sense of self and by sheer naivety”.

"For the authors, the end of apartheid caught the ANC by surprise. They posit that until the party started secret talks with the apartheid state in the late 1980s, the Freedom Charter of 1955 had remained the main point of reference of how the party envisioned itself in government until its adoption of the “Ready to Govern” policy document in 1992.

It follows then that South Africans should not have been surprised at the drastic move by the governing party from the modest social democratic aspects of the redistributive Reconstruction and Development Program to the far more distributively conservative Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy.

The ANC is accused of having been too preoccupied with painting itself as a “club of monks” whose outdated views of Marxism would carry the country into the ideal National Democratic Revolution. Time has thus exposed the party as both “naïve” about the requirements of governance and the bankrupt moral calibre of the party leadership, which has reduced it to the “Alleged National Criminal” (ANC) organization.

"Furthermore, the authors argue that the ANC’s behavior is no different to those of other national liberation movements in the continent because 'the first two decades of democracy has unfolded very much in sync with the wave character of post-colonial Africa'. In this regard the party is placed within the same basket as Kenya under Daniel Arap Moi, Ghana under Kwame Nkrumah, and Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe.

"South Africans are accused of allowing the ANC to highjack the ownership of liberation history and to use it to hold them hostage against voting the 'rotting' party out of power. Thus by revealing the party as having been unprepared to occupy the seat of power, South Africans ought to feel no guilt with removing it as their government.

"Besides cataloguing, in a highly colorful fashion, the failures of the ANC, this book does not offer the reader a substantive way forward. Part of the challenge of the book is that the South Africans who are the audience are spoken to, instead of being spoken with — the tone of the writing is similar to Mamphela Ramphele’s book, Conversations with My Sons and Daughters.

The book, which is based entirely on secondary data in its reading of the ANC in governance, places the focus almost exclusively on the maneuvers of the leadership of the party.

"Ordinary members of the party are thus presumed to be mere spectators in the theatre of 'Big Men' and not co-producers of such a political culture within the party. The ordinary people who are being encouraged to take charge of their hard-worn constitutional rights are not placed at the centre of the analysis in a manner that would have given Mashele and Qobo fresh insights into how the ANC can be buried, as in indeed they suggest.

"According to the authors, our best bet is the formation of a new party as the current opposition parties are rendered illegitimate. This insight is of course not new. Neither is the insight that the liberation generation is dying out and that future political leadership belongs to those with no liberation credentials.

"The distinguished Tanzanian scholar Issa Shivji has warned the current generation of African intellectuals to be vigilant about how we study our societies in the midst of the supposed changing position of Africa in the global order — where Africa is said to be 'rising' while the lives of most Africans are declining. Shivji insists that in order to understand forces of change in the lives of African people emphasis must be placed on examining the sources of agency within African communities.

So ordinary South Africans may not be faulted in declaring impatiently to Mashele and Qobo — undixelela zonke izigigaba zika rhulumente ngoba ucinga ukuba bendilele yonke leminyaka? (You are telling me about all the failures of the government because you assume that I have been asleep all these years?). Even further I would venture to say, why don’t you ask me what I think should be done.

"In a recent article in the African Affairs journal on 'Neo-patrimonial Politics in the ANC" (2014), Tom Lodge argues that, “the degenerative changes that are observed within the ANC … appear to reflect a global trend in which mass parties are being replaced by electoral machines that depend less and less upon militant activism” and more on transactional exchanges between the electorate and the political elite. Amid these electoral limitations, what becomes the source of agency for ordinary people to instruct change in governance?

"There is utility in showing the ruling party that the people are watching and taking account of the multiple ways in which the ANC is betraying its promises and thereby facilitating its own demise. But that project cannot be done sufficiently if the voices and actions of the people are not placed at the centre of the analysis that shows the party the ways in which the people are thinking about their futures beyond the ANC.

"The authors themselves state that intellectuals failed to predict the uprisings in North Africa and elsewhere precisely because little attention was given to the organizing and thinking of ordinary people while scholars were fixated on the escapades of the leaders Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak and Muammar Gaddafi.

"Using the lives and thinking of ordinary people as a lens through which we arrive at answering 'what next' after the ANC, none of us including the ANC, will be caught by surprise when they are eventually willed out of power by the people. After all, it is just a matter of time."

For me, the Xhosa citation is the whole article. What I have been saying above is that it is better that we begin to have an approach to our people and listen to them talk, for as I have said, their raw answers are a colorful way the express their misgivings and destabilized life, but they know how to answer the curious, and inform those seeking to know and understand their perspective-not according to some well-off person seating on a computer and not having a face to face encounter with the real and living ordinary people.

I also pointed out above that we, the voters, are regarded as just a percentage(say 63% of the voters will insert ANC into Power again)… We are nothing but that. In matters of how our wealth and rights are dealt with in our land, we are never consulted, and we really know nothing about the maladministration Thuli pointed, that some of us are saying, investigate and purge the whole government.

The problems for our inability to solve the present social ill in our "Nation" is that, for example, the articles I cited above are written by White authors for a White reading public. The White people are known to always talk amongst themselves, and this is not new. That schism, enables and empowers the present government to divide and conquer. there are many other examples of this divisive technique employed

Their SABC saga, for some Media Communication/Technology/Internet nerds, The ANC is trying to control the Internet, TV and with the help of the American investors, Radio and newspapers. Bills have been proposed to this effect of Censorship. This topic can be an article on its own, but suffice for now I will make mention of it in passing.

With such a spirit of the times(some would crisply say "Zeitgeist"), we have to begin to wrap our heads around it all and begin to put it into focus and perspective. The elections that are upon us are nothing but a pacifier, to ensure the crooks get back into power, and can fleece, pillage and empty the public coffers for the next five years.

It is a fait accompli that our government is in the Deep pockets of Foreign and Local big Capital. It is also clear that our leaders are the small fries of the World leaders, and our(The Leader's) role is to gawk at them and obey. That is the diplomatic relations between Mzantsi and the much more powerful countries.

In many ways, our leaders are lackeys of the governments that helped them in Exile, and their 'new' American friends (who used to label the ANC a terrorist organization, are now in cahoots with our handkerchief heads leaders.

These elections like the four or so before them, are a fiasco, farce and a time to remind us how powerless we are. Things are purported to Change so that they can remain that way and the same. Whether the ANC is still learning on the job(if any learning on their part is evident?!), the way they have desecrated the Bill of Rights of their constituencies, who really do not know or aware of their rights and are 44% of the voters, is what will always hold us back.

I still believe people have some modicum of intelligence, although, collectively, we are still divided by the way Apartheid divided us, and are busy dividing ourselves into a myriad bits of pieces of no significance-that in a word. We are Being Disappeared as the Indigenous of Mzantsi.

So then, it is either they(Crooks in government) are removed or we are 'disappeared' as the indigenous of South Africa. It is the 'removing' part of the ANC from power that has not yet satisfied the voters as being a real reason, and how to go about it, that is the conundrum

Our hope, I still believe, lies with our own people. If we can Master that, We will be able to form a Nation and control Our Country, Culture, History, and all its resources. But the main resources, still untapped, but ready to go, is our own People of Mzantsi…

We should raise our awareness and know-how on how to harness the power of the people-the people's power... And, there are many ways for us to achieving and attaining this power Through and with our people of Mzantsi…

South African 2014 Voting: 100,000 Attend ANC Rally

More than 100,000 people have attended a rally for the ANC in Johannesburg ahead of Wednesday's elections. While many voters are concerned about political corruption within the party and slow economic growth, it has managed to retain a huge following

More than 100,000 people have attended a rally for the ANC in Johannesburg ahead of Wednesday's elections. While many voters are concerned about political corruption within the party and slow economic growth, it has managed to retain a huge following

In The Eye Of The Storm: 2014 National Election - 4.0 Redux

"Indaba"/"Taba"(View Of Story) From The People: Critique and Anti-Critique Of The 2014 Elections...

We are now a day or two away from the elections and so much is happening. It is throughout this chaos that some of us who chronicle our people's events go back to basics. The Internet/FB is a form of social communication without seeing the intended audience or listener. But when you go into the places where one lives and visits, there is a different kind of palaver taking place.

The parties have been jostling for attention by any means necessary, and the people, as one would say, on the 'ground' are watching all these actions with and incredulity bordering on frustration and anger. A lot of people who write about the core voters of the ANC, do not really hang with them, live with them, know them, listen to them, write what they have to say or not say, act and carry-on. Nobody thinks that they are part of the national dialogue of the nation as the elections approach.

I have always been a proponent of the fact that we must write our own stories, histories customs, traditions, musicians, script our dances as we see fit and know how-from an African Centered perspective through our people. Also, when it come to The "MEDIA," we all know that we are basically an Oral people, but this orality, at present, swirls(linguistically) in our collectives and 'people'. Our reportage aims at reaching a broader audience to the effect that our chroniclers do not know how to tell our stories, but are good in regurgitating what other ethnic groups are saying about us, we just repeat it verbatim-with no imagination, creativity and originality…

The task at hand, then, is to capture and articulate, without much alteration, what the buzz is all about in the Townships, and what do the people have to say to this "Indaba/Taba"- And they are not at a lack for words, poignancy, raw and earthy observation, which is what many writers or reporters do not want to hear, or are not comfortable with printing or writing about. Their direct and unadulterated uncensored expressions makes one who is listening squirm and twist on hearing these views which are not main-stream by any stretch of the imagination.

Even if many people can dismiss this article and the views espoused by the respondents below, it is also interesting and important to read comments below many of the articles below the posted stories of the South African Newspapers Online, just to get a smidgen of the mind of the 'public' here in Mzantsi… Because it is important we talk about us and what is going on in our midst.

I have always regarded myself an African of Mzantsi, Firstly, am African of Africa, Secondly. And An African of The Diaspora Thirdly-and lastly. A Human being... My education came from people, formally and informally. I cut my political teeth and activities in the streets of Soweto, pre '76 and post Y2K. What has been happening so far, is that most of use do not have a grasp of what we are dealing with here. When it comes to access to the Web/Internet, a large swath of our people are outside the loop. Some of the rates to clamber onto the Web are very costly indeed and prohibitive, and so, this curtails, in a covert way, mass communication access to all of the people of Mzantsi with these prohibitive and exorbitant charges.

So, by default and purposeful censorship, a large majority of our people do not have easy and unlimited access to the Web/Internet, and this empowers those ruling over us and passing tight Bills attacking the press and mass communications. The offering of tenders to companies that control Internet access is biased and not in favor of the local people. There are many such discrepancies that are foisted upon the poor that dislocates them from the national dialogue/wealth both in the media and amongst themselves, orally and fiscally.

So, I decided to use the old approach of participant observer and try and write what I am gathering from many people I really do not know, nor ask their political affiliation and so on. What I do, I direct our discourse to the issues of the elections and what are [any] of their impressions about the elections. These people do not need any probing and prodding, because they will tell you what they think you want to know; tell you what you do not know; and add their own Township spin on their stories, not embellishing anything, but put in a colorful way that's only possible in Township jargon/parlance and colloquial-tell you their narrative...I remain visibly/invisibly present and only ask question for clarity and simplification.

I must add that listening to the people is a different dimension from the social media communications. The 'mano-a-mano,' face-to-face interaction has its own dynamics, no editing, no clicking, deleting or alt/send-return or holding back, and in many ways, the unheeded voice of the critical mass population of South Africa speaks freely and openly. Many of us are no more adept at this form of face-to-face communications. We are so caught up with the technological gizmos and their techniques that we have given up the face-to-face communicating and mediation/interaction. This is what I am going to post below, what it really means to be amongst and with the people and listening-in to their verbalized thoughts: Orally.

The following discourse was taking place in different areas throughout Soweto, and the way the people talked about issues, I culled from the notes I was taking during their conversations. This is in no way pro-any party, but ordinary folks talking to each other, and me(by being acknowledged and respected) I was allowed to make notes and I told them I am going to synthesize it into an article. They gave me the go-ahead. I also told them I will not mention any names, which I have kept to and not done in this article.

At this point, in this particular setting in the Township, everyone was kicking around various topics:
"We are now 'bored' and sick and tired with the TV and other news, when all you hear coming out of the mouths of these politicians is 'Nkandla this and that...' Another jumps in, 'Why is this Casrils talking about not voting... Who is he, by the way? Look at the timing of his pleading with us like that?' One other respond during such a discussion observed wryly that: "Maybe Nkandla is good or bad timing..."... One other responded: "Why bother raising the Nkandla issue, why not Investigate the whole of the ANC..." someone in the group recalled: "Yah! neh! Moestan these people who are implicated are the government departments-the police, department of Works, the Army, the Parliamentarians… So, neh! Look into the whole 'mcimbi'(Organization).

In some other part of the Township, I got this part from a different group of people of Soweto: "People on the ground here on the Township do not really understand all of these shenanigans. They do not have time/wherewithal invested to look into the Thuli report... "For us the Thuli Report happened overnight-it's been overtaken/pushed back by other events and the TV coverage, Radio, Newspapers, 'Wa Jaja'.('You see?')

I interjected and asked, What causes that 'forgetting'?"Cava hierso"(See here)We have been made ignorant thus far. So, in this instance, the people forget very quickly and move on with the 'fashion' of the hour, or day." By fashion it means tendency, what's vibing/trending. So others say that these other parties have given ANC a chance, and ANC does not give them a chance. so, in the end, whatever chance they get these parties, all they speak about to us is Nkandla... "

Some intellectual in a tavern displaying his oratory gifts by Googing that conversion, divulged that: "These other parties retreat in the advances ANC makes. They are really not working cleverly enough to get votes properly("too many useless rallies which are just a nuisance now, yes, entertainment-never. Too much of Nkandla talk, less on what they can do for us…"

One lady in a Mall noted that: "These other parties do not work enough together to get the vote. They are unable to break it down to an ordinary person what it is all about. The do not even listen to you when you try to make some input. A car mechanic in his yard said: "We steal ideas, we want ready-made things and situations, no one wants to work had for anything-there is some sense of entitlement — "Vir wat?(For What?. Vokol'(Nothing).

His friends hanging around and doing other things chimed in: "All you hear on their lips is My Nkanlda was built by my family-no scandal here," Zuma; Whereas the others, Ramphele, Zille and Malema all talk about that Nkandla, and we are so 'naar'(bored").

One school teacher sitting with her nurse friends said: "People should go back to reading and studying. They must learn to read and analyze what they read. What is stopping this from happening is that the people, in their majority, have no time for that and lack interest."

The ANC put up a "Good Act" at FNB and I have discussed a bit of this in my article prior to this one. My take is that compared to the booing and jeering of Zuma, the followers were pumped up to fever pitch; the roar and response they gave to their leaders, was well timed. The ANC Die-hards in the ANC were gushing all over themselves in anticipation of the giddying win just within their sights. On hearing me say this, one of the respondents said: "People have forgotten. Yes, there was tension during the Mandela memorial, and there were many reasons for that tension- Yes Zuma was booed, and that too has many implications. But for now, who cares… it's electioneering time"

"But the FNB rally this weekend was different," volunteered the person next to me. "People looked and seemed excited in droves and throngs, and Zuma worked the crowd by exploiting the celebratory, 'victory-like' gig at the stadium. That was the core of the ANC hopefuls and followers and many other 'types.'"

"Bona hierso, Ntozo",("See this here, Brother/Bruh"), the person continued, "Zuma knows his crowd and he plays it well… The people are wishy-washy-not firm... They do not hold on or hang on to one thing… with us, that is an overnight thing, now is now..." And I threw in a question and asked, Why is That so? "You see 'Sbari,' Our lack of education makes us not to even know how to stand firm.". And I added: If We do not stand for Anything, We Will Fall For Anything/Everything…

A very close and childhood friend of my mine keenly observed: "At the end of the day, people ask themselves that if they do not vote for the ANC, who will they vote for? The rich, the poor and the worst off, the middle class and filthy rich hold up a lot of hope for the ANC to win. And if you listen to many of our people, they simply say, 'at least the ANC is paying us".

That could be attacked in many ways wants to, but seeing its recipients talk about it, one is really taken-aback at the poverty life during the rule of Apartheid-it was dismal… And that's what these people think-The ANC is offering us something(a bribe)? But what do the others have to offer and show for it…? Seems to be the underlying question among the ordinary people here in Mzantsi.

The Interesting thing is that the people are leery of DA because they think that they are taking care of Whites just like apartheid did-and some of these people point out to the lack of delivery services, bad housing, and many other contradiction that DA cannot extricate itself from that easily. Many of the Sowetans are critical of Zille's rule in the wards she runs all over the country, and they see Whites living lavishly, as opposed to the poor Africans in those areas. The image of DA is akin to the Nationalist party of yesteryear(I have had this view expressed in many places and many times).

One brainiac and connoisseur of local gossip and Township realpolitik broke it down for me as follows:
"In many shacks and slums of Cape Town, Africans and Colored are living in squalor and dread. Unpaved roads, no running water, taps at the far-end of the corrugated domiciles. One thing these are parties are not aware of is how finicky the present-day voter is. All these parties, along with the ANC, failed us dismally. Whatever people of all these parties have to say, it really does not matter to the people, today-it was one passing episode in the many that continue to hold their attention-span-which is very short indeed."

One person I was having a pow-wow with in a braai(Cook-out) told me the following story:
"An old woman in my street told me that she is going to vote in her house. When the door-to-door ANC vote canvassers came to her house, they checked the registry for her name, and then marked her thumb with the voter's ink… The ANC used to bus these old ladies to the pools on bus, but in this election, this is one of the ways that some votes are gathered. They also asked the old lady who some of her friends were and relative, where they were, and these were followed up, too. Which other party does that?-(I know this looks like its illegal, but the ANC is giving the impression that it is taking care of its own)."

One critic I found to be having a unique perspective was the one who said that:
"If you want people to read what you write, then talk about the USA. We the people are enamored and taken up by the US and all its particularities. Our people here in this country follow "fashions"-by that I mean what's happening and is 'cool,' or makes one look and seem important and knowledgeable. What You Praat?(What Are you Saying?) Some want to be a Beyonce, they become Beyonce in their looks and imitated behavior. For that person to knowing about her(Beyonce), means that person is the person-VIP person."
"But when it come to us and about us, we have no interest in that… It's not worth it."

"The drugged and sexed lives of the US celebrities hold our interest and influences our behavior and languages. Many of us pine for that celebrity role and life. What has become a common culture in our midst is our want of power and fame? We are all caught with the attitude and notion that people ought to know where I work, my place of abode, the type of car I drive, and the clothes I adorn and the perfume I am wearing. And it must be American, French, Italian… or depending on the preference of those involved. Many of these people want to project his behavior as to what America is all about-here in Mzantsi.

But Write about anything to do with being rich or about riches, then you have something there. Talk about and advertise about tenders and where they will be issuing them, the responses to you writing will spiral; you will receive comments you never thought existed. Here in Mzantsi, we are all about money; how can we make it as easy as possible and not have to work hard for it.
"My neighbor knew this boy in her hood who was puling very hard and she came up on someone wanting a person to dig a hole for a serious pay, so he called the boy and told him about the job… the boy told the lady in no uncertain terms that, 'he is not a mole,' and won't do it."

There had been rumors about a meeting that is supposed to take place where the Pakistanis who own the "Spaza shops" are to be removed, and these shops are to be run by locals. Someone in Deep Soweto retorted: "The Problem with us is that we have become lazy, and sleep early and wake up late. So how will we be able to run our own Spazas? Many of us are asleep by 8 pm, and the Pakistanis open well late into night. These Pakistanis wake up early,long before our local Spaza shop people are up, and who wants to deal with that?"

