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Criticism and Self-Criticism: Telling the Truth to the Poor South Africans Is in Their Interest - African Zeitgeist

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A State In The Grip Of Neo-Colonialism Is Not Master Of Its Own Destiny - Kwame Nkrumah

The Present -Day Government In South Africa is Having A Hard Time fulfilling its Promises-The Voting Polity Makes Them Know It

The Present -Day Government In South Africa is Having A Hard Time fulfilling its Promises-The Voting Polity Makes Them Know It

Whither, Mzantsi...?

The Politics of Blood, Murder And Assassination

Conscientious practice of self-criticism is still another hallmark distinguishing our Party from all other political parties. As we say, dust will accumulate if a room is not cleaned regularly, our faces will get dirty if they are not washed regularly. Our comrades' minds and our Party's work may also collect dust, and also need sweeping and washing. The proverb "Running water is never stale and a door-hinge is never worm-eaten" means that constant motion prevents the inroads of germs and other organisms. To check up regularly on our work and in the process develop a democratic style of work, to fear neither criticism nor self-criticism, and to apply such good popular Chinese maxims as "Say all you know and say it without reserve", "Blame not the speaker but be warned by his words" and "Correct mistakes if you have committed them and guard against them if you have not" - this is the only effective way to prevent all kinds of political dust and germs from contaminating the minds of our comrades and the body of our Party. (Mao Tse Tung)

It is also advisable to take some advice from Mao, who wrote:

"In opposing subjectivism, sectarianism and stereotyped Party writing we must have in mind two purposes: first, "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones", and second, "cure the sickness to save the patient". The mistakes of the past must be exposed without sparing anyone's sensibilities; it is necessary to analyze and criticize what was bad in the past with a scientific attitude so that work in the future will be done more carefully and done better. This is what is meant by "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones". But our aim in exposing errors and criticizing shortcomings, like that of a doctor curing a sickness, is solely to save the patient and not to doctor him to death. A person with appendicitis is saved when the surgeon removes his appendix. So long as a person who has made mistakes does not hide his sickness for fear of treatment or persist in his mistakes until he is beyond cure, so long as he honestly and sincerely wishes to be cured and to mend his ways, we should welcome him and cure his sickness so that he can become a good comrade. We can never succeed if we just let ourselves go and lash out at him. In treating an ideological or a political malady, one must never be rough and rash but must adopt the approach of "curing the sickness to save the patient", which is the only correct and effective method."

When we look at South Africa today, what we see is a country that is imploding. The people, leaders and protectors of the people of African descent are the one that are heavily involved in their oppression, depression, repression, poverty, diseases, ignorance, unemployment, making for them electricity and water exorbitantly priced, food unaffordable, overcrowding and poor housing facilities; also, one sees the hospitals overwhelmed and cannot even give pills nor adequately treat their patients; assassination and and serious intimidation of what are called the 'enemy' or anarchists or "Mdlwembe", pick your choice, the end results is death and or murder.

This Hub is in no way an attack on the ANC, but most of its core is written through and said bNCe, and most of it was for show. But the problem for the ANC is that it has AMerican handlers on how to rule over South Africa. This can be seen in many ways, and some will be observed by the reader as they go through this Hub. Some other ways I will write about intermittently below just to keep the narrative zeroed in on the fact that The ANC will have to begin to tell the people the truth; they will have to have self criticism of the Mao Tse Tung mode, and combine that with the criticism that is being laid on their doorsteps by their own people who have elected them into power. Maybe, out of this morass, the ANC might come to grip with the reality facing it, instead of the constant denials and lies that they are busy carrying on and not facing up to their dysfunction.

This Hub more or less addresses issues that have taken place between 2011 and 2013. I have written an article that deals with the 2010 World Cup Year in south Africa, and this Hub picks up from there to now. If there are some who will view this as an attack on the ANC, the fact and truth will speak for themselves. The type of events like Marikana will come and go, but the mind and will of the people will eventually come over the decrepit life and the vicissitudes of life visited onto them by the present rulers: Someone will have to pay.

Africans in the In The Maw of the Merciless Jaws and Wide/Limitless Gullet of the ANC and its Handlers

This Hub will focus a bit on Drugs, Alcoholism, prostitution, violence. In the video narrative, one will see emerge a picture that is not pretty. The aim of the Hub is to deal directly with human misery, regardless of race or issue. South Africa, so said the Freedom Charter, "Belongs to all who live in it." This mindset never took hold, and I have written about it in various Hubs I have posted about South Africa.

If it is easy for us to criticize Apartheid, and doing so is right, we cannot bury our heads in the sands as to the corruption, lies, assassination, poor service deliver and general arrogant corruption when it involves those who are Africans and we have elected to power. It is then when we should be paying even more closer attention and make use of all the power we have as citizens to correct the problem, from a constitutional point of view. Now, that has been done by many people and still they see no result, instead, they get threats and are reminded that they should cease and desist in opposing what the ANC is doing, or else they will face the fate of those that have been already murdered/assassinated. (see the video below in this Hub by Sbu Zikode). There are issues of child prostitution, rape-of both girls(babies) and young boys (which I have written about in my Hubs already published.

There are issues of abuse of the Bill of rights for Children; one will get to read about the Diepsloot Killings, and on one part see how the miners and their families life. This is just a small part of the going-ons that one can cull from the South African reality. They do really show a seriously dysfunctional and 'vulture capitlaistic' African Elite-gendarme who are nothing else by predators.

The ANC, if one were to really take a closer look at it, is a perfect partner that Apartheid sought in order for the well-off Boers to survive. They are really doing a good job of it. They have American Handlers that are in their employ, or is it the other way round. South africa has been transformed into a mini-look-alike'America right at the bottom of the continent of Africa. Serving the master and his needs is the first order of the day and business in south Africa. Then, these quislings will then grease their pockets with the handouts for these Multi-corporation and Imperial powers along with their armies. What they do is simple, every voting year they come up with empty promises and try to fix cracked roads and give people some grocery up until the vote is over they then forget about their poor voters. They operate akin to the tammany Hall bosses, with an admixture of the bosses of the Former USSR Politbureau - with a tinge of the Gulag mindset and the KGB tactics and operations/modus operandi.

What I have described below, will be made clearer bythe stories and lies of the people below, and within/throughout the Hub

[South Africa] Povery, drugs driving Kids To Sell Sex On Streets

Derrick Spies writes:

"KIDS as young as 12 are selling sex in Central in exchange for accommodation, drugs and money.

Children running away from poverty and abuse in the poorer areas of Nelson Mandela Bay, as well as those from middle class suburbs who have developed drug dependencies, are turning up in prostitution rings operating out of Central.

Police spokesman Captain Verna Brink said a number of children, some as young as 12, had been found during police raids conducted in Central over the last two weeks.

“Some of the children had been reported missing by their families in the northern areas, while others come from more affluent suburbs, and appear to have become involved in prostitution to support a drug habit.”

Brink said she could not give any personal details about the children who had been found in the raids, as they were under-aged.

John Preller, who runs drug rehabilitation counselling in Central, said the prostitution of children was very disturbing. He said Central was known for the high level of illegal activities, specifically drug dealing and prostitution, and he was not surprised these children were being lured into a life of crime.

“There are a large number of street children in the area who are turning to this as a way to fend for themselves,” he said. “What is needed, is early intervention that will take the children off the streets before they get drawn into that lifestyle.”

Ebenezer Church pastor Neville Goldman said the church was aware of the problem and was very concerned about children who had run away from home and turned to crime and prostitution to survive.

“There is definitely a problem in the northern areas of children who go missing, and of parents who cannot account for the whereabouts of their children.