We have become lazy, don't want to work for our keep and we are good at blaming others and the government for our own shortcomings which we desperately need to deal with. Others obviously disagree with this assessment. they want the Pakistanis out of the yards of the homes here in the Townships

The people in the Townships are tired of the politicking and have already made up their minds who are the clowns, and who are the devils. They have chosen to go with the devil they know, than the unconvincing clowns, as they say, who do not know what time it is… One gets to identify the real feel of the people about this whole voting mess. They know that they are being gypped. Also, they know that putting the ANC into power, does not automatically earn them a better life and a good job, but they say, what could be worse than that, especially these parties who will want to outdo the ANC once in power.This is the general logic that runs the gamut in the Kasi.

Where do we begin? Well, I have begun by trying to find out how and what people talk about when it comes to the elections. But it does not end there, I have taken this probe to different levels and many other issues, which I will use those on my blogs. What does it all mean then? I think that learning to listen to our people talk is a step in the right direction. We need to articulate and chronicle our lives with utmost are. From here we can begin to develop some form of unofficial curricula as to how to deal with the education process of the people. I have found that I am a better and learned person from saying less and listen more to what the people have to say.

I have posted Cabral and his notion of what is "Our People," and what their struggles are about-in the process, informs us how to comport ourselves in dealing with "Our People". Social media today, and many are not aware of this, is another form of what I call technological Orality. The problems we face are vast, and we need to make or have made easy access to the Web. We have to launch ourselves and the armies of the poor onto online activities and reception. Many countries like Egypt and so forth have shown us the Power of the social media, and we need to begin to use it to be a better people.

We are going to have to deal with the large number of our poor, be with them, amongst them, and show/teach them about the uses and importance of present-day social media and their emerging and merging technologies/techniques. We might feel 'special' or 'important' because some of us can afford 'smart phones' and 'tablets'. To be honest, if we do not have our people hooked-up online, we are just wasting time and going nowhere fast.

Independence In Our Thoughts And Actions

Andre Gunder Frank Soberly stated:

"What, in you judgement, is the scientific value of the study of the development of underdevelopment?" While the capitalist system, which generated underdevelopment and avails itself of exploitation and alienation for development, subsists-and even while the class struggle in the establishment of socialism subsists-science can only have an instrumental political and ideological value, and no value in and of itself.

"On the contrary, capitalism and the bourgeois ideology have long been employing both social and natural science as purely reactionary tools in defense of their interests This is the case, for example, with the concepts and even the very terms 'development and underdevelopment" that are used in the class struggle on the ideological level, to make it appear that entire peoples develop through their own efforts,thanks to national capitalism, while other entire countries remain underdeveloped because of supposedly inherent conditions-the lack of capital and inadequate intelligence and institutions or cultures-that is to say, because of traditionalism. This focus or, better yet, this deviation from the problem, hides the real cause of underdevelopment and the necessary remedy in order to maintain underdevelopment and the exploitation that the aforementioned cause determines…"

What I was trying to capture by going to find narratives from the people was to capture What Cabral calls "Independence in our thought and in our actions." When one talks to people without handcuffing their ideas and free thoughts, this is easy when they become aware of that independence they have to talk, and the real and actual action they can take. In essence, I was learning about our people, and I was learning from the people. I did not inject my opinions anywhere throughout the weeks leading to these election, as I am re-searching them incessantly and until the day after the votes.

Andre Gunde Frank opens our minds as to how we are manipulated and splurged helter-skelter so's not to be united, because we have to begin to understand the social sciences and the natural sciences-were used thoroughly to guard the interest of the US. It is from these disciplines that the USA is controlling South Africa and the World.

And yet, Wilson informs us that, "The psychology, consciousness and behavioral tendencies of individuals and societies are to a very significant extent the products of their personal and collective histories. Both personal and collective psychology are constructed from those experiences which can be consciously retrieved from memory as well as hose experiences which have been forgotten or repressed, but which still represent themselves in individual and collective habits, tendencies, traditions, emotional responsivities, perspectives, ways of processing information, attitudes and reflex-like reactions to certain stimuli and situations. both types of experiences interacting with current perceptions are utilized by individuals and groups to achieve certain material and non-material ends.

One can deduce from the cited responses all the qualities attributed to a psychologically sane and consciously aware people.

Sankara addressed this issue this way:

"But you must understand that not everyone views political problems the same way.For some, if you have arms and a few units of the army with you, that is sufficient to take power. But others have different convictions. Power must be conquered above all by a conscious people. The question of arms is merely complementary to this, necessary at given moments and under specific circumstances"

"Also," Sankara added:

"Also, not everyone sees politics the same way. Though we spent hours — entire nights — in discussions with these officers in an attempt to convince them, they acted on their plan and the November 7 coup took place. Of course, given the contradictions that arose among them, they were unable to install Colonel Some Yoryan as head of state. Though certain people were happy to see some elements of the Third Republic freed from prison, there were those who were disappointed to see other Third Republican elements freed. You must understand these contradictions too.
I know that the media repeated this information, thus condemning us to accept political responsibilities that we had rejected for political reason and yet that we were beginning to be forced to accept for strictly political reasons. As you can understand, a regime born in this way could not last very long.

"In acknowledging that we are part of the Third World we are, to paraphrase Jose Marti, "Affirming that our cheek feels the blow struck against any man, anywhere in the world." Until now, we have turned the other cheek. The blows were redoubled. the evil heart did not soften. The truth of the righteous was trampled under foot. The word of Christ was betrayed and his cross was transformed into a club. They put his robe and rent our bodies and souls asunder. They obscured his message. They westernized it, while we undertook it as one of universal liberation. Well, our eyes are now open to the class struggle, and there will be no more blows.

"We must state categorically that there is no salvation for our people unless we turn our backs on all the models that charlatans of all types have tried to sell us for twenty years. There is no salvation outside of this rejection. There is no development separate from a rupture of this kind. All those new intellectual giants who are emerging from their slumber — awakened by the dizzying rise of billions of men in rags, aghast at the threat of this hunger-driven multitude weighing on their digestion — are beginning to rework their speeches.

"Far it being for me to ridicule the patient efforts of honest intellectuals who, because they have eyes to see, are discovering the terrible consequences of the devastation imposed on us by so-called specialists in the development of the Third World. My fear is to see the fruits of so much energy co-opted by Prosperos of all kinds who — with a wave of their magic wand — spirit us to world of slavery dressed up in today's "fashions.

"My fear is justified even more by the fact that the educated petty bourgeoisie of Africa - if not the entire world — is not prepared to give up its privileges, either because of intellectual laziness or simply because it has tasted the Western way of life. Because of these petty bourgeois forget that all genuine political struggle requires rigorous, theoretical debate, and they refuse to rise to the intellectual effort of conceiving new concepts equal to the murderous struggle that lies ahead of us. Passive and pathetic consumers, they wallow in terminology Fetishized by The West, Just As They Wallow In Western Whiskey And Champagne In shady-looking lounges.

"Ever since the concepts of negritude and African Personality, now showing their age, the search for ideas that are genuinely new produced by the brains of our 'great' intellectuals is in vain. Our vocabulary and our ideas come from elsewhere. Our professors, engineers, and economists are content to simply add color — fro often the only things they brought back with them from European/American universities that have produced them are their degrees and their velvety adjectives and superlatives!

"It is both necessary and urgent that our trained personnel and those who work with the pen learn that there is no such thing as neutral writing. In these stormy times we cannot give today's and yesterday's enemies monopoly over "thought," "imagination," and "creativity."

"Before it too late — and it is already late — this elite, these men of Africa and of the third World, must come home to themselves, that is, to their societies and to the miseries we inherited.they must understand that the battle for ideology that serves the needs of the disinherited masses in sot in vain. but they must understand, too, that they can only become credible on an international level y being genuinely creative — by "Portraying A Faithful Image Of Their People, An Image Conducive to Carrying Out Fundamental Change In Political And social Conditions And to Wrenching Our Countries From Foreign domination and Exploitation,Which leave Us No OtherPerspective than bankruptcy."

I could go on citing Sankara above, but he has already made my point that I have been constructing throughout this article, so did Wilson and Andre Gunder Frank. But Sankara goes to the heart of my these is that, going back to the people and talking to them teaches one how people talk and give you information that they think you need, and some of it you had not known up to that point of being told, and the rest is made up of Township spin, talking points and uttered in Slang and other variation of Kazi-Speak, that makes for colorful, stimulating and tasty discussion and narratives, and these can be gotten by holding a face-to-face contact and talking with the ordinary people in the Township.

I did so, went to the people and tried to record their conversations, impression and all the other aspects pointed out by Wilson above, that, I state, it is from the people that we will be able to build our nation and control our country. The elections at this stage are past, and now we are facing the post 2014 election hangover, and we need to sober up and work on the new ideas that have come to pass because of all that has happened long before and now most recently.

In trying to overcome our social malaise, we can take comfort from these words by Wilson:

"To manipulate History is to manipulate consciousness; to manipulate consciousness is to manipulate possibilities; and to manipulate possibilities is to manipulate power."

History is the past, present and future… I have been looking at the present from a past we are still living in and under, and in the present, I am beginning to learn about our people and our role our society in tandem with our people. I may not hit the bulls-eye with my messages, but I am consistently calling for a return to the people, as Sankara intoned above. It is in our people that we would come in touch with ourselves and our Nation. "Everything is Everything".. "Each One Teach One; Each One Reach One (Others)....

Thomas Sankara


I Have Seen This Movie Before - I am Living Such A Movie: Seeing Oneself In The Looking Mirror Looking At Oneself Looking...

My township was "Yellow" and people were hustling and bustling-going up and down, standing in many groups, talking, laughing, listening to the loud speakers that are clogging our ether and peace. It is a day before the elections, tomorrow on the May 7; there's so much action, people are being bussed-in in droves; And the people were given a treat today in Orlando Stadium they are going to see a football match for 'Free'; there is a lot of talk and loud music, liquor flowing and somehow, a sad march and realization towards installing a government, which the people know will be worse than the past 20 years.

This whole charade has been going on for the past 20 years. The promises that have been made in the past elections are hammered into the peoples hearts and minds. Right now, as they knew it would be, they are going to vote and give ANC four-more-plus year to try and rule

The elections are finally here, and many people say, "Mmmm, you wait and see when people have to make their own decisions about who to vote for-I tell you, they are going to vote ANC, hands down… You ask why? Well, what else is there in this cesspool — (said in blip-able Kasi slang)… "Squat!" "Vokol!"(Nothing)

I have been posting articles to try and present an alternative input and point of view into the talking points about the elections in Mzantsi. In this issue, I will go cull from what Sankara reminds us about our own situation, today-which is very eerie and spot on about our own present situation of 20 years of neocolonial rule; Sankara was summing up the past neocolonial rule in his country"


"The task of constructing a new society cleansed of all ills that keep our country in a state of poverty and economic and cultural backwardness, will be long and Hard. ... The decision by French colonial imperialism to cut its losses was a victory for our people over the forces of foreign oppression and exploitation. From the masses' point of view, it was democratic reform, while from that of imperialism, it was a change in the forms of domination and exploitation of our people.

"This change nevertheless resulted in a realignment of classes and social layers and the formation of new classes. In alliance with the backward forces or traditional society, and in total contempt of the masses, whom they had used as a springboard to power, the "petty-bourgeoisie intelligentsia" of that time set about laying the political and economic foundations for new forms of imperialist domination and exploitation.

"Fear that the struggle of the popular masses would become more radical and lead to a genuine revolutionary solution was the basis for the choice made by imperialism. Henceforth, it would maintain its stranglehold over our country and perpetuate the exploitation of our people through national intermediaries. The entire process of organizing neocolonial society would be nothing more than a simple operation of substituting one form for another.
In Essence, neocolonial society and colonial society differed not at all. The colonial administration was replaced by a neocolonial administration identical to it in every respect. The colonial army was replaced by a neocolonial army with the same characteristics, the same functions, and the same role of safeguarding the interests of imperialism and its colonial allies.

"The colonial school system was replaced by neocolonial schools, which pursued the same goals of alienating our children from our country and reproducing a society that would primarily serve the interests of imperialism and secondarily, those of its local lackeys and allies.
With the Support and blessing of imperialism, Voltaic(Mzantsi) nationals set about organizing the systematic plunder of our country.

"With the crumbs of this pillage that fell to them, they were transformed, little by little, into a truly parasitic bourgeoisie that could no longer control its voracious appetite. Driven solely by personal interest, they no longer hesitated at even the most dishonest means, engaging in massive corruption, embezzlement of public funds and properties,influence-peddling and real estate speculation, and practicing favoritism and nepotism.

"This is what accounts for all the material and financial wealth they accumulated from the sweat of the toilers. Not content to live-off the fabulous incomes derived from the shameless exploitation of their ill-begotten wealth, they fought tooth and nail to capture their political posts that would allow them to use the state apparatus to further their exploitation ad underhanded dealings

"Hardly a year passed without them treating themselves to extravagant vacations abroad. Their children deserted the country's schools for prestigious educations in other countries(Or special private prestigious schools in the country-as in our case in South Africa)… "All the resources of the state were mobilized to guarantee them, at the slightest illness, expensive care in luxury hospitals in foreign countries[and grand hospitals/expensive exclusive health care here in Mzantsi].

"All this has unfolded in full view of the honest,courageous, and hardworking Voltaic(Mzantsi) people, a people mired nonetheless in the most squalid misery. White Upper Volta(Big Cities of South Africa) are a paradise for the wealthy minority, it is a barely tolerable hell for the majority, the People.
"A part of this big majority, the wage earner, despite the fact that they are assured a regular income, suffer the constraints and pitfalls of capitalist consumer society. Their income is completely consumed before they have even touched it.

"This vicious cycle goes on and on, with no perspective of being broken."Through their respective trade unions, the wage earners engage in struggles to improve their living conditions(Marikana, for one). Sometimes the scope of those struggles forces concessions from the neocolonial authorities. But they simply give with one hand what they take back with the other.

"Thus a 10 percent wage increase is announced with great fanfare, only to be immediately taxed, wiping out the expected beneficial effects of the first measure. After five, six, or seven months, the workers finally understand the swindle and mobilize for new struggles. Seven months is more than enough for the reactionaries in power to catch their breadth and devise new schemes. Thus, in this endless fight, the worker always comes out the loser.

"The peasants, the 'wretched of the earth,' are also a component of this big majority. These peasants are expropriated, robbed, molested, imprisoned, ridiculed, and humiliated everyday, yet they are the ones whose labor creates wealth. The country's economy stays afloat despite its weakness, thanks to their productive labor. It is from this labor that the elite that the Gauteng's, Cape Townians are their Eldorado, and this sweetens their lives(just adjusted/added terms/names here)

"Yet, it is the peasants who suffer most from the lack of buildings, roads, health facilities, and services. These peasants,c creators of national wealth, are the ones who suffer the most from lack of schools an educational material(Lost books of Limpopo), for their children.

"It is their children who will swell the ranks of the unemployed after a brief stint in classrooms poorly adapted to the realities of this country. It is among the peasants that the illiteracy rate is highest - 98 percent. Those who most need to learn, so that the output of their productive labor can increase, are the very ones who benefit the least from expenditures for health care, education, and technology.
"The peasant youth — who have the same attitudes as all youth, greater sensitivity to social injustice, and greater desire for progress — finally leave the country-side in revolt, thus depriving it of its most dynamic elements.

"Their initial impulse drives these youth to the large urban centers[Name All The Big cities In Mzantsi]. There they hope to find better-paying jobs and to benefit from the advantages of progress.The lack of jobs pushes them to idleness, with all its characteristic vices. Finally, so as not to end up in prison, they seek salvation by going abroad(Local African cities)… where the most shameless humiliation and exploitation await them. But does Voltaic(Mzantsi) society leave them any choice?

"Stated succinctly, this is the situation in our country after twenty-three years of neocolonialism: a paradise for some and hell for the rest…"

By The Way, When Was This Written Or Spoken? It was Written And Spoken On October 2, 1983, presented by Sankara on behalf of the National Council of the Revolution in a national radio and television broadcast…

So It is Here in Mzantsi(South Africa). All What Sankara said above, is what we are — it is sort of like 'looking into the mirror and seeing oneself staring back at you. I could not have said it better than the great President, Sankara. Everything he just said, is all taking place in our country, and has been happening for the past 20 years. I think it is about time we learned from Sankara that we are not unique in Africa with our Shamocracy/Democrazy… Many countries have gone through these shenanigans from their neocolonial rulers(in our case,today, with the ANC).

Reading Sankara, will help us realize as to what is happening and what is really wrong with the way we see and do things. What I am saying is, in preparation for the coming elections, four years from now, we need to learn and act in different ways. For me, closing this whole hullaballoo about voting, I have decided to post the thoughts and experiences of Sankara, to be my keynote speaker as we are headed to the conclusion of voting. It is looking beyond that that I utilize Sankara, so that, if anyone four years from now can read this article, and identify all the things Sankara said in 1983, in 2018 or so, it means then we will have had one extra year from what Sankara has been 23 years of neocolonization, we will have learned nothing, and we will be repeating the same mistakes and so on, without no end.

My take of the election has been well-captured by Sankara above, and I aim to begin to learn from what he is said about Volta in 1983, to what is happening to us now in May 2014… Let's all get to work, we have a lot of hard-work ahead...

Here's Looking At You..


"Leaders Who Plan For An African Future, But Consider Knowledge Of The Past Irrelevant, Can Only Be Presumed To Be Harboring The Colonialist View Of the African Past. It Was The Wisdom Of Our Fathers to Emphasize That Each Present Generation Owes Obligations And Responsibilities To Both the Ancestors And the Generations yet Unborn...
-By J.F.A. Ajayi

Frantz Fanon Counseled:
"Each Generation Must, Out Of Relative Obscurity, Discover Its Mission, Fulfil It Or Betray It." ...

Thomas Sankara:

Thomas Sankara, often referred to as “Africa’s Che Guevara” was the president of Burkina Faso from 1983 to 1987. He seized power in a 1983 popularly supported coup, with the goal of eliminating corruption and the dominance of the former French colonial power.

Sankara’s foreign policies were revolved around anti-imperialism, with his government eschewing all foreign aid because, as he often said, “He who feeds you, controls you.” He pushed for debt reduction and nationalized all land and mineral wealth, averting the power and influence of the IMF and World Bank.

His domestic policies were focused on preventing famine with agrarian self-sufficiency and land reform, prioritizing education with a nation-wide literacy campaign, and promoting public health by vaccinating 2.5 million children. And his was the first African government to publicly recognize the AIDS epidemic as a major threat to Africa.