“We cannot leave this generation unprotected. We know the needs are great, but that doesn‘t justify allowing our children going into prostitution,” he said.

Brink said the police were also concerned about a trend that was developing among prostitutes in the area.

“It appears that the men the prostitutes are working for are setting targets that they have to make in a night, and if they do not meet these targets they rob their clients to make up the difference.”

Brink said the men who were robbed very seldom opened cases against the prostitutes, as they were often too embarrassed to have their names taken, but many had reported being robbed.

Regional director of Child Welfare South Africa, Delene Ritter, said they were well aware of the growing problem relating to child prostitution.

The main reasons for young girls and boys getting involved in child prostitution are an absence of family harmony and poverty.

“These children then move out of their family environment into environments were they are introduced to alcohol and drugs. They are normally lured into prostitution by being made dependent on drugs, which leads to a constant need of money. Prostitution is the easiest solution to find money,” she said.

Ritter said Child Welfare had started several “action plan” programmes to train teenagers to work in communities to warn youngsters about the dangers of drugs and prostitution.

“We find that teenagers should talk to teenagers. That is why we train young people to talk to young people.”

She said as soon as youngsters got involved with drugs and prostitution, they had no future or opportunities left.

This message needed to be conveyed to youngsters to steer them away from the “dangerous three” – drugs, prostitution and the need for money.

Poverty, unemployment and generalsocial chaos contribute greatly to the child prostitution. . This is what the children's lobby cleed Molo Songololo, in 2003, found the following in its research-and the same problems persist today in 2013. These are some of their findingsof their report on the sexual trafficking and exploitation of children, the first in South Africa:

"The researchers studied media and conducted extensive interviews with, among others: 20 girls who had been abducted; adult sex workers; the parents of abducted children; members of several police departments including the Child Protection Unit; embassies and organisations providing services to sexually exploited children.

Their findings included:

  • Girls are kidnapped in broad daylight at shopping malls, taxi ranks and schools. They are frequently gang-raped, forced into prostitution, and forced to take drugs.

  • These girls are beaten and held captive. Escape is not easy. Sometimes the girls are killed.

  • Once they are recruited, girls are used to bring in their sisters and friends. Gangs trade in girls, exchanging them for money and weapons.

  • Sophisticated syndicates bring children to South Africa from South-east Asia, Eastern Europe and East Africa. Children are also brought in, by less sophisticated syndicates, from southern African countries.

  • Most child trafficking happens close to the children's homes. Several sources said children were brought from the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal and sold in Gauteng and the Western Cape.

  • Parents - typically unemployed with dysfunctional relationships and "unsuited to caregiving" - are forcing their children to sell sex from home.

In some reports, communities knew of child prostitution, but justified it as a "necessary evil" given their socio-economic hardships.

"I was walking with Arlene and Shelley on the Parade, after school," said one girl, interviewed in April 2000, who called herself Alicia. She was 14 when she was abducted.

"We were approached by four men we didn't know. They grabbed all three of us. They put us into a white BMW. We were shouting and going on. They pulled our hair and pushed our heads down so people couldn't see what they were doing. One drove the car and the other three sat at the back holding us down, between their knees."

Alicia became a child prostitute, locked in a house with 14 other girls. She escaped after three months.

There are no official statistics of children involved in prostitution, although Molo Songololo cites a figure of 28 000, given by social workers and the Child Protection Unit.

The Elsies River police station in Cape Town dealt with an average of five cases a month in 1999, and the Sex Worker Advocacy Task Force has estimated that one out of every four sex workers in Cape Town are children.

The reasons most frequently given for child trafficking and prostitution include poverty, a lack of protection services for children and the rising demand for sex with children.

South Africa has no laws against child prostitution and child trafficking, although it is illegal to have sex with a child under the age of 16 and to abduct or kidnap a child.

Molo Songololo is part of a task team, which includes Lawyers for Human Rights, the Human Rights Commission, Black Sash and other groups, formed recently to increase public awareness about child trafficking and prostitution and to push for appropriate legislation."

So that we know that children are being forced into prostitution in South Africa, with many girls being kidnapped in broad daylight at shopping ma;;s, taxi ranks and schools; some girls are kidnapped in different provinces and sold in other procvinces. Theses girls aged 12 to 17 are the favorite targets of gangs, brothel owners and thers-including their mothers, and relatives-who are forcing them to sell sex. This is is the serious state of affairs in South Africa and it has now expansed and broadened to all cities and rural areas throughout South AFrica.

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Angie Motshega put it this way:

"Parents play a vital role in helping prevent violence at schools and ensuring discipline, Basic Education Minister Angie Motshekga has said.

“I am surprised when you say we blame parents too much. Kids are – in most instances – a symbol of where they come from. You can see a child’s home by the time they walk through the door,” she said.

“I really don’t think you can exempt parents too much and say we are supposed to pick it up. Schools are also a little world of what our world is – we come from a very violent society … and it does spill over to our schools.”

She said parents should help teach children to respect teachers and prepare children for school so that teachers could teach."

She is right, for if one were to listen to the township folk, they keep on insisting that parents are the ones to blame for they fear their children; they are enthralled that their children go to better schools in private white schools(Model C); that they speak English 'very well'; that they their hard earned money to meet the needs of these children; that these children are rude and very callous in their treatment of their children; that these children have no respect for their elders, customs, history and tradition; some people have noted that these children can hardly speak their mother tongue; others even contend that these children are abusive; and mostly concur that the children's behavior and mannerism are caused by their parents and relatives.

The state of the local state is in shambles, and the government , with its dysfunctional bureaucracy seems unable to wrap their heads around this particular problem of children and all that has been discussed thus far.

Corruption Exacerbates Violence and Destabilization of South Africa

One of the many problems facing South Africa, and is the carry-over from the Apartheid days, is chronic violence. The Hub below is replete with pictures/videos of violence. Many people in some of the videos and cited excerpts below, decry the unemployment factor and the corruption of the police as stated below.

Corruption by the polices making South Africa ungovernable and unsafe/unstable. Everyone is looking and working for their own interests exploiting governmental and civic structures. This is supported by the Public Administration Bill's proposal that government officials should stop doing business with the government and benefiting from that:

"Gravy Trained Derailed" by Xolani Mbanjwa

New bill means all public servants who lie about doing business with the state will go to jail

All civil servants will soon be banned from doing business with the state – or face a year in jail.

The department of public service and administration, and the Public Service Commission have proposed a new bill to stop all government employees from benefiting from state tenders.

The Public Administration Management Bill also demands that they declare the business interests of their extended families – including spouses, siblings, cousins and other relatives – so that any conflicts of interest can be managed.

The bill will be submitted to Cabinet for approval and then be tabled before Parliament by the end of the month.

Currently, only senior managers are required to disclose their financial interests and those who fail to do so every year are simply charged with misconduct.

But the draft bill now criminalises the nondisclosure of civil servants’ interests, or those of their relatives.

Penalties include dismissal or up to a year in jail.

The Special Investigating Unit (SIU) has conducted a number of investigations into officials doing business with the state, including:

» An education official from the national department who scored R30 million after his company bagged a tender with his employer;

» A former Eastern Cape chief financial officer and her family had interests in more than 100 companies that were doing business with the state. The companies received more than R7 million in payments between 2003 and 2009, with one company that belonged to her daughter earning R2.8 million;

» Of the 305 Limpopo provincial government officials who did not declare their business interests, 34 conducted business with other provincial departments in tenders worth nearly R1 billion. These were in departments under administration, including the departments of health, education, public works, provincial treasury and transport; and

» At least 70 SA Police Service officials were identified as having direct interests in 73 undeclared companies that are registered suppliers to the police and were paid a combined R31 million. The SIU is investigating 27 000 police officers for having undisclosed businesses.

But unions representing the country’s 1.2 million civil servants have warned that unless all politicians, including the 400 Members of Parliament (MPs), members of provincial legislatures, premiers, MECs and mayors – and their families – are banned from doing business with the state, the bill will “fall on its face”.

The 200 000-strong National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union (Nehawu) has questioned why the 59 MPs named this week for failing to declare their financial interests will not face jail time.

Nehawu general secretary Fikile Majola told City Press that unless all politicians were banned from state tenders, “government can expect this bill to collapse in their hands before it becomes law”.

He added: “Who have they imprisoned among the political office bearers who have not declared? Have they imprisoned them? That’s the part of the problem that is causing massive corruption. The political leadership has got to lead from the front.

“The political office bearers must start by banning themselves and saying, ‘We will not do business with the state. We will accept to live on the basis of the salaries we receive’.”

Although unions were not opposed to banning civil servants from doing business with the state in order to stop corruption, Majola said civil servants entered business because they saw other politicians living in “opulence”.

Unions, he said, would also oppose a move to oblige civil servants to declare the interests of extended family members because it was “too broad”.

Ben Turok, the chairperson of Parliament’s joint committee on ethics and members’ interests, said a proposal to ban politicians from doing business with the state could be part of the new “code of conduct” being considered for MPs and ministers.

Turok said the committee is reviewing the code and the proposal could be discussed when the review opened up for public comment. But he warned that banning politicians from state business might be resisted because MPs were “temporary appointees”, while civil servants could do their jobs “for life”.

Turok feared that banning politicians from state contracts could chase away potential MPs, because most would opt to remain in their professions rather than be completely barred from government work.

“If you say MPs can’t do anything in business, that is a big step that would require a national debate,” said Turok.

Public Service Commission chairperson Ben Mthembu said constitutional challenges could follow a ban on civil servants doing business with the state, but said employees had to adhere to any legislation regulating the public service.

According to him, making nondisclosure a dismissible offence and introducing a fine or imprisonment for errant civil servants showed “the seriousness with which the matter is being approached”.

Current regulations had failed to manage conflicts of interest and the corrupt practices of senior managers, with only 75% of them declaring their interests last year, Mthembu said.

Of the 1 713 senior manager declaration forms received, 18% listed more than one company and 30.6% showed serious “potential conflicts of interest”, he said.

It is estimated thousands of public servants, excluding those in municipalities, have multiple business interests.

Public Service Minister Lindiwe Sisulu, who says public servants were making “millions” from doing business with the state, said they would oppose any challenge to the bill.

“A constitutional challenge … will not succeed. All possible constitutional issues have been addressed to the satisfaction of those stakeholders consulted,” she said.

Public Service Commission director-general Richard Levin said the bill was needed to “stop the rot and to stop the multiple streams of income to people who don’t need it”.

He added: “You can’t have all these interests without them impacting on your work in the public service.”

It remains to be seen as to whether the Gravy train will be stalled and derailed for the vultures who have earned illegal millions looting the public chest.

Endemic Violence - South Africa

Talking Points Before Every Election by the ANC goevernment

Even the declaration by Zuma that "Corruption Cannot Define the ANC Government" is because it is a fact that the ANC is now involved and identified with the corruption that is rampant in south Africa. This is seen also amongst poor Whites, who although during the Apartheid era they well taken off, since the coming into power of the ANC, we have seen a rise in the numbers of poor Whites in South Africa. If we are to have a 'wonderful' and 'ture' democracy that is South africa, we cannot do to the enemy what they did to us. Our Ubuntu/Botho" dictates that we do just that, teat all as we would treat and would like to be treated. It is a fact that Africans and Colored are suffering from this governmental dysfunction.

That is Why Zuma is tring to talk about 'accountability' of , imrpoving the Health and living standards of 'all South Africans. Zuma said: "

Zuma also told the conference that his government would try to attain what former president Nelson Mandela wanted it to achieve, which is a society where everybody has access to healthcare, education and basic services." This issue was covered by Sabelo Ndlangisa and Emelia Motsai in the brief article below:

"Zuma also told the conference that his government would try to attain what former president Nelson Mandela wanted it to achieve, which is a society where everybody has access to healthcare, education and basic services."

Most of such talks comes every time before anticipated elections throughout the rule of the ANC, and after they secure victory, they more on to more lucrative deals and other corruption actions that leave their voters bamboozled and angry. This too still needs to be seen if it will be done by the government, or allis nothing but 'talking points' and fluff.

Poor Whites - South Africa

Children Human Rights Violations In South Africa

This is one other serious problem that is being overlooked and is rampant in South Africa. This is what little bit we will touch up on in this piece below by :


There is limited statistical information available on attitudes to and the use of corporal and humiliating punishment on children in different settings such as the home, the school and different institutions in South Africa. However, information on prevalence, provided below, indicates clearly that corporal punishment and other forms of humiliating and degrading punishment of children are widely practised in South Africa.

In 2003, the South African Social Attitude Survey, which was a nationally representative household survey, asked 952 parents with children about their attitudes to discipline and the use of corporal punishment. The survey found that 57% of the parents used corporal punishment on their children. Of the parents who used corporal punishment, 30% reported having used this form of punishment in the last month. Thirty-three percent of the parents used a belt or a stick. The survey indicated that the most common age of children who were smacked were three years of age, while the most common age of children who were beaten with a belt or another object were four years old.14

It further showed that greater proportions of Africans and whites used corporal punishment than other groups, but it was clear that people living in poverty, regardless of their ethnic background, were most likely to use corporal punishment. Women were the ones mainly administrating corporal punishment. The main reason for this is that women have the major daily responsibility for children. Fewer younger parents administrated corporal punishment than those who were older. This may be a promising sign of a change in attitudes and practises.15

A qualitative survey of 410 South African children – discussed in chapter 5 – also contains many examples of corporal punishment experienced by children in the home, with the exception of children from communities with the highest incomes and children from Indian communities, where almost no cases of corporal punishment were reported. A clear pattern also emerged from this study, with children of all ages and both genders being exposed to brutal forms of corporal punishment in lower income bands, i.e. children living in households with an income of less than ZAR 1 000 per month.16

“He hit me with fists, kicked me with safety boots and hit me with a sjambok. They were angry.” Boy, Western Cape

Although corporal punishment of children in South African schools has been prohibited since 1996, different reports point to the fact that it is still practised by a large number of teachers as a way of disciplining learners.17 The survey of 410 children also highlights a significant number of instances where children have been exposed to corporal punishment in the school. Children described corporal punishment as most often being administered by a teacher with a ruler, stick or board duster on the hands.18

“I was making a noise and other children told her (the teacher) that I am crying and she called me and beat me again.” Girl, Limpopo

There is also anecdotal evidence pointing to the fact that some teachers, who are legally prohibited to use corporal punishment, send a note home to the parent, asking the parent to administer corporal punishment on the child for something the child did at school.

Less information is available on the levels of attitudes to humiliating and degrading punishment of children in the country. However, the qualitative survey mentioned above indicates that children are frequently subjected to humiliating and degrading punishment in the home and at school. There are numerous statements by children on how they have been treated in a humiliating and degrading manner by parents and teachers, for example through verbal abuse, being made to hold humiliating positions for a long time, or do humiliating physical activities in front of the class. It is also interesting to note the close association between humiliating and degrading punishment and corporal punishment of children. Many children described corporal punishment as being humiliating, especially when administered in front of other people or when other people see the results.19

“There were problems at home. My father accused me of causing the problem between him and my stepmother. And my father said if they could divorce or separate I would be the cause of it. That really hurt me.” Boy, Western Cape

Information about the use of corporal punishment and other forms of humiliating and degrading punishment of children in child care facilities is very limited. However, anecdotal evidence from a workshop organised by Save the Children Sweden suggests that these forms of punishment are practised by some housefathers and housemothers at different shelters and care facilities for children.