Thomas Sankara was an extraordinary man.
- He outlawed female genital mutilation, forced marriages, and polygamy and was the first African leader to appoint women to major cabinet positions and actively recruit them for the military. A motorcyclist himself, he formed an all-woman motorcycle personal guard.
- He encouraged women to work outside the home and stay in school even if pregnant.
- He launched a nation-wide public health ‘Vaccination Commando’ a state run program that in a period of only 15 days in early November 1984, completed the immunization of 2.5 million children against meningitis (a world record), yellow fever and measles. This operation was so successful in that children in neighboring countries like the Ivory Coast and Mali were sent to Burkina Faso for free immunization that helped curtail high rates of infant and child mortality.
- He sold off the government fleet of Mercedes cars and made the Renault 5 (the cheapest car sold in Burkina Faso at that time) the official service car of the ministers. He lowered his salary, as President, to only $450 a month and limited his possessions to a car, four bikes, three guitars, and a refrigerator.
- He planted over ten million trees to halt the growing desertification of the Sahel and established an ambitious road and rail construction program to “tie the nation together.”
- He was known for jogging unaccompanied through the capital city in his track suit and posing in his tailored military fatigues with his mother-of-pearl pistol. And when asked why he didn’t want his portrait hung in public places, as was the norm for other African leaders, he said, ”There are seven million Thomas Sankaras.”

Sankara’s revolutionary policies for self-reliance and defiance against the neoliberal development strategies imposed by the West made him an icon to many supporters of African liberation. But his policies alienated and antagonized the vested interests of the small but powerful Burkinabe middle class, the tribal leaders who he stripped of the traditional right to forced labor and tribute payments, and the foreign financial interests in France and their ally Ivory Coast.

Compaore and Sankara

On October 15, 1987 Sankara was killed by an armed militia of twelve officials in a coup d’état organized by Compaore. Sankara’s body was dismembered and buried in an unmarked grave. Compaore immediately took power, overturning most of Sankara’s policies. Compaore reportedly ousted Sankara because he believed that his revolutionary policies were jeopardizing Burkina Faso’s relationship with France and Ivory Coast. Sankara and Compaore were not only colleagues, they were childhood friends.

-This is why ‘Bad Karma’ should be Blaise Compaore’s middle name. He is a ruthless man who orchestrated the brutal assassination of his best friend.

-Yet he is the man routinely designated by the international community to act as a ’mediator’ to help resolve African conflicts…

The ANC Says That E-Tolls Are Going To Be Paid-Just After The May 7 Voting

E-Tool Facts: 00 000 cars x R1.75/car = R 525 000.00 per day (and that’s only at one gate) x average 4 gates between PTA- JHB = R 2 100 000.00 x 2 (the return trip) = R 4 200 000.00/day x 22 work days per month = R 92 400 000.00 per month x 11.5 work

E-Tool Facts: 00 000 cars x R1.75/car = R 525 000.00 per day (and that’s only at one gate) x average 4 gates between PTA- JHB = R 2 100 000.00 x 2 (the return trip) = R 4 200 000.00/day x 22 work days per month = R 92 400 000.00 per month x 11.5 work

What The ANC Knows And Ignores About Its African People[selectively] Will Finally Destroy Them

The heightened level of ANNC corruption and maladministration, has begun to create for itself those who oppose their rule. Many, in these past 2014 elections, managed to drive that point home, albeit, the ANC will ignore after things settle down. Some withheld their vote, others did not go to the polls, and many were just disgruntled and had no faith in the promises that the ANC has been offering for the past two decades-just as soon the voting was done, they have predictably gone back to business as usual. There is no surprise there, also, none when they repeat their oft made promises that things this time will be better.

This was what the Abahlali had written on the 6 of May:

The ANC Must Be Removed From Office

For nine years our movement has boycotted elections. We have been clear that no political party represents the interests of the poor and that it was necessary for us to build our own power in order to present our own needs and demands to society. In these nine years we have won many victories but most of us remain in shacks. Twenty years of shack life is a disgrace in a democracy.

Corruption is also a disgrace. In Durban you get nothing without a membership card for the ANC. All development goes through the councillors and their ward committees and ANC branch executive committees. Development is there to make ANC leaders rich and to control the rest of us by only making it available to ANC members. Development is not for the people. This kind of corruption is a disgrace in a democracy.

But an even bigger disgrace is the repression that we have faced from the ANC, its members, its leaders and its assassins. They have banned our marches; attacked our marches; arrested us on trumped up charges; assaulted us in detention; used armed men to drive us from our homes with police support; used death threats, attacks in our homes and torture in police stations to intimidate people to manufacture evidence against us; detained us for months and months while we wait for a trial that gets thrown out of court because there is no evidence against us; used their anti-land invasion unit to evict us for political reasons and beaten and shot us in our communities. Senior members of the ANC and the Municipality have made public death threats against us. Two activists were assassinated in Cato Crest last year and another, an unarmed teenage girl, was executed by the police.

We cannot go on with this level of repression. As everyone knows we are not the only people who face this kind of repression. We all know about Andries Tatane and all the others murdered by the police on protests. We all know about the Marikana Massacre.

In Durban court orders are just ignored by the Municipality and so the courts cannot protect us. Mostly the media and civil society tend to agree that because we are poor and black we are automatically violent and criminal and too stupid to think our own politics and so we do not get that much protection from the media and civil society either. We have some valued comrades on the left among the middle classes but mostly this left just wants to bus us into its meetings so that it can look credible without having any interest at all in our struggles, our ideas or our safety. NUMSA asked us to support their march in Durban but they have not shown any concern to support us when we face repression. The EFF also asked us to support their march in Durban but, like NUMSA, they have not supported us when we face repression. So far our experience of both these organizations is that they are operating like the left NGOs – we are treated as if our only role is to provide the large numbers of people that they need to be bussed in to justify their politics.

Because we cannot carry on like this we took a decision to vote against the ANC. We did not want to split our vote. We decided to collectivize our vote in order to make it stronger. Our main priority was that the ANC must be removed from office. We knew that this will not happen in this election but we were still clear that if we can weaken the ANC then we must do that. Also we knew that if we collectivize our vote all the political parties will know that there is a large bloc of votes that will be available at the next election for the party that does the best job in opposing repression and takes the best position on shack settlements.

We decided that all political parties except the ANC would be invited to make a presentation to the movement. Some of our members did not want to invite the DA to make a presentation as they are known to represent the rich and, in Cape Town, they are no different to the ANC when it comes to illegal and violent evictions. However we debated this at length and decided to invite them to make a presentation on the grounds that the removal of the ANC was our first priority and the weakening of the ANC was our second priority.

The DA, EFF, NFP and WASP all accepted the invitation to make a presentation to our members at the Diakonia Centre on 25 April and they all came and made their presentations.

The delegates to that meeting then returned to their branches to discuss the presentations there. We met again on 2 May and held a general meeting. At this meeting the general leadership did not vote as their role was to facilitate the meeting. The rest of the delegates voted and the results were as follows:

2 – undecided

2 – WASP

16 – EFF

26 – NFP

146 – DA

The DA and the EFF returned to witness the voting. WASP did not return. The NFP arrived three hours late with lots of car, bodyguards and their senior people. But by that time we were already dispersing.

The whole meeting was recorded on video and this video can be made available. Even those who were very disappointed with the results agree that it was a highly democratic process. The collective discipline of a democratic organization requires that we all accept this outcome. Of course this decision is only for this election and it does not bind our members in Cape Town. When the next election comes we will again decide whether or not to vote and, if so, which party to vote for.

The main reason why the majority of the delegates supported the DA was because they wanted to have the strongest possible opposition to the ANC to put the maximum pressure on the ANC and to prevent it from doing what it pleases — which includes murdering us. We negotiated a legal agreement with DA which commits them to support some of our more basic demands. We hope that they will stand up for these issues and that they, and all other parties, will realize that if they want the support of the shack dwellers they will have to support us rather than see us as a problem to be eradicated or forcibly removed from the cities and taken to the human dumping grounds.

We will vote, as one bloc, for the DA tomorrow. We will not take membership of the party, we do not endorse its policies and we will continue to insist that no one can hold a position as an elected leader in our movement if they join a political party. We do not love or trust the DA. Already they are telling lies about our choice and we are not surprised. We have made a purely tactical choice. We will certainly continue to organize against all and any attacks on the poor in Cape Town by the DA government there.

One of the lies that is being told is that the DA are saying that we have endorsed them for this election in the Western Cape. This is not true. Our Western Cape branch has endorsed our decision to make a tactical vote for the DA in KwaZulu-Natal. Our Western Cape branch has not decided to make any collective vote for any party in this election.

Over the last nine years we have protected our autonomy from NGOs very carefully even though we do work with some NGOs. Now that we feel that it is necessary for our safety and our ability to continue to organize to use our numbers to make deals with political parties we will protect our autonomy from political parties in the same way.

Our politics puts people first. We cannot do nothing but wait for socialism to come one day in the far distant future. Our children are dying from diarrhea right now, our old people and disabled people are dying in shack fires right now, we are being evicted and disconnected right now and we are being beaten and shot during evictions and disconnections right now. We've been repressed, and even murdered, right now. We have to act to do what we can to make our members’ lives better right now. We have to act to protect our ability to organize and to sustain our living politics right now. This does not mean that we have given up on our vision of a world where land, cities, wealth and power are shared fairly. We call this a living communism and we remain committed to it. But we also remain committed to the human beings that we are now and to our families, neighbors and comrades. We will make what deals we have to make to protect our politics and improve our members’ lives right now but we will not give up on our political vision. We represent thousands of people who live in shack settlements. Those people who sit in university offices and NGO offices only represent themselves. Their children are safe. Their lives are not at risk. They are free to put ideology before people because they are not accountable to oppressed people and because they are not themselves oppressed people. But the fact that we do not enjoy that freedom does not mean that we have given up our politics. It means that we are searching for a practical way forward in a difficult and dangerous struggle.

The new Abahlali electoral position has offered us a lot to learn about. There is a lot to learn about party politics and its dirty campaigning tactics. There is a lot to learn about the deeper politics of our time. And, yes, there is a lot to learn about who cares and doesn't care about the struggles of the poor and the working class.

Ideology and principle are vital but if they both fail to house the homeless and rescue the repressed and recognize the humanity of the inhumanized then the oppressed are not doing any harm to anyone in trying to emancipate ourselves by taking practical action now to keep people safe and to make their lives better while always keeping a bigger vision of freedom and justice in mind.

We share a sadness that we have had to make this decision. Very few people outside the movement have been witness to what we’ve been going through in the hands of the ANC. We do not have words to explain the pain many of us have gone through. We do not have words to explain our pain of twenty years of shack life and all the state repression that has come to us when we stood up for our humanity. Last year we came to the ceiling of hopelessness. It was clear that we are people that can be freely killed. The stress that this created led to some intense internal conflicts. We knew that we could not carry on with our old politics. Our new position has enabled us to rethink our struggle. It may not be the perfect way but it brought a robust discussion about us that was seriously trying to find ways of creating a new hope from no hope.

We are not surprised at the way some people on the so called left have reacted on our position. We are not surprised at the usual lies from the usual people on the internet. Many people and organizations on the left do not accept that we have the right to think our own struggle and to make our own decisions. They think that because they are on the left they have the right to tell us what to do. We do not accept this. These people see our decision as stupid and as a sell-out while they are nowhere to be seen in our times of great difficulty. It makes us to think that such people enjoy our suffering or even benefit from it. Why will people who claim to be in our support judge us instead of contacting us to first understand our decision? It may be a wrong decision but the reality is that we cannot deceive ourselves purposefully on our pain. Why should we be made to struggle in a way that is only designed to try and impress other people simple because they say that they are on the left? We will never do this. Our members must live in shacks and they must try and survive repression. Their organization is theirs and it will be directed by their decisions. We have never compromised on this and for this we have always been attacked by the regressive left that only want us to take their money so that in exchange we can arrange for people to be bussed into their meetings. This is not emancipation. It is another kind of oppression.

Is the left doing enough to care about our struggle? Or do they see our struggles as projects from which they can prove and debate their findings and analysis rather than as a struggle to genuinely confront the forces of darkness? Our decision aims at trying to keep the space open for us to liberate ourselves by making a tactical move. We do not love the DA or agree with its policies. Why do people who failed to condemn the ANC attacks on us get so angry with us when we try to punish the ANC by making a tactical vote for its enemy? Maybe for these people it is better for us to be oppressed by the ANC than the DA. For us it is better not to be oppressed. Some of the left is just like some of the development NGOs and some of the state. They want to experiment on us, to use us for their own projects. We say no. On this there is no compromise. We continue to say, ‘talk to us, not for us’ and ‘think with us not for us’.

Our position remains honoring those who have supported and who continue to support us. Since we all don't know the answers in this struggle to humanize the world we will keep hunting and trying. Sometimes we will make wrong decisions but at least we offer debate and learning for ourselves and all our friends and comrades.

The ANC is a serious threat to society and to right of the poor to organize freely in this society. They must be removed from office and until we can remove them we must do all that we can to weaken them.

Thomas Piketty’s new book, “Capital in the Twenty-First Century,”described by one French newspaper as a “a political and theoretical bulldozer,” defies left and right orthodoxy by arguing that worsening inequality is an inevitable outcome of free mar

Thomas Piketty’s new book, “Capital in the Twenty-First Century,”described by one French newspaper as a “a political and theoretical bulldozer,” defies left and right orthodoxy by arguing that worsening inequality is an inevitable outcome of free mar

Soweto Blues -

Democracy Or Cemocrazy - Now...


Lessons In Democracy From The Poor

The post above prompted this response in a form of an article written by Mike van Graan:

"The decision by members of Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM) in KwaZulu-Natal to endorse the Democratic Alliance in the 2014 election has not only raised many eyebrows, but has also unleashed stinging vitriol against this branch of the shack-dwellers’ movement. Started in 2005, AbM with its anti-evictions focus and its campaigns for decent public housing is recognized as one of the most effective social movements in the country. With its core struggle for land and housing, it has boycotted previous local and national government elections under the slogan of “No land! No Houses! No Vote!” Abahlali baseMjondolo has experienced severe repression from both ANC municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal and their DA counterparts in the Western Cape. It is against this background — and the strong anti-capitalist sentiment of the movement — that questions have been raised about the decision of AbM-KZN to call upon their members (estimated to exceed 25,000 nationally) to vote for the DA.

In making this choice though, AbM-KZN has taught us all some crucial lessons about the nature and practice of democracy in South Africa.

First, they have affirmed that the struggle against apartheid was not simply about the struggle for democracy; it was a struggle for social justice, for systemic (economic, political and social) changes that would correct apartheid’s iniquities and that would restore the human dignity of black South Africans in particular. That shack dwellers continue to live in sub-human conditions 20 years after the country’s first democratic elections — and especially in the light of Nkandla — is scandalous. While we have democracy (at least in the form of parliamentary elections), the struggle for social justice as exemplified by the living conditions and struggles of AbM’s members, continues.

Long before the “Sidikiwe Vukani” — or the “Vote No” — campaign, AbM had decided to boycott elections. There is much emotional — but essentially hollow — talk about our alleged “moral responsibility to vote since many have given their lives so that we can vote”. Secondly then, AbM has taught us that voting is not a “moral responsibility” but simply a tactic available to citizens to appropriate — whether by voting or choosing not to vote — in their strategic interests. As AbM itself says, “We will not take membership of the [DA] party, we do not endorse its policies … we do not love or trust the DA … we have made a purely tactical choice”. AbM clearly states that their decision to support the DA “is for this election … when the next election comes we will again decide whether or not to vote and, if so, which party to vote for”.

Third, AbM has shown that electoral politics is not the only, or necessarily the most effective means of pursuing or affirming democracy. Giving content to our democracy is also about seeking to hold accountable those who assume political office by advancing demands through organization, on the streets and by using the courts, which is what AbM has done on a daily — rather than five-yearly — basis. As a civil-society organization, AbM is exemplary in giving concrete expression to our democracy and in not allowing politicians to define democracy in their interests. They expressly forbid anyone who has joined a political party to hold an elected position in AbM to ensure that their policies and strategies serve the interests of their members rather than party political interests.

Fourth, that AbM members have been tortured, shot at, assassinated and victimized in pursuit of their goals, reflects the extent to which regular free and fair elections may give the illusion of democracy, while the struggle for real democracy continues.

Fifth, in arriving at their decision, Abahlali baseMjondolo employed thoroughly democratic principles. They did not leave their party leadership or membership in the dark as was the case with Mamphela Ramphele’s short-lived affair with the DA; it was not a decision made by the leadership of AbM. Parties were invited to address branch delegates to determine who would do “the best job in opposing repression and take the best position on shack settlements”. Delegates then reported back to and discussed the options with their branches and returned to a later meeting to vote on which party to support. AbM’s leadership refrained from voting with branch delegates voting in favor of the DA (146) with 2 delegates being undecided, 2 voting for the Workers and Socialist Party, 16 for the Economic Freedom Fighters and 26 for the National Freedom Party. The internal democracy and the related transparency are examples of grassroots, bottom-up democracy.

Sixth, while there are many who question their strategic choice in voting for the DA, AbM members displayed impeccable democratic maturity in making their choice in that they decided to vote, not on the basis of loyalty, racial solidarity or liberation history, but out of their direct experiences and immediate strategic interests in contemporary South Africa. AbM states: “Our politics puts people first. We cannot do nothing but wait for socialism to come one day … our children are dying of diarrhea now, our old people and disabled people are dying in shack fires right now, we are being evicted and disconnected right now and we are being beaten and shot … right now … we have to act to do what we can to make our members’ lives better right now.”

A final point is that the poor have agency. They are deciding by themselves, for themselves and are more than able to do so without external — patronizing or well-meaning — interventions. The AbM has asserted its right to make its own strategic choices, stating “over the last nine years we have protected our autonomy from NGOs very carefully even though we do work with some NGOs … many people and organizations on the left do not accept that we have the right to think our own struggle and to make our own decisions … these people see our decision as stupid and as a sell-out while they are nowhere to be seen in our times of great difficulty”.

Whether AbM’s decision to vote for the DA realizes their strategic intent or not remains to be seen; what cannot be doubted, are the lessons in, and about, our democracy with which they have challenged all of us.


Organizational Communication as Contextualized Discourse

Inside Peering In: Talking About the Ghetto (Townships)

With the advent of communications within organizations, it is imperative upon those who wish to run successful organizations to take into consideration the mechanism and way and means that communication techniques are utilized and applied within an organization and understanding how these techniques help or inhibit drastic change so sorely needed. If we are talking about changing our society, we must understanding how its Organizational Communications is structured. One can holler all the slogans and platitudes to ones content, but that will not really affect anything, but one will be like having no light and cursing in the darkness.

We all know that we need to organize, but what is involved in organizational communications is another matter. With the fast paced changes in the communications gadgets which have altered our way of communication within our societies and organization, it is important we learn more about Organizations and communications[on the latter part, I will have a much more well researched post in my next article]. Now,

This might be a Western invention:Today's New and Emerging techniques and Technologies along with and assisted and enabled that we use with some reckless abandon, and false knowledge as to what the effects and affects are that are produced and makes us with this gizmos, that we shall have to begin to flesh out what we need to know about them in our midst, and what role organization, in tandem with these new technologies subduct. Below I will give a strict view of Organizational Theory.

As people mature, they participate in many conversations-with parents, friends, teachers and others-about what they should expect from life and from their careers and organizations. Those expectation guide the ways in which people communicate at work, society and so on, and the ways in which they make sense out of the information they obtain. Every society has its own unique organizational communication that are 'particular' to that society. So that, one cannot ape another society at the expense of the reality of their own "specific' societal realities and organizational communications, culture, customs, traditions, history, languages practices and rites...