A nation-wide opinion poll of 1 200 South African children on the rights most violated in their lives, as well as the more recent survey with 410 South African children, found that boys experienced corporal punishment to a larger extent than girls. The latter survey also indicates that older girls might be subjected to humiliating and degrading punishment to a greater extent than boys, not least to control perceived sexual activities of teenage girls.20

National surveys comprising both quantitative components and detailed interviews with adults and children on attitudes to and the use of corporal punishment and other forms of humiliating and degrading punishment of children should be undertaken in South Africa on a regular basis. Such surveys should not only cover these forms of punishment in the home and at school, but they should also investigate the situation in child care facilities, prisons and other institutions. This will make the extent of violence against children visible and also assist government and civil society to design appropriate interventions to promote non-violent forms of child-rearing.


Research and surveys conducted both internationally and in South Africa show that corporal punishment in the home and at school is of major concern to many children. There is less information available on children’s views of humiliating and degrading punishment, as well as their views on these forms of punishment in other settings, such as children’s homes and prisons.

A clear pattern emerged from a number of studies with boys and girls in South Africa – mentioned below – where these children indicated that they would like a life free from corporal punishment and other forms of humiliating and degrading punishment. They would like parents and teachers to talk to them instead of beating them, and to use non-violent forms of discipline.

In 1992, a group of South African children was gathered to formulate the Children’s Charter of South Africa. They suggested that:

“All children should have the right to freedom from corporal punishment at schools, from the police and in prisons and at the home.” 21

In preparation for the report on the Children’s Bill, the South African Law Reform Commission (SALRC) undertook consultations with children, who raised the matter of corporal punishment themselves. When asked what rights children should have (in addition to the rights which everyone has), an important common response was the right to be protected from harm. A number of children explicitly identified the right not to be beaten as being significant.22

In 2002, Save the Children Sweden conducted a nation-wide opinion poll with a representative sample of 1 200 South African children. In the poll, children were asked what rights are most violated in their lives. They indicated that one of the most important violations of children’s rights is the lack of protection from abuse, including corporal punishment from teachers, parents and other care givers such as uncles and brothers.23

“Parents, they should stop beating children. They must learn a better way of dealing with children.” Girl in primary school

In 2004, a qualitative survey with 410 boys and girls aged 6-18 years from four provinces in South Africa explored children’s experiences, views and feelings in relation to corporal punishment and other forms of humiliating and degrading punishment. The findings in this survey are complex, with variations in how children experience, perceive and respond to these forms of punishment, depending

on factors such as socio-economic status24, age and gender. Within this complexity there are, however, some clear trends.25

The study found that many boys and girls of all ages in South Africa experience corporal punishment in the home and at school, with the exception of children from environments with the highest incomes and children from Indian communities, where almost no cases of corporal punishment were reported.26

With the exception of these two categories, boys and girls of all ages and from all different income categories received corporal punishment at home. Most children were beaten with a belt. Children from low income environments were exposed to the most severe forms of corporal punishment in the home and at school. The frequency of corporal punishment decreased as children got older. The study also found a general, but not definite pattern, of corporal punishment being more commonly experienced by children in rural than in urban areas.27

“Sometimes my mommy or daddy hit me, sometimes with their hand or sometimes with a belt.” Boy, Gauteng

“We were all sitting with my sisters, brothers and cousins. He asked how am I talking to him and he hit me. He hit me with a pipe that has wires inside. He hit all over the body.” Girl, KwaZulu-Natal

It is important to underline that, although this study has looked at children from different income groups in South Africa, there are factors other than income that influence the use of corporal punishment and other forms of humiliating and degrading punishment of children, such as relative levels of stress and possibly associated relationship problems.

Corporal punishment is common in all schools situated in low income environments, irrespective of age and gender. Children described it as most often being administered with a ruler, stick or board duster, on the hands. The administration of corporal punishment varied from school to school in more affluent areas. Some schools had clear developed policies to implement the legal prohibition of corporal punishment, while other schools had not yet managed to get rid of the practise among teachers. Schools from high income areas generally did not seem to practise corporal punishment, but were instead using alternative, non-violent forms of discipline.28

“The teacher hit me with a stick on the bum.”

Boy, Western Cape

“She gave me 5 strikes on the buttocks. My heart was so sore and my bums were painful. I couldn’t sit down the whole weekend. Every time I looked at the teacher I resented her.” Girl, KwaZulu-Natal.

Children across all different income levels, gender and age groups (with the exception of children from Indian communities) experienced humiliating and degrading punishment, but not as often as corporal punishment. The use of this kind of punishment seems to be more frequent in low income environments. In most cases, children described verbal abuse as humiliating and degrading.29

“Then she shouted at me; she said that I always go untidy to school. I must look at other children, and she always swears when she talks. She calls us names.” Girl, Gauteng

It seems that, where corporal punishment is common, humiliating or degrading punishment is not common on its own; though it often accompanies the use of corporal punishment. Many children in this study described corporal punishment as humiliating. It was particularly humiliating when administered in front of other people, or when people see the results of the punishment.30

“One day, she hit me with ladies heel shoes on my hips and I didn’t want to go to school. My dad took me to school and I was very late and I felt embarrassed.” Girl, Limpopo

One common form of humiliating punishment in school is to make children hold humiliating positions for a long period of time, or do humiliating physical activities in front of the class. In addition to being humiliating, it should also be viewed as a form of corporal punishment.31

“They also make us do motorbike (skuta). You bend you knees, stretch arms straight as if you are riding a motorbike and it is painful when you do it for a long time.” Girl, Gauteng

In general, boys reported being subjected to corporal punishment to a greater extent than girls. It also seems that, as girls get older, they receive corporal punishment less often. Girls from low income environments seem to be exposed to humiliating and degrading forms of punishment to a larger extent than boys, not least as a strategy to control the perceived sexual activities of teenage girls.32

“When we woke up she swore at me and told me that now I started

to behave like ‘Phaga’, an animal that goes in the night. She said I am going to fall pregnant and there are lots of diseases outside there. She doesn’t talk nicely with me and she speaks loud so that everybody who passes next to my house should hear that she is swearing at me and I didn’t sleep at home. She will never sit down and talk to me like her child. She will tell me that I am ‘Kgeke’, a b*tch, and that I started behaving like ‘Phaga’.” Girl, Limpopo.

Most children who experienced corporal punishment would prefer to be disciplined in a non-violent manner. It also became clear from the study that children would like teachers and parents to talk to them and explain what they did wrong instead of using corporal punishment or other forms of humiliating or degrading punishment. Generally, talking seems to be more important to girls than boys.33

“I want her (mother) to talk to me, but nicely, not shouting.”

Boy, Gauteng

“He (teacher) must ask me why I didn’t do my homework; then I will explain to him.” Girl, Limpopo

There were also a few cases in the study where children, boys in particular, expressed acceptance of corporal punishment and could see no alternative to this form of punishment. One tragic explanation of this perception could be that these children live in an environment where violent forms of discipline are the norm. These children are so used to violent forms of discipline that they cannot imagine any forms of non-violent solutions.34

Sadness and anger were the two most common feelings reported by children in response to corporal punishment and other forms of humiliating and degrading punishment. Anger was a more common reaction in school when the punishment was perceived as unfair and sadness was more common at home. Other reactions reported were crying, fear, being embarrassed, withdrawal and compliance. It is also worrying to note that a number of children reported aggressive behaviour, such as bullying or beating other children as a reaction to their own punishment.35

“I was feeling sad. Why? Because she hit me with the belt and it was painful.” Boy, KwaZulu-Natal

“So when my mom hit me, it feels like she doesn’t love me.”

Girl, Limpopo

“I felt like killing someone.”

Boy, Western Cape.

The pressures and decrepit living conditions that parents face, makes them take it out on children. In short, the parents do not really know how to bring up their children. There is also a need for cultural social engineering that will help those that feel alone in their misery to be helped by their community. these are not simple things to do, but there ought to be somewhere where people start in order to rebuild their communtiy and live. The treatment of children should also begin with orientating the parents about the situation and helping them deal with it rather than be left to their own none-existing devices and means.

Children in South Africa foraging in the garbage dump lot

Children in South Africa foraging in the garbage dump lot

Children Of Aids: Africa's Orphan Crisis [Paperback] by Emma Guest

Suffer The Children....

Bill Of Rights: Protecting SA's Children

Bill Of Rights: Protecting SA's Children

Child Abuse and Rape as one of the most horrific Crimes in south Africa Today

I am posting this pice below just to drive home the fact that there is more to the stories of the locals about the abuse that they and their children have to undergo with the 'new arrvals' from the north of South Africa. A disclaimer was added before the posting of this article that purports that names and places have changed, and noted that sensitive readers might find the story traumatic. The Story is titled:

"Child Abuse - Cape Town South africa", posted in the web site called Rebirth Africa Life on the Continent:.

Abduction 1996: August Cape Town Central business district.

Alicia, fourteen years old, on Thursday afternoon 8 August 1996:

“I was walking with Arlene and Shelley on the Parade, after school. Four men we didn't know approached us. They appeared, as if from nowhere and grabbed all three of us. They shoved put us into a white BMW. We were screaming but were quickly silenced. They pulled our hair and pushed our heads down so that people couldn’t see what they were doing. We were pushed down onto the floor in the back of the car. One of them drove the vehicle while the other three sat at the back holding us down, between their knees.

I was absolutely terrified. I couldn’t move and when we screamed they pulled our hair and hit us. One of them told us he had a gun and would shoot us if we didn’t stop screaming. I didn’t know what they were going to do with us and I didn’t know where we were going. At some point while we were driving, they tied our hands with rope and they blindfolded us.

When the car finally stopped and they told us to get out and follow them. It was difficult to get out of the car as we couldn’t see and couldn’t use our hands. They dragged us out of the car and told us to walk. One held me by the arm and pulled me. They took all three of us to a room and took the blindfolds off and untied our hands and then they left and locked us into the room.

We stayed in the room locked until what we thought was the next day. We talked amongst ourselves and didn’t know what was going on or what was going to happen to us. Then the following day all four men came into the room. Two of them took Arlene and Shelley out of the room. One of them stood at the door and the other one stood in the room, near the bed where I was shouting that they should let us go. The one who was standing near the bed slapped me and punched me in my face. Then one of the others came back. They locked the door and the three of them came towards me. All three of them attacked me and threw me on the bed. They tore my clothes off and I was screaming and screaming and I swore at them and I also scratched one of them. Then the one who drove the car, Zunaid hit me very hard against the side of my head and he got the other two to hold me down and I was lying on my back. The guy who was standing at the bottom of the bed pulled my legs apart and then Zunaid raped me. He stayed on top of me for I don’t know how long, it felt like it would never stop. The other two were there in the room and by then I didn’t scream or shout or even try to hit them because it was hurting a lot it felt like it was burning inside me. I just closed my eyes and wanted it to go away.

When he was done he got up and Eugene came and got on top of me. He also raped me. After this Roland came and raped me. And then I started screaming. Zunaid became violent again and choked me. I can’t remember for how long Roland raped me. I lost consciousness and when I came to again the other one, Jonathan was on top of me. Zunaid also hit me with a broomstick all over my body.

After all four of them had raped me they left the room with my clothes and the sheet that I had been lying on. There was blood on the sheet and I was still bleeding after they left. I think they kept me in the room for four days. I will never really be sure how long it was. I only saw the four of them and only one at a time after the day they raped me. They either came into the room to rape me again or to give me food. I didn’t think I would ever see my family again. I thought they were just going to keep me there and rape me till I die. I felt completely alone and scared. I spent most of the time when I was alone thinking about how to get away, or about what they had done to me or about what they were still going to do to me.

I banged on the door a few times and called to Arlene and Shelley to help me if they could hear me. I didn’t know if they were still in the house. At that point I didn’t even know the names of the men who had raped me. I heard other people, some of them girls in the house, but I didn’t see any of them until they let me out. After the four days two of them Jonathan and Eugene came and unlocked the door and brought my clothes and told me to go and wash and get dressed. I was very disoriented and found it difficult to walk. They showed me where the bathroom was and I lost my balance twice. I used the wall to keep myself from falling.

Everyone was locked up, in that house. There were eleven other girls there besides the three of us. Shelley and Arlene had also been raped and beaten. They had been kept with the other girls and they were raped in the lounge and in the other room. They told me that they had been raped in front of some of the girls and that everybody stood or sat and watched. The other girls were all prostitutes and the man of the house Zunaid wanted us to be prostitutes also. He had already gotten Arlene to go out with the other girls. Arlene didn’t want to talk about it and I didn’t feel that I could talk to her. She seemed like someone I didn’t know. Shelley and I stayed at home at night when they went out on the street. They brought the men home and robbed them and one night there was a fight because the one man found out that the girls were stealing money from him and he demanded his money back and Zunaid and the young boy who was there, Sammy, beat the man and threw him out of the house.

They still raped me but not as often and they forced us to drink alcohol and to smoke dagga, which really made me feel (unclear). I thought I could get used to it.

One night, two of the girls Sylvia and Charlene stayed behind and talked to us about going out with them. They said that it was really easy the men just stop and you go to the car and you tell them it’s R80 and then you bring them back to the house and the boys will follow you in the car. When you get to the house one of the girls will be waiting in the room, under the bed and you get the client to undress, and then the girl will take his money from his pants and you don’t have sex with him. You just push his penis between his legs and it hurts and he won’t be able to do anything and if he tries to hurt you or fight with you then the boys will be there to deal with him.

After another few days I went out with them, every night. And one day I managed to escape. (Long silence). I don’t want to talk anymore."

Like I have said, these and many other horror story are the lore of the Township talk and rage. I think the stories should not come from the persepective of the foreigners only, but also, the people of South Africa should be listened to, too.

Diepsloot toddler killings: A community enraged

Miners: This is how we live

What does a R2.7-billion office block look like? Opulence In the Midst of Grinding Poverty

Government Should For the people, By The People, and Through The People(See The last Video in this section)

The contrast between wealth and poverty of the videos above, between opulence and grinding poverty-oppulence and waste alongside dire poverty and bleak existence are part of the landscape of South africa Africa today. The have mores are accumulating more material wealth,and the poor are relegated to abject poverty, and this situation and gap seem to be increasing.

The ANC need to begin to reshape and streamline the government that it should listen to the people and meet their needs. Self-critique in this instance would not be a bad thing because the harshest critical opinion is not from the government itself, which lack action in achieving this, but i comes from the collective voting polity, and this will soon jeopardize the leadership of the ANC in South Africa. Some people don't think so, but only time and history will confirm this.

It is important to note that in South Africa, democracy means corruption and unfair voting. This is captured and encapsulated by the following article written by To Molefe who titled it "South Africa, aA Democracy Only In from," wherein he informs us:

I’ve come to despise elections because they’ve been used to warp democracy. Invariably, each time I’ve said this, one of you lot has had a conniption because you’ve misinterpreted this as me saying people should not vote. Don’t assume. Read — and exercise your atrophied comprehension muscle.