Organizational communication is multidimensional. It is structured and creates structure, and it is relational. It is also contextual. Organizations do not exist in a vacuum. "A century ago, sociologist, Max Weber, observed that when people enter in organizations, they bring with them a long history of living with their society, and of learning how members of their societies make sense out of events and respond to the situations they encounter. Conversely, experience in a society's organization reinforces the overall values of the overall society." (K.R. Phillips)

Of course, every member of a given society has had unique experiences, has been involved in relationships with different people who have influenced their development in different directions, and has interpreted these experiences through his or her own unique personality. People with similar backgrounds and experience bring similar expectations to their organizations; people with diverse backgrounds may share expectations to their organizations; people with diverse backgrounds may share expectations, but differ in others.

But no one enters an organization 'tabula rasa'-everyone brings a particular world view. We should be cognizant of this fact and have to develop abilities to recognize it in all individual members of the organizations. This will bee looked at below.

Whilst we are at it, we must recognize and remember that these people have different expectations about organizations, like for instance those who are attached to organizations like their work, which, like the military, for example, have a chain of command with strict regulation of thought and behavior and a premium placed on following orders without question.

These people have different expectations about organizational life than those who have learned to think of organizations like families, in which there is a high concern for one another and a commitment to group rather than to individual achievement, and so on.

Then there are other conversations that involve the act of working people who have learned that work is boring, unending toil with few rewards other than a paycheck expect different work experiences than those who have learned that work is and should be one's primary route to self-fulfillment. Conversations within such enclaves are peculiar and particular to their milieu and environments

Organizational Beliefs and Values

Intercultural communication scholars note that the taken-for-granted assumptions of various societies differ from one another along a relatively small number of values. One of the most important differences involves the extent to which members of the society value "collectivism" or "individualism." Asian, Latin, Middle Eastern, and African cultures tend to be collectivist. Meaning that people in those societies learn to place a high value on solidarity, cooperation, and concern for others.

Their communication tends to be guided and constrained by concerns about hurting other people people's feelings, minimizing impositions placed on the other person, and avoiding negative evaluations of other persons. This is talked about a bit in the paragraphs below. In contrast, Western European and North American societies tend to be individualistic, and people learn to value competition and independence(which is a questionable observation), independence form other people or groups. They learn to value communication that is 'clear,' 'efficient,' and effective and adapt their own communication to correspond to those guidelines and constraints.

So that, the organizations within the collectivist societies operate within, tend to operate with collectivist principles; and yet those in individualistic societies are dominated by people from collectivist societies. That , in the final analysis, this does not mean that everyone from a particular society has the same core beliefs and values; gender, age, economic background, educational level, and individual experiences all influence the ways in which people interpret and incorporate the messages that they receive into their own views of the world and ways of communicating.

But the complete package of beliefs and values that people bring with them into their organizations exert a powerful influence on their communication and are difficult to change. We need to pay attention to this and recognize it for what it is. The society from which an organization draws its members provides a context-a complex web of taken-for-granted assumptions, meanings, expectations and sense-making presses-through which people make sense of their experiences in their reality.

This context guides and constrains their actions in whatever they do, and in turn guides and constrains the kinds of organizational strategies they will enact . As a result, members of organizations must find ways to manage what often are complex webs of differences in beliefs, values and modes of communication. Our cultures, customs traditions, history, languages and practices have a ready-made from and springboard for anyone who wants to explore, exploit and use them to the advantage of our African people.

Breaking It Down - Cutting To The Chase

When one looks closely at the Organizational Communication as it relates to the African Townships, one sees sheer dysfunction. As a people living in Third World-like conditions, that are encapsulated within a first world nation, the source of economic, political and social problems are readily apparent-and Africans in South Africa suffer a negative balance of payment. It is like the Africans of South Africa are located and living on 'foreign' soil. Like a people in a Third World economy, the people of Mzantsi import or buys more than it they export. We are therefore not self-sustaining.

Our local economy is not locally owned or controlled. We are unable to invest in our own people, infrastructure, productive facilities, i.e., produce for our own needs, we suffers chronically massive external debt(like in Orlando East, people have not been paying rent, water and electricity for many years, and they are yearly reminded by the Companies that run these utilities how much they owe); and the inhabitants cannot make those payments because they have no jobs and money is sucked out by outside interests and so forth.

Consequently, the denizens of these enclaves or Ghettoes cannot provide enough monies to fund their cultural and social institutions; to maintain and enhance its political economic organization; to materially support, reinforce and reward our positive social values, ethical attitudes and behavior; to support our families, maintain and enhance the dignity, self-esteem and social sanding of its residents.

We are therefore constantly on the edge of self-destructive social organization and dysfunction organizational communication, bankruptcy, social indiscipline, criminality and violence. Economic growth is particularly difficult for the Ghetto economy(Townships). Its weak infrastructure, lack of local initiative and entrepreneurship, and the shortage of capital make it difficult to generate a growth process. Instead, we create a self-generating poverty cycle... Any program or programs that seeks to improve the economy of urban poverty areas must reverse the drain of skilled manpower, capital and income if a cumulative process of growth is to be established…

For us who want to reverse the Ghetto deterioration, economic decline and collapse requires that we must, in no uncertain terms, capture and control our economic infrastructure, i.e., eject foreign and immigrant owners and controllers of our internal economy from our midst. We must retard and jeopardize their capital flow outwards(stop capital being taken out of the Townships); retard and halt the outflow of our human resources and circulate those resources within our borders as many times as possible before they flow out (be able to export our goods to the world).

We shall have to balance our trade imbalance with the larger society, i.e., see that at least as much money flows into community as flows out. Better yet, the community should establish a trade surplus by earning more from trade with the larger community and the world community by selling goods and services to those outside the communities and returning, spending, saving and investing that outside earned income within our own habitats and areas.

This requires a deep and abiding sense of ethnic solidarity, organization based on ethnicity and ethic identification and organizational communications; a healthy degree of ethnic selfishness and self0centeredness; ethnic pride should be prime; high self-esteem and self-confidence, ethnically based economic aggressiveness and acumen, all justified and rationalized by our particular and specific ethnic ideology. We need to work hard to clarify our values.

Controlling The Values of Our Communities and society

Values, as a major issue in our orientation towards us and the world, regulate our consciousness . Values are the standards by which we determine what is right or wrong, important, appropriate, good, desirable, or what ought to be. They help us to regulate and direct our behavior. They give meaning to behavior. However, values, in tandem with consciousness which they help to guide and direct, are instruments for controlling behavior…

Values, like consciousness, are socialized, in that they are deeply influenced and created by the cultural, religious and life experiences undergone by the individual, as well as the social environment in which he currently operates. so that, cultural values are means by which a cultural group achieves and retains self-control, control regulated and directed by its own values. culture is a form of social control and as such, is a form of social control and power; means by which a people gain power over themselves and their behavior in order to achieve certain ends.

If the sets of values, modes of thinking, beliefs, and much more which define and direct an individual's consciousness are shared by or are compatible with other individuals who mutually consider themselves to be the members of a distinct group-unity and uniformity is possible ; people who socially and behaviorally interact in order to achieve mutually desired ends-tend to create and grow their societies or nations.

Those societies who initiate and regulate their individual behavioral interests in accordance with the interests of the group which they are members-who identify many of their personal interests with interests of the group of which they are members; and, who see membership in their group as vitally important to achieving both personal and group aims, then it may be inferred that they have generated and share in group consciousness.

Group culture and consciousness are adaptational tools, a means the group uses to adapt to environmental demands and adapting the environment to its demand. This is what African South African culture is about. If we have forgotten that, it is then about time we remember it. This common consciousness facilitates the achievement of many of the ends desired by both the group and its individual members: they participate in sharing a common cultural consciousness.

This would not be easy for us to achieve such consciousness if it did not exist operationally. We have it in our present African South African culture to pick up from what is our presently live in our cultures because it has existed and operated throughout the days of repression, depression and exploitation and pre-colonial times.

Thus, both individual power and group power are markedly and mutually extended and enhanced by the operational presence of a group cultural consciousness, to the extent and degree that a group's consciousness is relatively narrow, inflexible or labile, conflicted or ambivalent, its social power is dismissed and its ability to assert its will and realize its interests in the world is also commensurately diminished or made dysfunctional.

Our lack of recognition of our projections, rejection, introspection and introjection are premised on our solidly following the protocols of our cultures, traditions, history, languages and practices. We are dysfunctional as a society today because we embrace the norms and mores of foreigners and discard our ours as we perceive them to be backward, and cumbersome.

We think and feel that ours is unable to adjust to the time and cannot meet up to the expectations of the 21 century and beyond. And yet we are pulverized from all ends and in all fronts and manners and we are in reality standing for nothing, thus we fall for everything: because we imbibe and embrace foreign values and cultures and traditions, languages, history practices and rites....

So that, in the final analysis, we have to take note that group consciousness is an adaptational tool; the presence of group consciousness and culture motivates otherwise exclusively self-interested individuals to cooperatively coordinate and organize their activities as a group toward the achievement of goals we find mutually desirable. The stronger or more powerful the group consciousness the ore likely the group is to achieve its aims.

Group consciousness is necessary to the self-determination and autonomy of a group, and to maintaining its cohesiveness in the face of opposition from other groups. The strength of group consciousness — the degree and extent to which the members of a group are loyal to its values, committed to its survival and enhancement, up to the point which the members of a group can work together to defend the group against the negative intentions of other and achieve its aims that this is somehow depended on:

- the degree to which its members are proudly aware of their membership in the group;

- are esteemed to be identified by others and themselves as members of the group; and

- are revered of the group, embrace it in high esteem, and are committed to enhancing its social status and power relative to the other group (Wilson)

Therefore, if we are going to talk about Organizational Communication, as I had begun laying our the premise and theory as espoused by different schools of thought and scholars above, we can see that they present a neat and predictable model which when one learns about it, is seemingly innocuous and straight-forward.

But when one starts to deconstruct our present state of reality and existence ,it crumbles and we see from digging back into our past and present, the synergy gives us hope that we can actually learn more from our own culture, traditions, custom, languages, history, rites and practices that we can use our own culture to empower ourselves.

Embedded within the empowering nature of our culture is the consistent and constant manners and modes of communication which we can readily see in our own cultural, customary and traditional institutions which have evolved down to us over the millennia.

African Quislings And Predators

The way our organizations are manifest in contemporary Mzantsi, we have a dismal record of self-governance and a complete breakdown of communications. The leadership which we have had since 1994 reduces all the racial, economic subordination and exploitation of their Africans brothers to race discrimination in employment, public and private accommodations, vehemently opposed the self-help economic ideas of theThe African nationalists.

The African bourgeoisie's antipathy for African Nationalism - for those who support African self-help, African identity, consciousness and power is a very old saga. This leadership evinces a fundamental and self-defeating ambivalence. It promotes African identity and solidarity(a self-sufficiency Mbeki), in support of its programs aimed at submerging and obliterating that very identity and solidarity while in the process of achieving complete racial assimilation into the White mainstream [bloodstream].

Oliver Cox put it this way:

"Social [racial] solidarity is not a virtue in itself." So that, whenever Africans express their African solidarity and African economic self-determination and African power, to them, this is anathema; this, despite the relationship between White and economic self-sufficiency, political power and well-being as immigrant entrepreneurialism and immigrant well-being.

"The African bourgeoisie social-political leadership, stupefied by its indiscriminate internalization of the European/American ideology of individualism, And whose status [is] predicated on the very existence of the segregated urban ghettoes, ... reject[s] the legitimacy of the ghetto's existence.

The general logic of this political leadership would be to eschew and disdain all social policy aimed at internal economic, social, and cultural improvements amounted to the perpetuation of segregation. It has become a fad for this ruling bourgeois class in a blatantly and self-serving manner, give lip service to such improvements, their inability or unwillingness to initiate, administer, and fund tangible, workable programs towards these ends.

And their reactionary opposition to and underhanded sabotaging of such efforts when they have been proposed or lad by African nationalists, or grassroots organizations, betray their true character and motives.

Unless and until the African community rids itself of its dominant "assimilationist leadership" establishment and institutes a new race conscious, race-first leadership which will facilitate its acquisitions of economic self-control and considerable ownership of Mzantsi itself, we will continuously suffer relative powerlessness, and perhaps in the near future, biological annihilation. ...

Remembering Elombe Brath


From Mpanza To Elombe Brath: The Struggle Is Global

The Black Liberation Struggle is Global

A South African Reflects on Elombe Brath

It is really a blessing and an honor for me to pay my tribute to brother Elombe. You see, not many people who are in South Africa would say they know Elombe and yet they do, especially those of the African National Congress who were stationed in New York and around America. When Playthell’s article, “Remembering Brother Elombe,” was posted on my FB timeline, it really brought my experiences in South Africa to the fore. You see, I was fortunate enough to meet Elombe through the ANC cadres during my forays into the US in the very early eighties. Although I didn’t belong to the ANC they were nonetheless my friends and I had a lot of contact and consultations with them.

You see, before I knew who Elombe was, I always thought he was a brother from South Africa, the way he fused and melded with the leadership of the ANC, when the movement was allowed to have an apartment and a tiny office at the UN. At that time, the ANC was labeled to be a “Terrorist” group by the American government, and they were not welcome in the US. Even though the ANC never had an office in Harlem, Elombe and the people of Harlem fully embraced them.

Elombe was involved in all matters and issues that concerned the ANC. He was present at their meeting(anchoring and MC-ing ANC events throughout New York), and whenever the ANC celebrated the June 1976 students revolts in Soweto in halls throughout Harlem, or held their speechifying rallies in Central Park, City College, and throughout America. Many times I would see him hanging with the ANC brothers at the Grant’s Tomb Jazz concerts. He acted as a buffer between the harassing US officials and the targeted ANC movement without fear or doubts.

One would see him at the Slave Theater, introducing eminent African American Scholars like Amos Wilson, Dr. Clarke, Dr. Ben and a host of other great scholars, and one could also tell that his involvement was that of a person completely and thoroughly embedded within his community. He lived in the Schomburg Towers, named for the great Afro-Puerto Rican who founded the world-famous Schomburg Collection on black history and culture, around 110th Street in Harlem. In Elombe one could see the Afro-American counterpart of some of the unsung and unknown political stalwarts of the Ghetto of Soweto in South Africa.

One is immediately reminded for instance of James Sofasonke Mpanza, who today is famously known as the “Father of Soweto.” He was the man who took all the folks who had moved from the rural areas to work in the Crown Mines of Johannesburg, and helped them to find work where they could live with their families. Many of them were forcefully removed from the newly found shacks they called homes, which were very close to the city and the mines, by the police forces of the Apartheid State. These areas were in violation of South Africa’s Native Areas Act – which was part of the Group Areas Act that reserved 80% of the nation’s best lands for the white minority — and were considered to be “Black Spots” by the Apartheid masters, who therefore justified their forced removal of the inhabitants of these ramshackle tin-can-corrugated-iron shacks. This was a crime against humanity, but the US and other western “democracies” looked the other way.

These places were known as the “e-Maplatini”(By the Shacks), which were sprouting up twelve miles away from the city limits of Johannesburg, and were nestled next to a river called the Klip – “Small Stones” – River. Mpanza went to the Johannesburg City Council and demanded better housing for his people. Mandela, in those days, was not as powerful as he came to be known by the world; Mpanza was also their leader. Mandela and Tambo had offices of law where they were practicing in what could be called Downtown Johannesburg.

But Mpanza, who lived in Orlando East, had his family living in the houses that he had managed to cajole Oppenheimer – the largest owner of Gold and Diamond Mines – into helping to build, despite the fact that the apartheid regime did not want them built. Mpanza eventually managed to get funding from De Beers/Anglo American Gold Mines, owned by Oppenheimer, which put down money and built Orlando East and West, and other Townships which are known as Soweto, today. Mpanza never left Orlando East, instead he owned racing horses, and kept them in his yard. One should understand that it was impossible to move elsewhere under the apartheid police state of his time.

But he was a man who worked tirelessly to make sure his people got housing, engaged in strikes, and took care of the poor and homeless, got them houses, jobs — what Mpanza was doing was in the Garvey mode of hands-on action and tangible results that people could see. He loved soccer and was an ardent member and follower of the local soccer club, formed in 1937 and called “Orlando Pirates” with their black and white uniform and Skull and Bones Insignia to go along with that.

One of the club’s war cries is “Ezikamagebula za gebula umhlaba” (Those that scoop/took and scooped/took the earth”), and in this sense, Mpanza was of the people and the people were for him, they were referring to Mpanza himself as the stalwart of the team. One could always see Mpanza walking street by street in the Township of Orlando, going in into every house and finding out what the people’s problems were — and immediately worked toward solving them.

What has this got to do with Elombe? Well, reading the eulogy by Playthell, the way he recalls all about Elombe and describes what he was doing for the community of Harlem, his comportment/’intelligence in the struggle, and his understanding of the realpolitik, locally and internationally, is paralleled by what leaders like Mpanza were doing in South Africa. Mpanza was not formally educated as such, but he was a social worker and activist. He did not use ideological rhetoric but effectively changed the material well-being of his people by being a serious thorn in the side of the Apartheid regime. He also had a great and permanently lasting impact on us all as children.

Mpanza formed a party, which was unheard off during apartheid, called the “Sofasonke”(“We Are Going to Die Together”) Party which was at the forefront of the African struggle against Apartheid. They used to be clad in their white and red uniforms — akin to Marcus Garvey’s Universal Improvement Association, which had a serious impact on the people of South Africa. All the known leaders of South Africa lived in Soweto – Sobukwe lived in Mofolo and Mandela lived in Orlando West – in the houses that Mpanza built for his people, financed by mining interests. This is where, as kids, we were introduced to the politics of action — by the Sofasonke Party. We followed our fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters and family when they marched and protested.

This led us to come to understanding the complexity, depth and breadth of our struggles in South Africa. We came to recognize and understand that the issues being protested were our issues; our bread and butter matters. We needed housing, food, work, schools, churches, and roads; Mpanza oversaw this whole project, but still remained in the community and lived amongst us. If Mandela and his friends were hanging out in the White suburbs with all the different ethnic groups, Mpanza was wholly involved with his people in the Townships, and lived and socialized amongst us, and never left the Township, nor accumulated riches for himself.

He lived in a house in Orlando East he helped build, with family — which looked the same as all the other houses around it. Playthell says of Elombe that he was exposed to many opportunities to escape the trials and tribulations of the USA, but he chose to always come back among the people of Harlem; he carried out his art of education through art and many other means; he attended many meetings in all kinds of places, and was well grounded with his brothers and sisters ( like Dr. Walter Rodney, “Groundings with my Brothers”) in his community.

One could buy Audiotapes on the pavements on the Street in 125th in Harlem about African History: it might be one of the many speeches of Clarke, Ben, Asa Hilliard, Amos Wilson, and many others, but one would often find that the Master of Ceremonies was Elombe, just as when Mandela visited Harlem. He would introduce the speakers and then offer a summary after their speeches before opening the floor for question-and-answer sessions with them.

Elombe’s radio program on WBAI, “Africakaleidescope,” was fantastic and one had to make time to listen to it. There was always something new and beneficial/informative for the listening audience, and in particular African people of New York, USA, Caribbean and Africa: most particularly South Africa. He critically examined issues for the African American people and used the radio to educate them about South Africa.

Elombe’s involvement in the ANC was selfless and he was, at times, more committed and involved than some of the people he was helping. He was the rudder and radar for the ANC in the US. He connected them with relevant people who were prepared to help the ANC fight the Boers in whatever way they could. Whenever one watched him in action making things possible, especially with the ANC, you could see that this was not a person who was ‘helping’ the ANC, he was one with the ANC for all intents and purposes.