There’s an accounting principle known as substance over form. It can curtly be summarised as cutting through the bullshit to get to what’s really going on. The principle calls for discerning the true nature of an arrangement by piercing its façade. It’s a kind of X-ray vision and I’d like to turn it on our democracy.

To find the substance of a democracy over its form, you must follow the money. In South Africa, money flows through the institutions of democracy, political parties and the media to weave the illusion that we have a government by the will of the people. You don’t have to look too hard to realize That is simply not true.

But instead of it being said the real problem is that we have a democracy in form, not in substance, and figuring out how to fix it, we’re told the problem is the internal failings of the party elected to government. It’s also said we must look critically at that party’s internal democratic processes and question angrily how its 4 500 voting delegates could consider re-electing their current leader, as they’re set to do in December.

Who those delegates elect, my friends, is their prerogative and that party’s internal democratic process is theirs alone to administer as they see fit. If you’re really that aggrieved at their decisions, the most effective way to have a say is to fill out a membership application, though that would be the same as attempting to put out a runaway fire with a flamethrower.

For a more effective, and correct, solution I suggest you consider the democratic mechanisms available to you: voting, participating in oversight and law-making, and the work done by the Chapter 9 and 10 institutions that strengthen democracy and assist in governing public administration.

Mmm? What’s that you say? You don’t really know much about what the latter two are about or entail? All you know is the first, voting, and some of you that other form of democratic expression: protest. That’s no coincidence. Everything has been twisted to make it seem that voting is democracy when in actual fact it’s a mere sliver of a larger, truly beautiful form of governance.

Following the money will tell you that our political parties spent close to R650 million to get you into the voting booth for the 2009 election, according to the Open Society Foundation’s money and politics project. About 85% of this was recalculated based on the difference between the total spent and what the parties disclosed publicly, because they had to, because it came out of your wallet.

It had to be recalculated because parties are under no obligation to disclose the money they raise from private sources, nor is funding from this source regulated. Private funding of political parties is the Wild West of politics, as I’ve heard said. There, gun-toting, beer-swilling, ill-mannered cowboys buy a wild night, or five years, with a political party of their choosing, but it’s your democracy that gets screwed.

Add to this R650 million what the Independent Electoral Commission spent on posters, advertisements, personnel and such to get you into the voting booth and to deliver a free and fair election, and you’ll come to a cool R1.7 billion — just to have you vote. At the going rate, that’s eight and a half Nkandla security systems.

Contrast this with the almost R1.4 billion over five years Parliament has been allocated for its public participation and constituency office programmes and you’ll see that per year, at least six times as much is spent on getting you interested in an election year than on keeping you interested in democracy during the five years thereafter. In addition there exists no comprehensive democracy education programme to ensure that every South African, or even, at least, those eligible to vote, know how to participate in supervising government’s work and law-making, and why these matter as much if not more than voting.

And poor Thuli Madonsela. Like the Chapter 9 and 10 institutions, her communications budget is laughable, which is why she’s forced to rely so heavily on the scandal generated from her investigations to get media coverage for what her institution does. Thankfully, for her, there’s been no shortage of scandal.

Which brings me to the media, which is caught between enabling “citizens to make informed judgments on the issues of the time” as the press code says, and remaining viable businesses. In other words: chasing money. These are often competing and contradictory actions, but only one is in the official job description of the press. But in these dire global economic times, the allure of money is coming up trumps.

Which is why, as I’ve said, I’ve come to loathe elections as in them I see proof that money does indeed make the world go round and, unchecked, it brings us to our knees."

That is why articles like this Hub are written, to get African South Africans speaking out more and presenting their case to the world

Ignoring and Harassing the poor is business as Usual From Apartheid Days To Today's ANC Rule

A South African woman unsuccessfully tries to prevent the demolition her home in Lenasia last week

A South African woman unsuccessfully tries to prevent the demolition her home in Lenasia last week

A destroyed house: The site of families fighting for their homes has touched a chord for many South Africans.

A destroyed house: The site of families fighting for their homes has touched a chord for many South Africans.

People who have built on land the government deemed illegal, were promised new low-cost housing

People who have built on land the government deemed illegal, were promised new low-cost housing

Police whisk away a Lenasia woman whose house was demolished.

Police whisk away a Lenasia woman whose house was demolished.

Outrage over Lenasia house demolitions

Lenasia resident speaks of Housing Scam

Look Here

Forced Removals Of Africans today as It Was During The Apartheid Era

Even today, as the 2014 election in loom in the horizon of the coming year, we still see the same problems being visited upon the poor just like in the days of Apartheid, but this is done during the Rule of the ANC. We are informed by Ranjeni Munusamy and Branko Brkic in an article titled "South Africa: ANC Ignoring Alarm Bells" thusly:

How would we record this period of the South African story for future generations? The convulsions over the ANC's Mangaung leadership contest will come and go; the pain of the Marikana mine deaths will fade; the lives of the poor will remain wretched and the rich will still savour opulence behind their high walls; the state will continue to be the feeding trough of the powerful.

South Africa is the picture of a people disjointed from each others' realities – a nation so consumed with many self-interests that the desperation of others is met with indifference. The spaces between us grow every day – every time the rains flood someone's home, or a government official exploits their position of privilege for personal gain, or an elderly person stands in a pension queue or the sick struggle for proper medical care.

These are signs every day and everywhere of the disconnect which has come to define our society. Perhaps the biggest indicator of this is the avarice of a political elite who stood on the shoulders of their people to ascend to power only to look on them with disdain once they got there.

When the ANC was banned and in exile, it was closer to its people; it was driven by a selfless common purpose to free South Africa from the yoke of apartheid, and the only way it could have become one with the people was to be with them every step of the way. Now, the party of liberation is disconnected from its former self. It has gone from being led by a collective of heroic and inspirational figures to an assortment of factions, each disconnected from the other and from the people who loved, and were prepared to give their lives to the ANC of old.

The ANC may be connected to power these days, but it was never so disconnected from the millions it undertook to serve. The leadership rotates around power plays and games of fortune, the outcomes of conferences are tailored to satisfy the people in the room, a world away from the reality of life in South Africa, where petrol prices, taxi commutes, the cost of food, school supplies and the availability of medicine are everyday struggles.

The party is now engaged in a monumental battle over leadership, which has no resonance on the ground beyond the spectacle of the fight. Just like they did five years ago, the party leaders will walk away from this battle, some victorious, others crushed, without any regard for how this epic struggle for dominance will benefit those who depend on the ANC to lead them out of their desperation. They are too divorced from the millions outside the structures of the ANC to realise power battles alter nothing in the villages and settlements, in child-headed households, in hostels and the farmlands.

South Africa's story was, is and always will be a tragedy of disconnect. It is tragic for a nation to be so damaged and so scarred by an illogical system of statutory discrimination that it struggles daily to tear away from it. It was tragic to once have so great and so iconic a person as the founding president of a country that was once so in love with its own story. Nelson Mandela set the bar so high in leadership and in making us believe in a sense of nationhood that it has become impossible to attain again.

We are now disconnected from the miracle nation we once were. And it is a tragedy that the dream of liberation became detached from the promise of a better life for all.

The government is so disconnected from its citizenry that it continues to ignore the symphony of alarm bells ringing around it. Last week government demolished 51 houses in Lenasia, dragging people out of their homes and tossing them out of the street. They did this because they felt that vacant land was more valuable than roofs over families' heads. With a massive backlog in the delivery of proper housing and hundreds of poorly serviced informal settlements dotting cities and towns around the country, government officials decided that rendering 51 more families homeless was the way to go.

Yet this is the same government which was inaugurated with these words by Mandela: "Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another". Every time a government minister takes a flight of fancy or lords it up in a luxury hotel, this ideal is betrayed, and our leaders become more disconnected from the foundations on which our democracy was built.

The shame that is Jacob Zuma's presidential estate at Nkandla is the furthest possible point from that moment Mandela raised his right hand to take the presidential oath in 1994. Zuma's disconnect from the people he serves is so stark that he has consented to the development of an opulent island to separate him from the sea of poverty in rural KwaZulu-Natal. The estate stands as a monument to this disconnect, so that the poor and the wretched may witness how political power is able to misuse the state to sponsor a life of magnificence.

A world away from Nkandla, Marikana is a microcosm of the disconnect between capital and its workforce, of the political elite and its primary constituency who turn the wheels of the economy, between trade unions and their members.

Up to the moment on 16 August 2012 when police rained down automatic gunfire on their fellow citizens at the Marikana platinum mine, mining companies and those who profit from them continued to disregard the hardships and frustrations of their workers. The union leaders continued to believe that their proximity to political power was more important than the welfare of their members. Political leaders treated the mining industry as a political chess piece in their power games, as well as their financial base.

When the policemen held up their guns at Marikana, they felt no connection to those on the other side as fellow South Africans, fellow workers and fellow pawns in the greater game. They killed them because they were disconnected from them. Even after the massacre, they continued to harass the community of Marikana because they felt no connection to their pain. And now the grand cover-up is because they are disconnected from the shame of their actions.

Still, the massacre which wrote Marikana into the history books could have happened at any mine anywhere in South Africa. Marikana was the place where every single of force of evil had aligned in that fateful moment, but make no mistake, there are hundreds of Marikana-like spots waiting for their own forces of evil to combust.

Where a leadership is so disconnected from its people, the vacuum creates space for exploitation or for people to seek leadership in dangerous places. The gap will have to be filled. All over the world, the gap has been filled with the most destructive of the destructive: populists. The combination of populism and mass discontent is a recipe for disaster."

The following article addresses the shenanigans of the Provincial government which has been going about demolishing houses people built for themselves and the government want them cleared out: For building investment holdings? We learn from this article that:

Another 35 houses were razed in Lenasia on Monday as the Gauteng Department of Local Government and Housing continued its action against properties built on land that was sold fraudulently. Despite questions about the legality of the demolitions, and even if the right buildings were targeted, they are are planned to continue. All that’s left for the residents is to lose their shelter, home and dignity.

Government officials were accompanied by police on Monday morning as they took a demolition crew to the unfinished and unoccupied houses in Lenasia South Extension 4 that had been built on land sold by corrupt officials and criminal syndicates. It was the first time houses had been leveled in the area since the South African Human Rights Commission turned to the high court to grant an urgent interdict to halt the process last Thursday. The matter was postponed until Friday.

The site of families fighting for their homes has touched a chord for many South Africans, but Gauteng housing MEC Ntombi Mekgwe and her team again assured the nation of their altruistic motives.

“As a caring government, we have always maintained that our decision was correct, and that ours was a fight against corruption and organised crime, which robs our poor people of the opportunity to own a home,” she wrote in a statement. Her spokesman told eNews that these residents were in fact aware they purchased land illegally and were therefore a disgrace to the government they voted into power. (The last time I read something as preposterous as this was in Orwell’s 1984 – Ed)

Residents of Extension 4 acknowledged on Monday that their houses were built on land sold illegally but said they were duped by developers who showed them plans for the area and presented them with forged documents, replicas of real title deeds.

In 2011, Lazarus Baloyi, 42, bought his stand for R6,500 and has since spent R382,000 developing the 11-room house into which he hopes one day to move his wife and two children. The local secondary school teacher who also heads up a committee of concerned residents and members of the community crowded into his house when the wrecking crew came. Police threatened to clear the building by using teargas but Baloyi’s neighbours said they would rather die inside than let the house fall.

Baloyi said local official Papadi Makhete told him she would not rest until his house was demolished and would return with the Red Ants.

“If they break my house they break the resistance of the whole community,” said Baloyi, who suspects he is being targeted because of his involvement in the residents’ committee.

Gauteng Department of Local Government and Housing spokesman Motsamai Motlhaolwa told the Daily Maverick only unfinished and unoccupied homes were being demolished.

Baloyi has been sleeping on a mattress in his house as it nears completion. He hopes to soon bring his family from Polokwane. “It’s supposed to be a legacy,” he said inside the house. “As I’m standing in front of you now, I have no feeling. I’m a dead man walking.”

Fearful residents across Lenasia South question the province’s motives for demolishing the houses. A common complaint is that Nekgwe reneged on a deal by former MEC Humphrey Mmemezi to negotiate a solution. The community instigated legal action to challenge the September 2011 court order allowing the demolition but withdrew their challenge at Mmemezi’s request. A letter from Mmemezi’s office acknowledges that they “have abandoned legal the legal proceedings in this manner and that meaningful engagement should take place.”

The following report was filed by Gillian Schutte as he let's the victims speak-up for themselves as they suffer from the forced removals engineered by the ANC goons:

It was with sheer terror that we witnessed the grotesque spectacle of the bulldozing of fully built brick and mortar houses in Lenasia by government officials last week. Images of desperate women being pulled out of their houses and attempting to stop bulldozers from demolishing their lives haunt our recent memories. This was reminiscent of the forced removals of yesteryear when fully settled communities were forced out of their homes by a draconian apartheid government.

What could prompt a democratic government to perpetrate such violence against its own people?

On Monday our Media for Justice video team went to Lenasia to find out from the residents what could possibly have prompted this act of violence. In our opinion it constituted a gross misconduct of human rights. Was this what South Africans were to expect in the Post-Marikana South Africa? Were all human rights to be massacred, mowed down and disregarded in the name of neoliberalism?

We arranged to meet Lazarus Baloyi in Lenasia - Nirvana Road - where a small picket is taking place. He is Chair of the Concerned Residents of Lenasia. He holds a placard that reads. "Withdraw from court - come let's negotiate. Humphrey Mmemezi we did that! Why you demolish our houses."

Baloyi tells us that this all began when residents were unsuspectingly sold stands by various dubious agents posing as housing department agents.

"We were furnished with housing plans that were approved by the housing department, which later were proved to be fraudulent. Some of these housing officials got arrested. Later on housing officials came around and wanted to destroy the houses - but we got a court interdict and started negotiations with housing department MEC, Humphrey Mmemezi. He indicated to us that we should withdraw from the court so that we could have negotiations and resolve the matter amicably. We did and had a meeting with him where he asked us to submit our particulars."

The community then submitted all the information that was requested of them regarding who sold them the houses, and what their addresses were. Negotiations continued to the stage where they were told that the department was working out the pricing methods for the stands and looking at charging the residents market related prices.

"It was at this stage that the MEC Mmemzi resigned from office. When the new housing MEC, Ntombi Mekgwe, came in, we tried several times to secure a meeting with her and were told she is waiting to get a directive from the previous MEC. Then one Thursday she came down and we were expecting that finally she was there to negotiate with us."

What happened instead is that the residents were served letters of eviction. These letters read, "To whom it may concern," and were thrown into their yards.

After this shocking turn of events, community leaders went to meet the Director of housing who informed them that he did not know about the story, but promised that the whole operation would stop.

"It was while waiting for them to come back to us that we saw ganda gandas (bulldozers) coming to demolish. We were taken by surprise. And this happened when the MEC was not around and the Director was on leave. It is like some junior made the decision to go ahead

War Of Old And Tired Ideas Between The ANC and The Boers

Frans Cronje writes about the policy battle between the 'verkramptes' and 'verligtes' in the ANC and increasing evidence that the 'verligtes' could win.