I know this because I witnessed ANC cadres do a lot of consulting with him, and saw his involvement in many of their events and activities. Elombe was at the forefront in helping the ANC and extending the struggle of the people of South Africa into the community of Harlem. He demonstrated the same intensity and passion for both people (African Americans and South Africans) as he worked to raise the awareness level about the reality of both struggles.

To me, Elombe was and will remain the Mpanza of Harlem and Soweto, because he was not just talk; he was a man of action with a sense of urgency one could read on his intense and intelligent face. Getting things done was what he was all about, and this impression of Elombe has not left my mind to this day. So that, when I saw Playthell’s essay on Elombe, it took me back to the days of Mpanza; who made it possible for us to be raised as the Students who rebelled and overthrew Apartheid, witnessing the beginning of June 16 1976.

We were fearless, and we wanted real and substantive change. We knew the Boers, and had met them as children in the protests organized by Mpanza, and now we were the 1976 Youth, and we really took the battle to the Boers. They butchered us, but we prevailed to eventually see to it that the ANC took over power, to at least rule South Africa politically. But this just did not begin in 1976, it was from Mpanza and his activism, strength, fortitude, focus, belief as a man of action that we learnt, and we perfected the art of struggling against Apartheid in June 1976.

What I am saying is that the ANC was able to survive in New York in particular, because there was a man named Elombe Brath, and he took them by hand, shielded their bodies, helped them raise funds, find accommodation in housing, funds to move about the US and world, furnished them with necessary political information and hipped them to the local and national political realities, the intelligence agencies and their ways of working, and taught them how they should deal with such issues. To me, he was pivotal in helping the ANC maintain some modicum of existence here in the United States where, as I have pointed out, they were labelled a terrorist group and were unwelcome.

He took their issues onto the radio, and utilized every means of communicating the struggle of South Africa. Yet I say it was not just Elombe helping the ANC, it was his struggle too; he was the embodiment of the struggle of the Africans of South Africa here in America. So that, when I finally met him, and watched him work politically, I was reminded of Mpanza, who propounded no theories, but changed the living and material conditions of his people without expecting or wanting to be remunerated for that. Mpanza remained the same as the people who lived with and around him. So did Elombe… He was Harlem personified.

Had I not met him, I feel that I would have missed the essence and reality of the people of Harlem and what they were all about. Because Elombe knew how to ‘work’ the people and remain one with the people, he knew how to swim amongst the masses of people of African descent; he never lost his touch and thrust. He was always in the mix. Thus I pay respect, in my own paltry way, to this ‘great man for whom nothing seemed impossible; who believed that through persistent and selfless struggle we could make our freedom dreams real.” Elombe always kept it real.

I learnt much from him, and reinforced what I believed in my heart about the seriousness and discipline required for the liberation struggles of the people to triumph. This is a very serious undertaking indeed, and we need to pick up the struggle where Elombe, and leaders like him world-wide, left off… Globally, you were and are still the brightest and strongest light in our darkened hovels , Elombe… Rest in Peace……

Soweto - Abdullah Ibrahim

Before We ask The latter Question of the Topic, "So Where TO?... I want to examine Wehre We are Not At and where were today..

Whilst we are at it, we now take a much more seriously in-depth look at our present day social miasma we are mire in. Many of us are adept at waxing political and ranting/blowing off steam, but merely playing the newly found political expressions commonly found on the Social Media. Some of us are have been using the social media to construct and compose-theoretically assemble a solid foundation about our story without pandering to, nor paying attention as to what our masters want to see.

The point I am making above is that man of us cannot even think out of the box we have been encased in from 1652, to the present, in all aspects and respects of our decrepit existences... Some of us have bought body and soul, also, they have been 'took', and are bamboozled by the exposure they now have, and are trying their darnest to show-off their newly acquired statuses; some are trying hard to use English in order to sound 'sophisticated' and very 'erudite'.

In the end, more confusion and untruth belligerent ranting sputters out their torn and mashed-up enslaved souls, that one is left wondering, what is going on? What are these people talking about? Why are so many not writing about us, but use dumb articles and 'blurbs' to try and talk about our present situation. Many cannot even articulate the issues that arise in their own streets! Be it in the Townships or the suburbs. It does not matter how and what we do, we will forever remain "Post Apartheid Poor" copies of white enslavement we are so apt to copycat… Shamelessly.

Many of us, having seen the signs and presence of Authoritarian Apartheid 'sort of' disappear in our lifetimes, think that it is gone. Now, we say, we are Free. We have to look at this much more closely.

Eric from informs us thus:

"There is one feature of the 'authoritarian' character which has led many observers: a tendency to defy authority and to resent any kind of influence fro 'above.' Sometimes this defiance overshadows the whole picture and the submissive tendencies are in the background. This type of person will constantly rebel against any kind of authority, even one that actually furthers his interests and has no elements of suppression.

"Sometimes the attitude toward the authority is divided. Such persons might fight against one set of authorities, especially if they are disappointed by its lack of power, and at the same time , or later on, submit to another set of authorities which through greater power or greater promises seems for fulfill their 'masochistic' longings.

"Finally, there is a type which the rebellious tendencies are completely repressed and come to the surface only when conscious control is weakened; or they can be recognized ex posteriori, in the hatred that rises against an authority when its power is weakened, and when it begins to totter.

"What are we talking about? Us, Africans of Mzantsi.. Pretenders, many of us... Wanna be's.. The bulk of us; fake accents and lifestyles… It's like we are trying to fit a square into a circle. We all know what time it is. We all know that many of us have got nothing; are nothing, and in fact… die in lonely and poverty stricken obscurity. Meanwhile, our elite potentates show of their ill-begotten wealth; fattening on the theft from the public coffers. Spotting pot bellies and double chins… Yes, that is us, today's prosecutors of our own poor and downtrodden people. Comical caricatures of trying to present Western cultures, languages, mores and beliefs-absent and nothing of our own indigenous cultures, languages, values and morals.

Asa intones

:"The lasting challenge that we face is the absence of information and understanding of African culture. This has been by design. The enforcers of an oppressive system work to create a cultural disorder among the oppressed, In particular, they suppress the value of other cultures, while glorifying and fabricating the history of themselves. They understand that the resulting disorder will make it impossible for the oppressed to be truly independent.

Fanon put it this way:

"The unilaterally decreed normative value of certain cultures deserves our careful attention.... The Enterprise of deculturation turns out to be the negative of a more gigantic work of economic, and even biological enslavement... The doctrine of cultural hierarchy is thus but one aspect of a systematic hierarchization implacably pursued.

"For its systems of reference have to be Broken. Expropriation, spoliation, raids, objective murder, are matched by the sacking of cultural patterns, or at least condition such sacking. The social panorama is destructed; values are flaunted, crushed, emptied. ... The lines of force, having crumbled, no longer give direction. In their stead, a new system of values is imposed, not proposed but affirmed, but the heavy weight of canons and sabers."...

This culture, once living and open to the future, comes closed, fixed in the colonial status, caught in the yoke of oppression. Both present and mummified, it testifies against its members. It defines them in fact without appeal. The cultural mummification leads to a mummification of individual thinking.

"The apathy so universally noted among colonial peoples, is but the logical consequence of this operation. Their approach of inertia constantly directed at the 'natives' is utterly dishonest. As though it were possible for a man to evolve otherwise than within the framework of culture that recognizes him and he decides to assume."...

Thus, we witness the setting up of archaic, inert institutions, Functioning under the oppressor's supervise and patterned like a caricature of formerly fertile institutions…

"The reason, for those of us who still remember and saw, and are still seeing cultural assassination of our people, were the products and are cognizant of the removal of the British type of Education for us, which is still worse-off, are now witnessing the genocide being performed on us from angles imaginable.

This whole saga is captured very well by Walter Rodney for us, of which few really talk about this issue, for then, in this case, reading is really fundamental. Understanding is key. We are going to cull from Rodney on the clear role and definitions of Colonialism and Imperialism, and how these worked in tandem to put us in the position we are now in, today in Mzantsi. This might have happened elsewhere in Africa and the Diaspora, we were also affected, and still are, to date.

According to Frelimo:

"In the colonial society, education is such that it serves the colonialist. ... In a regime of slavery, education was but one institution for forming slaves.We learn the following from Rodney:

"Faced wit the evidence of European exploitation of Africa, many bourgeois writers would concede at least partially that colonialism was a system which functioned well in the interests of the Metropoles(The West). However, they would then urge that another issue to be resolved is how much Europeans did for Africans, and that it is necessary to draw up a balance sheet of colonialism.

"On that balance sheet, they place both the credits and the debits, and quite often conclude that the good outweighed the bad. That particular conclusion can quite easily be challenged, but attention should be drawn to the fact that the process of reasoning is itself misleading.

"The reasoning has some sentimental persuasiveness. It appeals to the common sentiment that, 'After all there mus be two sides to a thing.' The argument suggests that, on one hand, there was exploitation, and oppression, but, on the other hand, they developed Africa. It is our contention that this completely false. Colonialism had only one hand-it was a one-armed bandit.

"What did colonial governments do in the interest of Africans? Supposedly, they built roads, railroads, schools, hospitals , and the like. The sum total of these 'services is amazingly small.

"For the first three decades of colonialism, hardly anything was done that could remotely be termed a service to the African people. It was in fact after the last war that social services were built as a manner of policy. This was paltry. The statistics show that Africa is today underdeveloped are the statistics representing the state of affairs at the end of colonialism.

"For that matter, the figures at the end of the first decade of African independence in spheres such as health, housing, and education are often several times higher than the figures inherited by the newly independent governments. It would be an act of the most brazen 'fraud' to weigh the paltry social amenities provided during the colonial epoch, and to arrive at the conclusion that the good outweighed the bad."

This is one part of the history we know, most of us, generally. In this piece, I will defer to Rodney below who teaches us thus:

"Capitalism did bring social services to European workers-firstly, as a by-product of providing such services for the bourgeoisie and the middle class, and later, as a deliberate act of policy. In 1934, long before the coming of the 'welfare state,' to Britain, expenditure for social services in the British Isles, amounted to 6 pounds 15 shillings per person. In Ghana, the figure was 7 shillings 4 pence per person, and was high by colonial standards. In Nigeria and Nyasaland, it was less than 1 shilling 9 pence per head. None of the other colonizing powers were doing any better, and some much worse.

"The Portuguese stand out because they boasted most and did the least. Portugal boasted that Angola, Guinea, and Mozambique have been their possessions for five hundred years, during which time a 'civilizing mission' has been going on. At the end of five hundred of shouldering the White man's burden of civilizing "African Natives," the Portuguese had not managed to train a single African doctor in Mozambique, and the life expectancy in Eastern Angola was less than thirty years. As for Guinea-Bissau, some insight into the situation there is provided by the admission of the Portuguese themselves, that, Guinea-Bissau was more neglected than Angola and Mozambique[And in all cases, illiteracy was upwards of 95 percent].

"Furthermore, the limited social services within Africa during the colonial times were distributed in a manner that reflected the pattern of domination and exploitation. First of all, White settlers and expatriates wanted the standards of the bourgeoisie or professional classes of the Metropoles(Western Cities and Countries).

"They were all the more determined to have luxuries in Africa, because so many of them came from poverty in Europe, and could not expect good services in their own homelands. In colonies like Algeria, Kenya and South Africa, it is well known that Whites created an infrastructure to afford themselves leisured and enjoyable lives. It means, therefore, that the total amenities provided in annoys those colonies is no guide to what Africans got out of colonialism.

"In Algeria, the figure for infant mortality was 30 per 1,000 live births among the White settlers; but it jumped to 170 per 1,000 live births in the case of Algerians living in towns. In practical terms, that meant the medical maternity, and sanitation services were all geared towards the well-being of the settlers.

"Similarly, in south Africa, all social statistics have to be broken down into at least two groups - White and African - if they are to be interpreted correctly. In British East Africa, there were three groups, firstly, the Europeans, who got the most; then the Indians, who took most of what was left; and thirdly, the Africans,who came last in their own country(this was the case in South Africa under British rule, and worse under Apartheid rule).

"In Predominantly African communities, it was also true that the bulk of the social services went to Whites… The southern part of Nigeria was one of the colonial areas that was supposed to have received the most from a benevolent mother country. Ibadan, one of the most heavily populated cities in Africa, had only about 50 Europeans before the last war. For those chosen few, the British colonial government maintained a segregated hospital service of 11 beds in well furnished surroundings. There were 34 beds for half-million Africans. The situation was repeated in other areas, so that altogether the 4,000 Europeans in the country in the 1930s had 12 modern hospitals, while the African population of at least 40 million had 52 hospitals.

"South African's large African working class population was in a sad state. The Tuberculosis Commission of 1912 reported that in the shanty towns:

"Scarcely a single family exists in which at least one member is not suffering or dying from tuberculosis. Hospital services are so inadequate, that incurable tuberculosis and other cases are simply sent home to die-and spread the infection. In some cases, a single doctor had to attend to the needs of 40,000 people. The Africans must pay for medical treatment. There is no provision for pauper patients. About 6% of the African children die before reaching two years.

"Rodney continues:

"That was as early as 1912, when the basis of South African gold and diamond Empire was already laid. After this, the shanty towns increased, the slum conditions grew worse, and the government committed itself to pursuing the odious policy of Apartheid-separation of the races so as to better exploit African people.

"Many African 'trekked' to towns, because [bad as they were] they offered a little more than the countryside. Modern sanitation, electricity, piped water, paved roads, medical services, and schools were as foreign at the end of the colonial period as they were at the beginning-as far as most of the rural Africa was concerned. Yet it was the countryside that grew the cash crops and provided labor that kept the system going. The peasants there knew very little of the supposed 'credits' on the colonial balance sheet.

"Because even the scanty social services were meant only to facilitate exploitation, they were not given to any Africans whose labor was not directly producing surplus for export to the Metropoles(The West). That is to say, none of the wealth of exploited Africans could be deployed for the assistance of the African left out of the money economy.

"The combination of being oppressed, being exploited, and being disregarded is best illustrated by the pattern of the economic infrastructure of African colonies: notably, the roads and the railways. These had a clear geographical distribution according to the extent tow which particular regions needed to be opened up to import-export activities. Where exports were not available, roads and railways had no place. The only slight exception is that certain roads were built to move troops and to make conquest and oppression easier.

"The more things change, the more they stay the same. This dictum holds true as I am about to go into a discourse of what I mean, exactly, below.

The narrative about stories from the Crypt that is Soweto, is a collection of observation of what is happening to us. Something has, and is still happening to us as I am onto this piece. However one wants to cut it, it is all in front of our eyes to see… What I am onto at this juncture is our own demise and Genocide of our peoplehood, that I would like to highlight several points in this part

Once we initiated the struggle in June 1976, we started a whole ball rolling towards the emancipation of our people from the Jackboot of Apartheid. We did it. We died in multitudes, and the ANC safely and comfortably returned from Exile and assumed power through some rigged Democratically election process.

We had a whole jargon pop-up. Words like 'Codesa.,' South African Constitution, The right to vote the supposed end of Apartheid. We were delirious; we lost our cool and went bonkers; we envisioned ourselves living in the Sandtons, Norwoods and such like enclaves with mansions and the whole bit to our satisfaction. We Were Free At Last! ... So we thought and believed.

The ANC was bold and came out forcefully and told the Apartheid Africans that we are going to get Basic Services for free, Electricity and water will be free along with education and such like goodies... The people became inebriated by the deluge of new words, conceptions, hopes, and brighter future than we could have ever imagined since Apartheid ruled, then the ANC came and told the people that this is a new day, a new era, a much more better beginning for all of us.

Yes, euphoria reigned supreme… many people were still dying and being killed by the boer Death Squads in droves. But, we figured, we are now Free, and no more Apartheid... So we thought.... and felt... Well, what really happened is where we are today... Something dreadful happened to us… and it's not abating…

This Is Our Story....

The ANC began to map-govern… from the get-go, people started noticing and talking about what they called the 'Gravy Train'. We saw the whole fiasco of the 'Truth' and "Reconciliation" become a farce and we were sold for a song to competing interests. The ANC took care of its 'cadre' and began posting them in their sectors of interest, and by so doing, undoing what the locals had created, and sowed confusion by redesigning different areas and creating even more useless jobs for their cohorts and so on.

Corruption gained currency and ended up becoming the norm. Nepotism became a new and real new, and unqualified people were inserted into sensitive position for exorbitant pays. Cronyism gained credence and became the modus operandi for giving access to these hangers-on of what ultimately became known as "Tenders". There was lot of confusion as to how to design and create our education system, which is still at its peak, even as we speak… meaning, the miseducation of our people began in ernest.

Health providing went down the hill; hospitals became overcrowded without medicine to give to the poor and sick. Sporting activities drew to a halt, and many facilities rotted and were subsequently destroyed; there was also extensive job-loss for millions of the poor working Africans in all spheres of endeavor; only a motley crew of select ANC favorites, hangers on, demagogues, opportunists of all types, and ass-lickers saw substantially growth in their ill-begotten wealth, greased on them by their ANC Ngangaras/Nkokelis/Bosses-(Some Pseudo African Baas)…

The dawn of the petty African vulturistic potentates was careening down towards us in a very fast and hazardous moves and zig-zagging that left us staring agog and in awe, as the Very ANC, morphed into a gendarme, quisling, turncoat, cut-throat, cabal tight and sell out entity, whilst we descended into the abyss of the present Crypt we are mired within, today... Our State Of The African Condition Is Critical, today... We are going to have to recognize that... We are going to take some serious action… What ever that means and take us to do so…

Then came the World Cup. We Africans were sideswiped from the event in a big way. The ANC, Blatter and some crooks swayed the electing of the whole saga of the World Cup South Africa's way. It was a helluva event that left the poor even more poorer, some were moved from their proximities of the World Cup Stadiums in the Cape, and elsewhere. Still, the poor never saw the army of tourists that serviced the White establishments and B&B's and were redirected away from the poor Township hovels-except for a few adventurers, the people got zilch for the enactment of the World Cup 2010(I have blogged extensively on this issue).

Intermittently we witnessed the massacre of the Marikana Miners, and the suffering their families had to go through. Cyril Ramaphosa(Now Worth R7 Billion[$00 Million] has been held accountable and responsible for this massacre, because he is a shareholder of the mines. Whilst we were at it, we got the Nkandla Scandal; now Zuma now wants a R4-billion Airplane, on top of that. We have the young upstarts of EFF derailing parliament and contributing nothing to the process of nation-building and national unification. We have seen the persecution of the Abahlali baseMjondolo; and many assassinaton of ANC perceived foes.

We have see so many trials of corruption take place, have born witnessing the affluence of the new nouveau African rich elite, and a preponderance of evidence abound that showcases the life-style of the Rich and opulent Africans in Mzantsi. Meanwhile, the masses toiled and labored under various oppressive measures that are the subject of this piece. I have not really summed up on the host of other ground-shaking events, just so that I get to the point I am trying to make in this article. Our Story has just about begun...

The Dearth Of Our[African] Oppression Today In Mzantsi...

There have been and continues to be many strikes and protests throughout the country, and these are gaining in steam, and the situation is tense and precarious, to put it mildly. One of the most interesting issues contested is service provision and electricity along with water. In tandem with these issues, is joblessness. This has really put the poor in a tight squeeze and corner that they cannot seem to get out of. The outsourcing of everything in South Africa, has exposed the unprotected masses to Capitalist Imperialist Vultures and Mega-Monopoly Capitalist of all types, that, whilst we are being fleeced in all manners imaginable, we are dying in droves, and are a very sad people, today....

One other thing, totally ignored, is doing quality reportage of our decrepit existence in real-time and true terms. What is presently going on in our Townships is heartbreaking and very much deeply troubling. One cannot really escape the reality of our people's condition in the Townships… It is stressful, distressing and discouraging. This is true as I will try to put together today my impression of what is happening in the Kasie...

In The Trenches With The Poor

Local governance is worse for wear. For instance, the Minister of Cooperative And Traditional Affairs, who was formerly in SARS, Gordan Pravin, does not really have an idea why he is in that position. This is one to the ways the ANC operates, appeasing its cadres and other notable in their crooks-only organization, and yet, he is Boss of this outfit. He does not live nor has any sense of what he is lording over, and therefore, his underlings have carte blanche decision-making and so forth in their raping and destroying our people.

As for Nomvula Mokonyane being a Kahuna for the Water Department, is so inept, arrogant and very dumb, that as the present drought raked over the land with bowels of Dust parched and chocked us, she had taken a trip to Iraq! She has the knack of not dressing her respectable age, and has some illicit affairs that are questionable… In the meantime, we are stuck with such a leader(really), who has abdicated her post, and goes galavanting all over the world, without a care in the world about her job-they call int junkets... paid and sponsored by the Tax payers monies. She lost her son to Drug abuse, and has never worked to ameliorate this condition in our communities.

The Minister of the Police, Nathi Mthethwa, just a symbolic figure of no consequence because the corruption in his police Department is on display for all to see. This is no secret… Out police force is useless, incompetent, corrupt and very nasty and evil, that the state of anomie prevailing is not a surprise. Nathi Mthetwa has no control over his employees(Cops). Whenever people protest, he instructs them to use rubber and live bullets. Raw force is this policy, and he does not even have what one would call 'Riot Squad' just to make my point. Many people have been injured and shot at in these demonstrations, and that's that.

As for our Councilor, Bongani Dlamini, a total and corrupt egg-head who cares only for his friends and squandering the poor's public coffers, and is involved in the Water scandal. His term is ending, in the next coming election… and is hoping to fill his seat with one of his favorite sidekicks, all the while, poor people are never a consideration in all these sectors. As the poor, we are supposed to marvel at our own oppression, genocide, and never complain or the hoodlums of the ANC will deal with the 'thug' element, a throwback the Apartheid menticide of our people.

The hospitals are a sad case of chaos run amok. The nurses are badly trained by 'private agencies', and many are callous and inconsiderate, and very mean-spirited. Health care is bad care for the poor, that the Health Department is trying to carry-out workshop to try and partly retrain the existing health inept givers. There is no medicine for the ill, and health coverage is sparse and expensive at best, and the people resort to some of these so-called private medical doctors with surgeries, who scalp their patients savings, and give some of them experimental overdose of drugs, sickening their patients ever more. The hospitals are overburdened, staffed with some really mediocre nurses, and badly managed and affected by nepotism and all sort of social ills we have touched a bit above.

We thus begun to see a mushrooming of fake traditional healers and Sangomas of the fly-by-night. People are robbed off their livelihood by some of these Traditional sharks without mercy. Bogus and deadly concoctions are paddled to the gullible poor people, that many of the same clique of false African Traditional doctors and their type are in on this ruse. Our people are running around these hacks like headless chicken, leaderless, and directionless... Exposed and vulnerable...

The View Within Ourselves...

Resistance from the people is still sparse, disjointed, uncoordinated and sporadic. The police are always called in to protect all those that the people are complaining against. Whether it's the foreign merchant in the Townships Sphaza Shops, of the contractors installing electric or water meter boxes without consultation and consent of the denizens of these Townships, so that, as the people start to fight back, police raw-force is called in to protect foreigners against the local disgruntled African people. This pattern has repeated itself too many time to even count, that, this has created a certain amount of anger, which is compounded by the anger from seeing themselves as being sidelined and harshly oppressed. Yes,.. This is Mzantsi of today...

The present government does not want to be criticized, and want to drag all this filth under the carpet by threatening Media/Press/Internet with draconian Censorship, so that all these shenanigans they are immersed-in should not see the light of day. The NEC leaders, safely tucked in their fiefdoms of 'greater ANC' control and power-seat of power... have too many fingers in their cookie jars and are pilfering without let up of the poor's public coffers and natural resources. We have a 'commissioned' government in the deep pockets of Mega Monopoly Capitalists and Countries, that are not going to yield power that easily. They do so by really repressing their polity.

The people try to regroup, try to go about electing their own chosen provincial and local leaders. But this has received some serious push-back from the ANC, and up to this writing of this piece, many of the lackeys appointed by the ANC, are servicing their leaders well and helping themselves to the handsome loot like glutton. These people shine and have a healthy sheen, pot bellies and double chins.The poor see this, they strike back… Burn Escom's car, the newly installed electric boxes, and chase away these workers. The police come back, armed to the teeth, and protect these installers, guns ready, and the whole offensive militaristic look to go with it… Awesome power. The Local ANC Bosses wanted to suspend this installation of electric boxes for just after the next year's Provincial elections. Now, because there's no such normal coordination between the Departments, the installers finished with the installation.

Now, they are saying that they are training an army of people to go out into the township to teach the people about the installed electrical gadgets. That, some people have been saying, they will only be charged what they use from the reading in the newly installed boxes, and if the people, wish, they can install pre-paid boxes and purchase electricity. What's still remains to be seen is whether these electric 'explainers' will get access to the angry people here in our townships. But, that's not only the problem laying ahead for Escom, people have been stressing and noting that they have never been informed nor consulted about this electrical matter.

Yes, meetings have been called over the years, and discussions were taken up, but with poor attendance, and a community not really persuaded to accept this forced deal upon the, One of the things the people wanted to know was what happened to the promises made by the ANC? The same question is asked today by the striking University students, that why is it that education is not free and of quality? Such questions linger, persist, fester and I can aver that they do burst and pandemonium will see the demise to the ANC.

What am I talking about? Well,... About 80 to 90 percent of the people in my Township are not employed; the police force is considered as useless by the citizens of the Township, and they do not really trust them, for they see their carrying-on with the drug dealers, and ignoring and disrespecting the public they are serving. People feel like reporting anything to them is a waste of time, for they never come, and the cops would complain that they had no cars or such drivel… Meanwhile the people see them driving around in their posh BMWs, cruising and collecting bribes, in plain sight and view, and it is in fact how one gets around, be able to grease their grubby greedy hand with some coupla chocolates. That is how we ride and live here in our country of our birth, today.

The police and many government sectors are plagued by 'tribalism' in hiring and functioning of these institutions. There's so much corruption, that many people are left bamboozled, gawking in horror as our bothers and sisters give themselves to selling out their people, and not caring a rat's ass about their actions and their outcomes. We have a very callous elite which feeds on its own vainness and carries on like they are foreigners to us. It is sad to watch our bothers and sisters pining and working hard not to be Africans of Mzantsi, they want to be anything but themselves-Africans of South Africa.

Living in Crypt that is Soweto and such like places, is very disconcerting, and many people have died and are still dying from a myriad of things. Poor people all over the country of Mzantsi are fighting against the pre-paid electricity, water, poor services, corruption, invasion of their space and palaces by crooked merchants from other lands, a very mean and bad government which chooses its favorites and those they wanna take of, and this is done at the expense of the poor Africans of South Africa.

Going Against The Grain

Bond further informs us thus:

"More worryingly, power-plant construction plans include a pay-off of $135 million profit for the ANC, whose investment arm own a quarter of Hitachi, which received a $5 billion Eskimo contract." So blatant is the conflict of interest that the government's Public Protector last month judged Valli Moosa - then chair of Eskom and an ANC finance committee member — to have acted improperly.

The potential sale of the ANC's shares in Hitachi within the next six weeks (announced and then retracted) doesn't mitigate matters, given Medupi's high cost escalations (from 5.5 billion to $18 billion) and the increased value of Hitachi's shares thanks to the improper and corrupt contract. Five dozen SA civic, environmental, church, academic and labor organizations began a campaign against the World Bank loan in February.

They are concerned not only that catastrophic climate change will be hastened, along with privatization of electricity generation, but worse, Medupi's main beneficiary will be the world's largest metal and mining corporations, which already receive the world's cheapest electricity thanks to multi-decade deals cut in the last years of Apartheid.

This was being pushed at a time of intense controversy surrounding Eskom mismanagement in its last annual reporting period. The caption above demonstrates clearly that the ANC is in Cahoots with Big International and local capital, and being advised/controlled by the IMF and the World among some of its many advisors and sponsors.

For us to completely understand the way the issues above work, I shall consult with Frantz Fanon who wrote:"Racism, as we have seen, is only one element of a vaster whole: that of the systemized oppression of a people. We witness the destruction of cultural values,of ways of life. Language, dress, techniques, are devalorized. Such attempts deliberately leave out of account the special character of the colonial situation.

In reality, the nations that undertake a colonial war have no concern for the confrontation of cultures. The enslavement, in the strictest sense, of the native population is the prime necessity. For this its systems of reference have to be broken. Expropriation, spoliation, raids, objectives are matched by the sacking of cultural patterns, or at least condition such sacking. The social panorama is destructed; values are flaunted, crushed, emptied.

Racism is not the whole but the most visible, the most day-to-day and, not to mince matters, the crudest element of a given structure.Here's Wilson's take:"To study the relations of racism and culture is to raise the question of their reciprocal action. If culture is the combination of motor and mental behavior patterns arising from the encounter of man with nature and with his fellow-man, it can be said that racism is indeed a cultural element.

There are thus cultures with racism and cultures without racism. The precise cultural element, however, has not become encysted. Racism has not managed to harden. It had to renew itself, to adapt itself, to change its appearance. It has had to undergo the fate of the cultural whole that it informed it.

"An outside observer might therefore limit his awareness to the generalized hope in the historic development of what has been called the objective process of decolonization, whereas Africans are being asked more or less explicitly to put their confidence in the good will of the former masters and not despair, in any case, of the historic necessities that dictate the tempo of the reconversion of colonial oppression.

"It is rigorously true that decolonization is proceeding, but it is rigorously false to pretend and to believe that this decolonization is the fruit of an objective dialectic which more or less rapidly assumes the appearance of an absolutely inevitable mechanism."When in the case where the political disposition of many Africans overlap those of Whites, these dispositions are alienated and restricted in such a way as to motivate such Africans to be supportive of the fundamental racial status quo, or at least, not to struggle for the complete reconstruction of the local/Global economic system and the neutralization of the White-African power differential. With economic institutions and their arrangements of control fully entrenched and dressed in appealing disguises, and therefore much harder to dismantle or shove aside, an anti-imperialist crusade would be much harder to revive.

"Thus, the only escape is for Africans to grow and develop under the umbrella of fear, uncertainty and makes them to try their best at appeasing their masters and detractors at the expense of the existence as an authentic African community. And with the new imperialist structures thus proofed against African petit-bourgeois assault, the imperialist presence in Africa could go on and on and on, into the far indefinite future, and possibly for all time. At present, this seems to be the reality and conditioned existence of Africans and other oppressed peoples throughout the world."(Wilson)

The World Bank is the Paymaster, and we are the employees on different levels of our being employed. We work for the White Master at different levels and commitment. The higher-up one rises in the echelon of neo-slavery, the more little pay is added, status given, and ones role as the bodyguard of the master's culture and economics is very much well assured. The IMF and the World Bank play a very good game of being the Paymaster, but they also control those who look over their properties(Countries) and its leaders and people.

We know today that we are being subjected to Load-sharing, as it is inopportunely dubbed. We are not sharing any load, but are making mega-profits for the Coal Companies being built, polluting out environment and depleting our rivers and aquifers, that today, whilst millions are raked through exploiting our ignorance, we still have not yet figured out the game being played on us.

The way our water is being used and manipulated against us, giving us Cholera and all sorts of lack of water diseases, our electricity is being used to churn out pollution and increase the super-profits illegally earned by our former and present detractors, it should be known that The ANC is deep into this morass and cesspool. We are going to have to really talk about the concrete ways through which we are being disempowered, and how many different Corporations and other entities are having a field-day with us here in Mzantsi. Our local elite and petty bourgeoisie has been brought and packaged to serve Western interests.

So, therefore, they are not a threat to Imperialism but a solid and perfect ally, which is working assiduously against the interests of its poor and hungry/jobless masses. The role of the present-day ANC government is to ensure that anyone interested in investing in South Africa, they are going to find business as usual.

So that Wilson intones:

"False beliefs held by an individual which are stubbornly retained and defended despite their logical inconsistencies with objective reality and valid evidence to the contrary.

Not only do such beliefs persist directly in the face of contradictory evidence, they persist in the face of continuous negative consequences resulting from their being held.""The self-hatred of middle-class Africans is often revealed in the keen competition which exists among them for status and recognition. This keen competition is the result of the frustrations which they experience in attempting to obtain acceptance and recognition by Whites.

Middle-class Africans are constantly criticizing and belittling poor Africans who achieve some recognition or who acquire status above them."They prefer to submit to the authority of whites than to subordinate to other Africans. For example, African scholars generally refuse to seek the advice and criticism of competent African scholars and prefer to return to White scholars for such co-operation.

In fact, it is difficult for Middle-class Africans to co-operate in any field of endeavor."This failure in social relations is, as indicated in an important study, because 'in every African he encounters his own self-contempt. It is as if he said, "You are only an African like myself; so why should you be in a position above me?' (Abraham Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey)

Self-hatred And Self-Delusion by the African Elite and their Sidekicks..

"The self-hatred often results in guilt feelings on the part of the African who succeeds in elevating himself above his fellows. He feels unconsciously that in rising above other Africans he is committing an act of aggression which will result in hatred and revenge on their part. The act of aggression may be imagined, but very often it is real.

"This is the case when middle-class Africans oppose the economic and social welfare of Africans because of their own interests. In some American/[African] cities, it has been African bourgeoisie and not Whites who have opposed the building of low-cost public housing for African workers, and own some of the worst slums in the United States

"While their wives, who wear mink coats, 'Drip with diamonds' and are written up in the "society" of African newspapers, ride in Cadillacs and [Bentley's], whilst their African tenants sleep on the dirt floors of hovels unfit for human habitation. The guilt of the middle-class Africans is not always unconscious. For example, take the case of the African leader who proclaimed over the radio in a national broadcast that the Africans did not want social equity.

He was conscious of his guilt feeing and his self-hatred in playing such a role, for he sent word privately to the Africans that he never hated so much to do anything in his life, but that it was necessary because of his position as head of a state college which was under White supervision.

The self-hatred of the middle-class African arises, then, not only from the fact that he does not want to be an African, but also because of his sorry role in American[South African-my addition] society. (Frazier)

Delusion Of Grandeur...

Africans seek an escape in delusions involving wealth. This is facilitated by the fact that they have had little experience with the real meaning of wealth, and they lack a tradition of saving and accumulation. Wealth to them means spending money without any reference to its source. Hence, their behavior generally reflects the worst qualities of the gentleman and peasant from whom their only vital traditions spring.

Therefore, their small accumulation of capital and the income which they receive from professional services within the African (or White) community make them appear wealthy in comparison the low economic status of the majority of poor Africans.The delusion of wealth is supported by the myth of African business.

Moreover, the attraction of the delusion of wealth is enhanced by the belief that wealth will gain them acceptance in American[South African] life. In seeking an escape into the delusion of wealth, middle-class Africans make a fetish of material things or physical possessions. They are constantly buying things — house, automobiles, furniture and all sorts of gadgets, not to mention clothes.

Many of the furnishings and gadgets which they acquire are never used; nevertheless, they continue to accumulate things.The homes of many middle class Africans have the appearance of museums for the exhibition of American manufacturers and spurious art objects. The objects which they are constantly buying are always on display.

African school teachers who devote their lives to "society" like to display twenty to thirty pairs of shoes, the majority of which they never wear. African professional men proudly speak of the two automobiles which hey have acquired when they need only one. The acquisition of objects which are not used or needed seems to be an attempt to fill some void in their lives. (Frazier)

The delusion of power also appears to provide an escape for middle-class Africans from the world of reality which pierces through the world of make-believe of the African bourgeoisie. The positions of power which they occupy in the African world enable them to act autocratically towards other Africans, especially when they have the support of the White community.

In such cases, the delusion of power may provide an escape from their frustrations. It is generally, however, when middle-class Africans hold positions enabling them to participate in the White community that they seek in the delusion of power an escape from their frustrations."Our deluded African elite is the cause of our present-day decrepit existence and misery.

They will not listen to anyone who threatens their livelihood and positions. They are in fact guarding it with whatever means and ways necessary. The opening piece by Bond gives us an idea what has and is still happening to us concerning our electricity. Bond also clarifies, for us, the role that is played by the IMF, World Bank and the ANC.

We now are beginning to see a picture as to how our natural resources are used to pollute the planet and make billions for the investor company and countries-whilst we languish in poverty, joblessness, various sickness and still do not understand nor know where everything begun that we were not even told about. We can pretend that content of this piece are irrelevant, but when one starts reading up on Wilson quotes above, it becomes even much clearer as to how we have been conditioned and used to carry-out our own enslavement and be happy about it.

Nationalists Or Modern Black[African) Slavers

Chinweizu Informs us:

"Since before independence, the African elite have proclaimed it their aim to foster the economic and cultural development of Africa. We have seen how well they done. The record of stasis is disappointing enough; still, we other causes for alarm. There's a strange 'quisling' quality about their actions, which should force us to ask whether they are primarily African Nationalists or Modern Black[African] Slavers serving the West, just as the Slaving elites did centuries ago.

"They seem to be victims of a voluntary cultural servitude and of an economic insecurity which predispose them to serve the West rather than Africa. What then are the mental conditioning and habits of consumption that so alarmingly unite their political and economic interests with those of the Masters-the Western Bourgeoisie?

"The received political faith of most of Africa's petite bourgeoisie is 'liberalism' in one form or another. These African liberals, as agents of an intellectual 'liberal Imperialism,' have a special job: to spread the liberal ideology in Africa, to maintain a Black[African] front there for a neocolonial 'world order' run by the West, and to restore the neocolonial African territories for the West, and to restore the Imperialized status quo if genuinely African Nationalists regime should storm its way into power anywhere in Africa.

"To call them neocolonial administrators is not to say that they, like the former White colonial administrators, receive direct orders or mandatory guidelines from their Masters overseas, with detailed or discretionary instructions on what to do, and when and how to do it. Maybe some do. But it is rather to say that, though they advertise themselves as serving Africa, they operate in an environment, with a mentality, under conditioned attitudes and direct advice that all tend to yield policies that primarily serve the neocolonial powers, policies that often are in direct opposition to the genuine interests of the African people.

"Conditioned by a pro-Western miseducation, they see their class interests as tied to those of their imperial Masters, and they readily abandon the interests of their people to protect those of their class[And Westerners]. Two cases that illustrate both their quisling mentality and the concrete conditions that promote this mentality are worth examining.

"We need not repeat here the sell-out Afrifa's proud revelation of his quisling mentality. It was a gem... if you have to go through such horrors. What could be responsible for such perverted displays?

"When a quest for dignity and glory degenerates into a mere hankering after foreign notice, every African concerned about the health of his culture and society must take alarm. When we seek rehabilitation in the eyes of our oppressors; when our elite deserts its obvious duties and instead dances happy harlot to foreign acclaim; when it does not does not do what it must do to win the hearts of our people — namely, feed their hunger, raise their political consciousness, make them more aware of the ultimate causes and hidden modes of perpetuating their impoverishment, and raise their power and self-esteem in practical ways; when the nation's interests are, with ravenous greed, sacrificed for the false grandeur of a few, it is time for profound concern. Such quisling(sell-out, cut-throat, turncoat) tendencies(mentality) in her(Africa's) elite are a manifest danger to the Welfare of Africa."

We are going to have to have a much deeper and better understand of our present decrepit condition much more. Studying our State of the African Nation, and those who are put at its head as leaders, will better inform us about present situation. We, in south Africa are not unique, and what is happening to us, is not new. We will only falter if we remain passive and inactive in dealing with our present state of warped existence.

African Middlemen as Enslavers Of African People

Chinweizu adds:

"Then, as now, The Euro-African connection gave rise to African oligarchies who were the middlemen of the relationship. But, whereas the middlemen of the slave trade controlled the African end of that trade, those of today do not control the African end of neocolonial trade. Control rests with the giant European companies which still dominate Africa's export and domestic trade.

"But note: in the pre-conquest era, Western contact with Africa was limited completely to the coast. Now, it is everywhere. The colonial conquest and occupation put Europeans in direct control and controlling touch with the African hinterland. They employed that period to erect social structures and institutions through which today they manipulate African societies by remote as well as not-so remote control. Indeed, African independnence[autonomy] today is less genuine than it was in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. So, once again, a strong but superficial similarity between the two eras conceals a deterioration." [This is what Walter Rodney addresses in his Book, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa," thoroughly.]

"Therefore, the collaboration of Africa's present Westernized elite with their foreign Masters must be seen to be at least as reprehensible as that which took place during slaving times. In the light of the promise of anti-colonialism and of this disappointing reality, it is hard to avoid the sense of betrayal. Those whom Africa expected to liberate Her from the yoke of Europe, have instead chained her to that [brutal] yoke, perhaps even more tightly, in exchange for crumbs and of wealth and privilege.

"But the African petit bourgeoisie would have everyone believe that this is not so. In defense of their present role, some have put forward the theory that in breaking out of the colonial condition, a transitional neocolonial phase is unavoidable. During such a phase, it is held, voluntary collaboration with Imperialism helps Africa to lay the foundations for breaking out of the Imperialist corral into the pasture of liberation.

"But then, how long will as this Middle Passage going to take before it users us into liberated prosperity? Ten, Twenty(Which here in Mzantsi are presently above the 20 year mark with the ANC malgovernance], Two hundred years? We should be aware lest the habit of non-autonomous maldevelopment, especially it is profitable to a few, should become an addiction.

"It still remains to be seen if Africa's petite bourgeoisie intend to lead the whole continent out of neocolonial captivity and into prosperity and liberation, or whether they will, like their South American counterparts, in exchange for a few millions, keep the continent stagnant and permanently maldeveloped for the West. Before they choose the latter, they should examine the fate of Africa's pre-conquest rulers, and see how a general stagnation prepared them well for swift ruin at the hands of the invading Europeans.

"So, as the neocolonial hook takes hold on a continent once caught on a slaving hook, and as Africa's petite bourgeoisie scurry about installing the new exploitation system in Africa's guts, their snouts covered with the ephemeral perfumes of personal, local and immediate gain, they might do well to life their heads for a moment and survey Africa's total situation, with an eye to Africa's permanent and collective profit and welfare.

"Otherwise, once the system is firmly entrenched , it may prove too late to save Africa and her posterity from another Holocaust of conquest and enslavement[which is happening as we speak]! Whilst they still have time, they should, unlike our slaving ancestors, take measures to scatter the dangers lurking in the ambush for Africa, dangers crouching within the patterns of the neocolonial Euro-African connection. But will they rid themselves of the complexes already drilled deep into them by the colonial experience, and in time enough to be able to extricate Africa from that ambush and avoid another holocaust?"

My answer to these questons and postulations by Chinweizu, is an emphatic "No!" Why? As we shall see below, things have turned for the worst. A case in point, is the present situation in south Africa under the ANC... It mirrors all what Chinweizu has been talking about above, and then some

The state and condition of Africans in our Township and throughout the land is not good. This is very important to talk about here in tis article. This means many things that have already been discussed above. But it also means there's still so much more to be said of this condition, that I think time has come to closely give my own prognosis of our decrepit state of existence here in South Africa.

When we talk of the tire meeting the road, we are talking, in my case and sense, about being and taking-in/feeling the vibe, mood and energy of our people as one walks amongst them. This is important, and there is no theorist nor historian who can talk about this, but ourselves who are chronicling our life and reality. I am talking about 'being with and amongst the people'. The humdrum life we have to live through, daily, and the state of mind and emotions of the people.

In the Townships today, people have a very sick, defeated, discouraged, hungry, sick, bored, sad and very lonely look in their faces, and physical demeanors. This immediately informs one that the people are unemployed since they are loitering in the Ghetto of Soweto… Armies of the poor and unemployed, youth and adults, loitering and having nothing to do, nor hope to look forward to.

When one looks at their bodies, one can discern poverty, they are, many, unkempt, not washed, sick-looking, forlorn, desolate and spaced out-literally and figuratively. This is borne out of the fact and reality that food commodities are very expensive and hard to buy. I have seen people go to the Super Market just to 'look' at food, and unable to buy any. We have a serious problem which we often do not talk about. Expensive food, and the trite and cheap food that our people have to try buy, not having any nourishment, and of a very cheap and low quality. This is happening daily, and the people in the street corners, standing by their home gates, or on the storefront/or sitting next to Sphaza's, nothing to do, no hope and very much downtrodden. Yeah.....

The Economic Powerlessness Of The Poor And Downtrodden

I made mention of people going into Supermarkets just to look at the foods on the shelves. This is what they see:

Some packaged meat, weighing 10 kg would be about R60; Many often resort to buying the rotten Braai packs, with some pungent odor; for example, a semi fresh(people say it's rotten) 2 kg, is bought at Shoprite for R30. Some people have spoken about the tin fish with the Shoprite loge as tasteless and half rotten, and had no fish-like smell; A tin of Lucky Star quality caned fish, 410 grams costs R18.

In the street, a full but small chicken, halved, costs R60; and half of it one has to eke out a heft sum of R30. And if you add Pap(Cooked Mielie meal to it, you have to pay an extra R5). The Pick & Pay 5 kgs is R35; 10 kgs is R60.Washing soap like surf and Omo (and now there are many varieties of very cheap and low quality brands), is only brought when it is on special it is R32; otherwise, one has to pay regular price of R40 Rand for either Omo or Surf.

Many people have resorted to buying cheaper foods from stores like Boxer in Downtown Jozi. These store are run by the Indian people. There's also another shop called Mizantsi having a lot of 'specials,' and advertise on the Radio, newspapers and TV. People go and buy there because there are many weekly specials, of low brand and low quality foods.

Pick & Pay and Shoprite do have specials too, but in general, their food stuff is quite exorbitant for the poor and unemployed people. For example, 30 eggs cost R60, and if one buys the Shoprite brand, on special, sells for R37 for 30 eggs. People have complained that many of these cheaper brands from Shoprite and so on, are low quality food items and not really fresh(Some past their due date-this phenomenon can be seen carried out by the Pakistanis who own a lot of the Townships Sphaza shops, selling outdated food, and low quality bread and so forth… very cheaply).

One person talked about funny smelling fish oil like D'Lite; these old and decrepit foods can also be found abound in the Shoprite and Pick & Pay stores. The old brand that we had in the areas yonder, can no more be afforded by the poor. People have to share and reuse Tea-back, if they have any, so's not to deplete them quickly. So, people frequent stores like boxer for cheaper Brands… And There's been an e-mail circulating in different sectors about the fact that people should stop buying Coca Cola because it is tainted.

Just to add, people are supposed to get the first 6,000 liters of water, and they came to find out that they are going to have to buy water at 1 Liter for R40. People cannot afford to buy the water, and the reason I have pointed above as to why people are not clean looking, and at times water gets shut down, and now with water load-shedding, things can even get worse than they are now.

Catching The tiger By The Tail...

The Slumbering African Giant Is Slowly Awakening...African People are frustrated, and as one looks deep into their eyes, when passing them, or as they go past one, one sees sadness, utter-dejection, anger, somber loneliness and listlessness. They stand in corners, gates, stores, or just sit anywhere with nothing else to do. They see their brothers and sisters passing by them in flashy cars, new clothes, whiles for the poor Africans, Poverty Has Grown Into them… The Poor personify and signify Poverty in Plain View and Sight; many of us pass among these people oblivious to the pain, forsaken and empty look in their eyes and blanks tired, sick, dirty and aging(young many of them) right in front of our eyes.

Many have no hope of finding jobs, and a whole generation has been swooped by the Nyaope epidemic, and the rich elite throw scorn at them, and deride their condition. Crime like theft, robbery, house break-ins and homicide have risen alarmingly. One cannot really find a job today in Mzantsi because one has to either pay a bribe or know somebody who knows somebody, and so on, just to get a job. Of course, deposits, cronyism, claims and ANC selective "Apartheid" rules supreme. I have once written an article about the ANC being the same like the Broederbond, it's just that, the ANC is an amateur and inept at creating such organizations. They only have a poor copy of the Broederbond, and it is malfunctioning.

Walking through the streets of the Townships, one see the 12 to 20+ year olds asking for money, and many are at a school-going age, no jobs, hanging around the streets and anywhere, dirty, hungry, sick-looking, distance, spaced-out, drugged and very much unhappy and lonely. The hospitals, as I have briefly touched up on them above, are malfunctioning, nurses are mean, the teachers are frustrated to come see, and their relations with students are at a dangerous low ebb, and from what I can ascertain, and from many informants on this issue, many of these students are not learning anything... Illiteracy is high amongst our children in a devastating way.

If one were to just cite one place like an RDP township in Nigel, one finds a very ghostlike town, people are not filling the streets, they stay in their houses; there are many industrial giants in this area, and large commercial farmers. Without rain, these farmers of land and stock farmers have incurred loses, and people have been helping themselves with the dying crop due to lack of rain. Many cannot find jobs anywhere else in this Hub and Heart of South African economic Monopoly Capital…

Many of the youth here, now adversely affected by Nyaope, have no hopes of finding jobs anywhere because they say their only chance for jobs in Secunda. Going to find a job in the Johannesburg, is a lifetime trip. The train has to wait many hours to get filled before it moves, and by the time these job-seekers get to Johannesburg City, it's six and a half hours, later, having woken at six, they get to the City around twelve.

Taxi drivers are mean and rude to ordinary passenger and have resorted to force against them, and fight amongst themselves and so on. Many of this Taxis have overturned, crashed and many such accident, where people have had broken limbs, disabled and even killed straight out. Getting a license to drive here in Mzantsi, you had better have a bribe, from the time you go for a learners, to the getting of the actual license. So that, many people are not roadworthy and seriously licensed drivers, that is why we have such a high accident rate in our country.

There's a lot of tensions, fights in the homes, amongst families and for workers in their respective workplaces. In some of the many employment places of the workers, are subjected Apartheid relation which is still alive and well, and many of our bothers and sisters are slaves and kowtowing to anything their white employers want them to do, or behave like. Many use all destructive and bad means and ways to get rid of their co-workers, some see the foreigners doing security work and the like, and intense dislike of these Africans from north of South Africa builds, mounts and grows. As we have recently seen the attack on Africans from north of Africa by the locals, and some killed, stabbed and such like atrocities.

Meanwhile, the ANC is basically at war with its own voters, and it is submitting to local and International fiscally deep pockets and carries out their bidding. The NC has outsourced water, electricity and prisons, just to name a few, to foreign governments. One person called in to Jozi FM, a mother, complaining to the host that her son has been taken to Pretoria Central Prison, and he told her that the nightshift prison guards, who have dubbed themselves as "Boko Haram", come in and torture them the whole night, as the mother was calling, she divulged, it was going on, whilst she was on Air with the Jozi FM host. There are so many videos, articles and information about the condition of our jailed people, that this too needs to be looked at, closely.

Chaos And Confusion As the New Normal, Today

As I have mentioned and will sum up a bit here, Our youth is drugged and frustrated, very unhappy and angry and hungry, too. Present-day worker decry the abhorrent working conditions in the places of employment; people, many of them, women, at home, are bored to death with the redundant housework, and being unemployed, and in many cases, her husband and grown up children, too, are not able to contribute anything to housekeep of their families-Except for Government Grant(Mdende).

We as an African collective are fighting with each constantly and seriously; drug addicts steal from houses, gates, taps, TVs, phones, rob people anything just to buy themselves a dose of Nyaope. The take these scrap and copper metals and sell it to the "Maningi" as it is know scrap buyers… Crime is rising, and the denizens of the Townships are feeling very uncomfortable, insecure and unsafe as it is of and for now. The government that the people keep on re-electing, is the same government that is seriously alienating them, and sidelining them in every aspect of their existence.

Some pregnant women talked about being given brown pills to drink, forcefully, in the hospital and clinics so that their babies can grow in their stomachs. What has happened is that these babies become too big, and the women are in the end given a caesarean section to give birth, thus limiting their number of babies they will bear in the future. This is the same tactic that was used during the Apartheid era, where women who were giving birth for the first time, had the cesarean operation performed on them, some crude and very devastating way to control birth and number of children the woman can give, which limits them mostly to three children or less. women are given about 60+ pills of this in a bottle, and expected to drink them three times a day. Many people do not know much about this, and it is going on as we speak.

One time I heard some egg-head young aspirant girl advocating for Ritalin to be given to our children because of their hyper activities, and attention deficit disorder. She was on Jozi FM, trying to persuade the local mothers to allow these to be administered in the lower grades children. This is akin to the same drugs given African American children, by the school nurse, every morning, knocking them out, for the better part of the day, and this has affected many children adversely.

Crying, dying and being eliminated(genocide) on the local populace is in full swing as we speak. Many of our people are really ignorant, and even if one tries to show them what is happening, they say, you see, when I go and vote in the booth, it is automatic, I have no other choices, because DA is ill-treating Africans in the places like Cape Town and Eastern Cape, where they are in control. As for EFF, people point out and question as to what it is that they have done for the youth, as I have described those affected by Nyaope, using Parliament to achieve these ends? People think that all these parties are not really doing anything now, and so, even if in power, they will still do nothing…

Some reckon the ANC is doing something, even if it means no jobs, no functioning clinics, sorry and sad state of Service Delivery, malfunctioning schools, local administrative offices, general corruptions all the way to the top: Cops, Parliamentarians, Provincial and local leadership... All of these sectors and leaders, under the ANC, are really terrible, and the people keep on saying, who is any better/worse than the worst devil they know[ANC]?... They always answer: "Nothing And Nobody".

In the Crypt world, decrepit poverty stricken and downtrodden masses have no recourse and no one is really listening to them, only when the elections come, the poor are given crumbs, and for one day, forget their misery and dreaded lives-In the end they Vote for the ANC.

Corruption: ANC's Modus Operandi

The African petit-bourgeois elite exhibit a variety of tendencies, individual and national, that force the question whether they know who they are, what their responsibilities to Africa are, whether they have the confidence without which they cannot discharge their historic duties. Chief among these tendnencies is their hunger for praise by the West, and their corollary dread of adverse Western opinion. All the West has to do to disorient them is either to reprimand them with adverse comment or flatter them.

"When the Western Press and Propagandists and Advisers call them the "Golden Voice Of Africa," the "Hope Of Democracy," the "Champion Of Universality," the "Patron Saints Of The African Personality," the Apostles Of The African Renaissance," the "Moderate," the "Responsible," the "Envoys Of Civilization To The Black[African] Hordes," the "Defenders Of The Liberal Democratic Faith," the "Commanders Of The Legion Of Developing Peoples," or other such empty names, they are softened up and are at the happy service of the West."

Below then, then is what we learn when we look at one specific Case: Soweto..

Cry The "Not So" Beloved Country..

Not so long ago, South Africa was by far the most serious and economically successful country in Africa. At the turn of the millennium it accounted for 40% of the total GDP of the 48 countries south of the Sahara, whereas Nigeria, three times more populous, lurched along in second place with around 14%. The remainder, in raw economic terms, barely seed to count. Despite South Africa's loathsome Apartheid heritage(Gained from African slave labor), solid institutions girded and underpinned its transition to democracy in 1994; a 'proper' Parliament and electoral system, a good new constitution, independent courts, a vibrant press and a first-world Stockmarket. Nelson , whose extraordinary magnanimity helped avert a racial bloodbath, heralded a rainbow nation that would be a beacon for the rest of the world.

One thing that ought not be forgotten is the irony that in the rainbow colored nation of South Africa envisaged by Mandela, his dupes and their puppeteers, is that, in its manifestations, the color black in nonexistent, as are social services nonexistent; as are the peoples political rights and economic needs trampled and unmet in contemporary South Africa.

Since then, Africa, once harshly labelled as the "hopeless continent," (so named by the Economist), has begun to make bold strikes. Meanwhile South Africa, though still a treasure trove of minerals and the most sophisticated economy on the continent, is on the slide both economically and politically. By some calculations, Nigeria's economy, messy as it is, will overtake it within a few years.

Corruption Through Government And By Business And Politics

The scourge of corruption in South Africa has tightened its grip on our society over the past decade, threatening our democratic achievements, eroding the capacity of the state to advance serious socio-economic transformation, and often undermining the solitary culture of our broad movement. Those first formations to actively launch a mass campaign against the corrosive evil, men like Radioman Ntshangase, of Mpumalanga and Moss Phakoe of Rustenburg, were gunned down for their courageous stand against corruption.

One will find that what lies behind this terrible contagion various explanations are advanced in South African public debate. Often it is reduced to bad individual behavior calling for moral condemnation — a "few bad apples," of whom "an example" must be made of. Clearly this is not entirely wrong, those involved in corruption must be dealt with, regardless of who they are, regardless of their political affiliations. In fact, we should expect a higher level of conduct from those who are members of our broad democratic movement and especially those in public service.

This is how Njabulo Ndebele characterizes present-day corruption in South Africa:

"With the arrest and sentencing of Jackie Selebi, a highly credentialed 'big fish' of the new dispensation has been finally been put behind bars. But there is another question that deserves attention: just how far can the tide of this social and economic epidemic be significantly reversed by the arrest and imprisonment of the prominent corrupt and they are its viral agents?

"The scourge of corruption, as we all know, cannot be entirely eliminated. Keeping it at bay effectively is what most societies try to do at best. The successful ones keep it at bay through strong governance systems and highly professionalized institutions. These derive their mandate, authority and legitimacy from legal instruments founded on their respective national constitutions. Strong value-based institutions exert ethical and moral constraints over and above legal ones.

"Since 1994, Selebi's particular group, which Mbeki described as the "bureaucratic bourgeoisie" has been in control of the state and has managed its wealth, largely a social and economic legacy of South Africa's history of colonialism and racist oppression, [this means that the Selebi crew, mismanaged (people's coffers) and managed local and international finance([for the interest of those investors) very well. This accumulated wealth suddenly became available and accessible to Selebi's ascendent group through political power.

"It has wielded this power in conditions in which the genuine personal material needs of its members, shaped by historic deprivation, brutally compete with social commitment that once gave meaning to the struggle for liberation. In this tension, personal needs, with political power now at their disposal, will tend to trump social commitment."And the more that power yields material gratifications of all kinds, the deeper grows the impulse to hold on to it. Access to accumulated state wealth reduces any inclination there may ever have been to re-order society to create new conditions for new wealth. The wealth now available will be spent far more than it can be replaced or grown." (Njabulo)

Corruption Based On Herd Mentality

Njabulo continues:

"In such situations, justifications to hold on to power abound. These may include messianic notions of permanent power, "Until Jesus returns: or, notions that no one else can bring about the necessary social transformations — only the leaders of the group in power can. For such consecrated leadership, constitutional rule soon becomes an impediment (As in the attack of the press by the ANC government). It imposes the requirement of effort that is often too demanding on personal and group capability. Indeed, the collective capability immediately available to the group sets the standards and the norms for maintaining group cohesion.

These norms and standards are then reproduced internally and become more and more distant from external realities and the pressures they may impose. The group then becomes prone to new solidarities that eventually become corruptive. Soon, group interest substitutes for constitutional rule. The once revolutionary commitment to radical social transformation is replaced by opportunisms of the moment. Selebi's social group further defined its character when it fractured into two sub-groups.

One sub-group negotiated with the moneyed asset holders who have historically built South African capitalism, to share its assets. Black Economic Empowerment(BEE) was designed as the preferred mechanism. The second sub-group successfully mobilized both the working class and the underclass of millions of the poor and unemployed to gain political power. With direct access to enormous state wealth, it began an unprecedented looting of the fiscus at various levels of fiscal management. Examples of splurging abound to indicate a looting well under way.

Meanwhile, traditional capitalists, overwhelmingly White, lost the buffer of the sub-group that first negotiated with them, and are now directly exposed to the sub-group in power. They are vulnerable to various forms of extortion. At this point, the political indulgence of personal material needs results in something far more deeply menacing for the body-politick. It results in corruptive collusions.

Corruptive Collusion as Raison d'être

These collusions become new foundations of group solidarity. They effectively replace the old solidarities of struggle. The latter, can continue to be invoked and retained more as a necessary mantra of commitment, and far less as an objective to be pursued. Corruptive collusions offer group protection and will be hostile towards any regular measures, whatever their merits, which emanate from outside the group.

Even the national constitution is an outside phenomenon. Any guilt from abandoning struggle values the group will share through ritualistic recalls of past heroism and numerous political declarations of intent and a plethora of policies.They deploy the mantras of "poverty reduction," "Job creation," "combating crime and corruption". These mantras have high appeal. But their effect weakens only because the more the sub-group in power asserts itself through a corrupted perspective, the less capability it demonstrates for solving social problems that require committed and principled effort.

Thus, the corrupted perspective achieves a defining outcome: it conceals the real power of personal material needs and its enormous capacity to violate a committed and principled attention to radical social transformation. Corrupt concealment becomes the primary mechanism by which corruption in general spreads throughout the body-politic. The impact on state governance is severe. Corruption becomes a principle of solidarity. It feeds and maintains solidarity.

The political party thus infected becomes itself the very agent of corruption. Corruption becomes its raison d'être, lived but never declared; condemned generally, never specifically; and threatened but never rooted outSo, no matter how many Jackie Selebi's can be jailed, many more are concealed under the cloud of the cohesive power of corrupted solidarities. Instead, it will work to evolve more inventive, and increasingly more invasive, ways of concealing their presence and their dark intention.

(These are, as the topic of this article has shown, some of the backwards looking ways of governance of those elected by Africans, are working assiduously for the extinction of Africans in South Africa.) And the corruption discussed above, is one of the myriad ways through which Africans are being eliminated, by their own elected leadership!

Contemporary South African Predatory Vulture Capitalist

Corruption in South Africa then comes across as both transactional and then as a mode of perceiving the political and economic reality and the possibilities that reality offers. Concealment and obfuscation is its necessary method of operation or modus operandi. Indeed, corruption and concealment are two sides of the same coin. Seen from this perspective, South Africa may currently be moving through a dangerous transitional phase from the ad hoc practice of corruption, to its steady institutionalization through law and regulation. It is a phase that once crossed , will be difficult to reverse.

What we are dealing with then is corruption as a systematic phenomenon. This phenomenon involves more than stealing from the public purse, more than obtaining the underserved tender from colluding cronies in power. Rather, it becomes something more existential when it occupies the very thinking and affective processes people use in making survival decisions. All this does not mean that the vast majority of individuals in a corrupted system choose to live corruptly. Many may probably abhor the system. But it can mean that many fail to demonstrate an inclination to resist the system, and that by their failure they permit the system to taint them. Through such accommodation, the corruptive culture triumphs…

ANC: A Perfect Front For International Capital

It is important to note that the strength of the ANC is weakened by their poor rendering of services in the African communities. Bond and Mayekiso write: "The deterioration of municipal services and declining standards of infrastructure have become commonplace in post-Apartheid South Africa and housing has become a policy farce. All of this is not because South Africa is under "Black rule," as many conservatives would have it, but on the contrary, because of a combination of factors reinforcing residual White power remain.

"These factors are evident in the profoundly anti-redistributive, market-orientated policies on municipal services designed in the late 1994 by the World Bank and inexplicably adopted by the Reconstruction and Development Program [Or RDP] office in 1995 and Department of Constitutional Development [DCD] in 1996 once the RDP office was closed and local infrastructure became DCD's responsibility. Once again, the ANC outsourced local market-orientated processes to the World Bank, among the many other conglomerates.

"In my next deposition, I will try and caricature the real ANC and what it is up to in real time and concrete terms. For now, be it known that we are dealing with a dressed up "Uncle tom" government in Service of Imperial monied interests, and oppressing and killing-off its own people who resist, as Zuma said in his speech after Mangaung here on TV.

"What could have been more clearer and affirming to what I have posted above than that speech-that anyone who opposes the ANC will be dealt with. If people did not understand that and know where it is coming from, then we are nowhere near trying to solve the problems that are facing our people in this country today.

Deconstructing The Psychology Of Colonial And Imperial Psyche Chaining Our Minds...

The majority of men have no yet acquired the maturity to independent, to be rational, to be objective. They need myths and idols to endure the fact that man is all by himself, that there is no authority which gives meaning to life except man himself.

"Man Represses the irrational passion of destructiveness, hate, envy, revenge; he worships power, money, the sovereign state, the nation. While he pays lip service to the teachings of the great spiritual leaders of the human race, those of Buddha, The Prophets, Socrates, Jesus, Mohammed-he has transformed these teachings into a jungle of superstition and idol-worship. How can mankind save itself from destroying itself by this discrepancy between intellectual-technical over maturity and emotional backwardness?

Analysis of the human aspect of freedom and of authoritarianism forces us to consider a general problem, namely, that of the role which psychological factors play as active forces in the social process; and this eventually leads to the problem of the interaction of psychological, economic, and ideological factors in the social process"

If we are going to dissect and create an awareness as to the effects and affects of the Colonial Imperialistic psychology on its intended victims, we are going to have to look at it squarely in its implementation and operation on us Africans, and in the process come up with a society with a more Human Face and Psyche.

Frantz Fanon explains the following to us:

"We must see whether it is possible for the African man to overcome his feeling of insignificance, to rid his life of the compulsive quality that makes it so like the behavior full of rage because he feels small, he suffers from an inadequacy in all human communication, and all these factors chain him with the unbearable insularity."

Describing the phenomenon of ego-withdrawal, Anna Freud writes:

"As a method of avoiding Pain," ego-restriction, like the various forms of denial, does not come under the heading of the of the psychology of neurosis, but is a normal stage in the development of the ego. When the ego is young, and plastic, its withdrawal from one field of activity is sometimes compensated for by the excellence in another, upon which it concentrates.

"But, when it has become rigid or has obsessionally fixated to a method of flight, such withdrawal is punished by impaired development. By abandoning one position after another, it becomes one-sided, loses too many interests and can show but a meagre achievement."

Fanon elaborates:

"We understand now why the African man cannot take pleasure in his insularity. For him, there is only one way out, and it leads to into the White world. Whence his constant preoccupation with attracting the attention of the White man, his concern with being powerful like the White man, his determined effort to acquire protective qualities-that is, the proportion of being or having that enters into the composition of his ego. As I said earlier, Fanon reminds us, "It is from within that the African will seek admittance to the White sanctuary. The attitude derives from the intention."
This truism is further broken-down to its bare essence by Carter G. Woodson Who intones:

"... To handicap a student for life by teaching him that his 'Black face' is a curse and that his struggle to change this condition is hopeless, is the worst kind of lynching. It kills one's aspirations and dooms him to vagabondage and crime."

Na'im Akbar lucidly states the following:

"This sense of inferiority still affects us in many ways. Our inability to respect African leadership, our persistent and futile efforts to look like and like Caucasian people, is based upon this sense of inferiority. The persistent tendency to think of 'Dark skin' as unattractive, kinky hair as 'bad' hair, and African features as less appealing than Caucasian features, come from this sense of inferiority.

"Our lack of respect for African expertise(Globally), comes from this sense of inferiority. The disastrously high African-upon 'African' homicide rate is in many ways indicative of fundamental disrespect for African life growing our of this sense of inferiority. It is a simple fact that people who love themselves seek to preserve their lives-not to destroy them."
At this juncture in this article, it is important to revisit the William Lynch speech, which applies to all Africans who have experienced slavery, Colonialism and Imperialism.

Willie Lynch delivered this speech in 1712:

"... I have outlined a number of difference amongst slaves; and I take these differences and make them bigger. I use fear, distrust and envy for control purposes. ... Take this simple list of differences and think about them.

"On the top of my list is age, but it is only there because it starts with 'A.' The second is 'shade' or 'color'. Then there is intelligence, size, sex, size of plantations, status on plantation, attitude of owners, whether the slaves live in the valley, on the hill, east, west north, south-have fine or coarse hair or is tall or short.

"Now that you have a list of differences, I shall give you an outline of action. You must pitch.Pit the old African against young African. You must use the dark skin slaves against the light skin slaves and the light skin slaves against the dark skin slaves. You must also have your White servants and overseers distrust all Africans. But, it is necessary that your slaves trust and depend on us(White People). They must love, respect and trust only us(Whites).

"Gentlemen, these kits are your keys o control. Use them. Have your wives and children use them. Never miss an opportunity. My plan is guaranteed, and the good thing is that if used intensely for one year, the slaves themselves will remain perpetually distrustful."

Stamp wrote in 1956 that:

"The slaveholder needed the willing cooperation of some of this bondsmen to make his government work efficiently. Knowing that the majority could not be trusted, he tried to recruit a few who would be loyal to him and take his side against others.

"Usually, he found his allies among the 'domestics,' 'skilled artisans,' and 'foremen,' all of whom he encouraged to feel superior to and remain separate from the field hands... In this manner, some planters gained the assistance of chattels who identified themselves wholly with the master class.

"But the most piteous device for seeking status in the slave community was that of boasting about the White ancestors, or taking pride in a light complexion. In the eye of the Whites, the 'mulatto'(Mixed race person) was tainted as much as the 'pure' African, and as hopelessly tied to the inferior caste; but this did not prevent some slaves of mixed ancestry (not all) from trying to make their Caucasian blood serve as a mark of superiority within their own African people."

For many African south Africans who grew under Apartheid rule, this is familiar territory and language, and of course, reality. What many of us here in Mzantsi fail to understand and know about Africans Globally, is that we are not unique, under oppression, or under this present-day Shamocracy/Democrazy we are living under. It is for us to begin to have a holistic view of African history and stop pretending we know it from what has been indoctrinated about our African history on us by the Slave , colonial and imperial Masters.

One can look at how Africans have been "Disappeared" in Brazil. Before I talk about that, I hope the readers know that the largest poulation of Africans outside Africa are Africans in Brazil.

Asa informs us thusly:

"The divide and conquer strategy has been used against Africans since the first invaders journeyed there to pillage land. The pit [what they call] 'tribe against 'tribe', so that they could steal and enforce their agenda as warring Africans directed their scrutiny at each other.

"Today, the divide and conquer strategy is employed by the right wing and the left wing. Individual Africans have been permitted to rise to the highest levels, but only if they are not perceived as identifying with Africans as an ethnic group.

"Self-hatred or the hatred of Africans is a prerequiste for financial gain and and acceptance in a white supremacist culture. Cultural terrorists have alwys used the domination agenda , has to divide Africans from each other [as posted above in the case of Lynch's speech], by any means necessary, and to bond individuals to those who dominate us."

This cultural terrorism as enunciated here by Asa, can be seen in Brazil, and one begins to see how effective this was. This helps us, to seee and grasp how the enslavers, colonialists and imperialists envisioned fro Africans everywhere, and to see a sophisticated divide and conquer system in operation.

"In 1914, theodore Roosevelt wrote an article in a popular magazine describing what he had seen and heard in Brazil He was told the following by one observer in brazil. "Of course the presence of the African is the problem, and a very serious problem, both in your country and ine, Brazil.
"Slavery was an intolerable method of solving the problem, and had to be abolished. But the problem itself remained, in the presence of the African ... With us, the question tends to 'disappear,' becausethe "Africans'" themselves tend to disappear and become absorbed. ... In Brazil the idea looked forward to is the disappearance of the African question through his gradual "disappearance" of the African himself. ... That is, through his gradual absorption into the White race."

Asa further writes:

"As outline earler, many of Brazil's Africans accepted the "disappearance" goal, and sought to 'advance the race' by 'disappearing,' 'mixing or becoming as Europeans as possible.' The de-Africanization of African Brazilians was the result of a deliberate government policy and popular thrust of, "Whitening."

They also adopted the propaganda that suggested that Brazil is a "Racial democracy." Until recently, the voices of the African downtrodden were silent, and there were few who spoke of the truth of "Invisible" color domination.

Wilson Picks up the psychological narrative as he paints the importance of Psycho-history to us in the following manner:

"We should look at history, more accurately, as 'Psychohistory,' i.e., the psychological result of undergoing certain historical experiences. We, as individuals, are our history. History is not something that is forgotten and left behind. We do not leave history behind. History is the present, history is the future. Those of us who are Afrocentric and mystical must know that the division of the past, present and future is false, Eurocentric and political.

"When we have been made to believe that the past is separate and in some straight line with the future, then we've already been brainwashed and set up. Our past never forgets us and is never left behind.

"If you forgot your past you would not be able to understand me right now. You would not be able to walk and talk. You did not learn to walk, talk and do the things you're doing at the moment you entered here; you learned to do them in the past. Forget that then! Since that is history, leave that behind. You will see that you also have not future! Past, present and future are one, and that proposition is at the center of an African-Centered history.

"As Men with their knowledge and desire, ultimately make history, so does history make men."(Kovel)

"We cannot take the psychology of Europeans, and apply it unmodified to ourselves."(Wilson)

Walter Rodney Clarifieds some of these issues for us in this way:

"Colonial powers aimed at giving a certain amount of education to keep colonialism functioning. A set of colonies that was educating an insignificant number of African school children had a surplus of 'primary school leavers'!(This can be seen today, also in Mzatnsi-and this has been going on in Mzatnsi since the Days of Sir George Grey in the18th century, to today's ANC rule in the 21st century).

"All it meant was that colonialism was so bankrupt and had so underdeveloped Africa that it had no use for more than a handful of educated[Africans).

"Africans clashed with the colonial structure not just over quantity of education, but also over quality. One of the key topics for disagreement was colonial agricultural education which was supposedly intended to raise the level of agriculture. Indeed, some Africans came out against agricultural education and other reforms to "Africanize" curricula, for what appears to hae been elitist reason[By these de-Africanized Africans- a la Asa].

"For instance, One Guinean demanded that there should not be a single change from the teaching program used in Metropolitan France. "We want a metropolitan curriculum and the same diplomas as in France, for we are as French as the French of the Metropoles(Europe)," he declared.

"In Tanganyika, during the German days, the were also protests against the formal and literary educational program, as it had been introduced body and soul from Europe. A prominent Tanganyikan African, Martin Kayamba, asserted that "thoese who think that literary education is unsuitable for Africanss, ignore the fact of its importance and indispensability to any sort of education, and therefore deny the Africans the very means of progress."

Since I am from Mzantsi(South Africa) I will sum up this post by defering to Biko:

"From this it becomes clear that as long as [Africans]are suffering from inferiority complex — a result of 300[Now 500+] years of deliberate oppression, denigration and derision — the ill be useless as co-architects of a normal society, where man is nothing else but man for his own sake.

"... There exists among men, because they are men, a solidarity through which each shares responsibility for every injustice and every wrong committed in the world, and especially for crimes that are committed in his presence, or of which he cannot be ignorant.

"... The African-White mixed circles are static circles with neither direction nor program. The same questions are asked and the same naivety exhibited in answering them. The real concern of the group is to keep the group going rather than being useful. In this sort of set-up one sees a perfect example of what oppression has done to Africans.

"They have been made to feel inferior for so long that for them it is comforting to drink tea, wine or beer with Whites who seem to treat them as equals. This serves to boost up their own ego to the extent of making the feel slightly superior to those Africans who do not get same treatment from Whites. These are the sort of Africans who are a danger to the [African] Communities.

"Instead of directing themselves at their African Brothers/Sisters and looking at their common problems from a common platform, they choose to sing out their lamentations to an apparently sympathetic audience that has become proficient in saying the chorus of 'shame!'.

"These dull-witted, self-centered Africans are, in the ultimate analysis, as guilty of the arrest of progress as their White friends for it is from such groups that the 'theory of gradualism' emanates aGod will step from heaven to solve their problems.

"It is such people from such groups who keep on scanning the papers daily to detect any sign of the change they patiently await without working for. .. I am against the 'superior-inferior' White/Black stratification that makes the White a perpetual teacher, and the African a perpetual pupil(and a poor one at that).

"I am against the intellectual arrogance of White people that makes them believe that White leadership is a 'sine qua non' in this country, ad that Whites are the divinely appointed pace-setters in progress. I am against the fact that a settler minority should impose and entire system of values on an indigenous people.


ixwa (author) on June 04, 2011:

Michelle:When the ANC-led government, along with Bishop Desmond Tut, the incoming government created a Truth and Reconciliation committee which held hearing that bore no fruit. What happened to Soweto? is my soon to be published Hub and please try and read it because it covers what your question is asking. Also, My latest Hub called "From Apartheid To Barbarism: Backwards ever, Forward Never" Black Predatory Rulers and the Extinction of Africans" Addresses some of the hidden agendas that have already been worked-out in the political, economical, social, spiritual, or otherwise between Big international and local capital and the ANC in cahoots with their former masters. Like I said, I am onto a Hub that will specifically and pointedly answer the question as to what has happened to the people of Soweto? Well, if the TRC was anything, nothing has happened to the Apartheidizers, and most of them were given amnesty and that was the end of that. I am glad you read and looked at the pictures, I am still going to work on the Hub above. than you for commenting and again, 'welcome to the Hub above, and I hope you will read the upcoming Hub on the sad saga that has been visited by Apartheid on African children and adults., alike. Than you!

Michelle on June 04, 2011:

I would like to learn more about what happened in Soweto and if anyone was ever held accountable for the atrocities against the school children.

ixwa (author) on January 14, 2010:

Thanks Tony! I hope you give it a more in-depth read and tell me your thoughts. So far, I am grateful that you have have read it and to me that's worth the effort. Thanks again.

Tony McGregor from South Africa on January 13, 2010:

Wonderful stuff! I will have to take time to read this again in more depth.

Thanks for all your research.

Love and peace


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