Longtime observers of South African politics will recall the battle between the verligtes and verkramptes in Afrikaner politics of the 1980s.

The verligtes were pragmatists and realised that apartheid South Africa was running out of runway and needed to reform.

The verkramptes, on the other hand, rejected this view and argued the government’s problems arose from precisely such reformist thinking and that a hard line had to be taken, opposing any further reforms.

Well, 30 years later, there are again verkramptes and verligtes, except that this time they find themselves within the ANC where they are slugging out a new “battle of ideas”.

The new verligtes are motivated by the fact that the party they lead is now also running out of runway space.

One challenge their party faces is that, as a share of the potential vote, ANC support has fallen from 54% in 1994 to 39% in 2009.

In that last election, more people chose not to vote than the number who voted for the ANC. In any other emerging democracy, that would be an indicator of voter apathy.

But this is not true for South Africa, as the decline in voter turnout tracks a trend of increasing numbers of antigovernment protests on the streets of the country.

A second challenge is that the labour market continues to perform poorly. Approximately 6 million net new jobs have been created since 1994.

But over the past decade, the labour market absorption rate has fallen by five to six percentage points, to a uniquely low level by some international standards.

The labour market participation rate for black people is 15 to 20 percentage points below international norms. Today, 50% of young people are unemployed.

A third problem is that growth is forecast to slow down to 2% for this year. This is worrying because a sustained growth rate in excess of 5% of gross domestic product is necessary to make any significant inroads into the unemployment rate.

That was the level of performance from 2004 to 2007 – which was also the only post-1994 period that saw a sustained drop in the unemployment rate and in the number of unemployed people in SA.

A fourth challenge is that the budget deficit precludes a significant extension of the welfare system, which now reaches in excess of 15 million people. In 1994, four people worked for every one person on welfare. By 2010, the number on welfare exceeded those working.

Yet a cruel irony for the ANC is that as the proportion of people receiving welfare grows, so the proportion believing government is performing well shrinks.

In what is no doubt a disconcerting experience, the party leadership is coming to realise that the more people get welfare and the more houses are built for them and electricity laid on, the faster public opinion is turning against the government. We call this the curse of rising expectations.

A fifth danger rests in the current account deficit and interest rates. If SA loses the portfolio investment inflows on which it depends to pay for an excess of imports over exports, then the rand slides, inflation takes off, and the ratings agencies hammer us.

Investment dries up and growth stutters to a halt.

A sixth problem lies in the education system. On current trends, only half of all children will reach matric and only a third will pass. Only four out of every 100 children will pass maths with 50% or more.

Though few seem to recognise it, these very pressures, which depress so many people, may become catalysts for policy reform in South Africa. It is here that the example of the verkramptes and verligtes becomes so valuable.

The Afrikaner verligtes realised that their country was approaching a dead end and, if they did not lead the change process, the change process would lead them.

The modern-day verligtes are coming to a similar understanding. They realise that market-based reforms to attract investment and thereby generate growth and jobs are necessary to save not just South Africa but also the ANC itself. They fear that without rapid job creation, the ANC is set to lose a future election – probably in 2024.

The verkramptes reject the view that market-friendly reforms are necessary. They blame markets for the trouble the ANC finds itself in.

If they manage to seize policy control of the Tripartite Alliance, then expect a hard leftward shift in policy that will undermine property rights and wreck the economy.

Scenarios the SA Institute of Race Relations have produced suggest that if the verligtes win, then growth levels can hit 5% of gross domestic product.

Job growth then takes off, domestic markets expand, welfare dependency is reduced, the budget deficit is well managed and investment levels pick up further.

In other words, South Africa assumes a positive upward economic trajectory. If the verkramptes win, the rand crashes, inflation reaches hyperlevels, and living standards dive. It is the archetypal African worst-case scenario.

While many people again fail to realise it, there is growing evidence of reformist thinking within the ANC.

Current attempts by the governing party to undermine union federation Cosatu and turn it into the “labour desk of the ANC”, as Zwelinzima Vavi warns, is one example.

A “tame” Cosatu would allow the ANC to proceed with a host of labour-market reforms such as the recently proposed Employment Tax Incentive Bill.

The bill, which in effect proposes subsidising job creation for young people, is a good example of reform-minded ANC politicians in action. Of course, subsidies do not create jobs – but that is not the reason the idea is so important.

Rather, it suggests that some in the ANC now accept that the labour regulatory environment is so rigid that, without special measures (in this case subsidies) employers cannot create jobs. When they realise the subsidies do not work, they may propose new and more drastic reforms.

A tamer Cosatu in fact creates limitless possibilities for reform across a range of sectors. Once Cosatu is brought to heel by the ANC, it becomes possible, for example, to deal with the SA Democratic Teachers’ Union, which is necessary if we want to reform education. Piece by piece, the reformists could bring about a very different social and economic environment.

To a great extent, the future of SA now rests on how this battle of ideas within the ANC itself plays out. There is little doubt, though, that the reformists have what it takes to place our country on a better social and economic trajectory and that much more needs to be done to strengthen their hand.

Mosioua Lekota says social conditions during the apartheid regime were better

S'bu Zikode full speech at Rhodes University

Abahlali baseMjondolo describe themselve this way:

"Who is Abahlali baseMjondolo?

Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM) is the movement of the people living in shacks , that's the german translation. Abahlali was founded in 2005 in Durban, South Africa as an answer to the housing crisis.
Protest in Solidarity with Abahlali baseMjondolo in Vienna this Friday

AbM is the self organisation of the people living in informal settlements (slums). The movement is fighting forced evictions, evictions and police brutality and establishes infrastructure in the settlements wherever possible: meeting halls, crèches, support for persons infected with HIV … up to the University of Abahlali. Today Abahlali has about 12.000 members in dozens of settlements around South Africa.

The movement is committed to base democracy, every decision is taken by the assembly of the people living in the community. For instance the assembly decides who should be sent abroad for representation at meetings and the delegates are obliged to report to the assembly after returning home. Leaders of AbM pledge to not take any advantage of their position – on the contrary they are targeted by the state.

In 2009 AbM succeeded in overthrow the Slums Act of KwaZulu-Natal. Since then evictions are only allowed on the basis of court orders. But that's theory.

The war against the poor

Since months the movement is being attacked in the settlement Cato Crest, Durban. The local ANC fearing to loose influence amongst the poor sends police and Red Ants (eviction teams of the municipality). They systematically are destroying the shacks of known members of AbM. And they use openly xenophobic propaganda: "The Xhosa shall go back to Eastern Cape where the came from, they don't have nothing to do in Durban."

Until now three persons have been brutally murdered by unknown or the police. Hundreds more have been injured, arrested, evicted. Repeatedly there have been threats with death against the leaders of AbM that have to be taken seriously. Some of them had to hide therefor. Five times the movement has obtained court orders that order to stop the evictions. But the municipality has ignored all of them.

Since weeks thousands of members and sympathizers of AbM have blocked crossroads in Durban to point at the situation in Cato Crest. Like AbM has already stated last summer after the massacre of 34 striking miners in Marikan the state is waging a war against the poor.

The alliance of ANC/COSATU/SACP which has been ruling the country since 1994 has left the principles of the Freedom Charter of the ANC long ago. Today they don't even care about the constitution they themselves enacted after the end of the Apartheid.
The ANC has turned from a liberation movement to an instrument of repression in the interest of the ongoing ruling capitalists. Parts of the elite of the ANC have become capitalists on a grand scale themselves. The new social movements in South Africa are fighting exactly this regime.

These movements are standing out for their own initiative, creativity, militancy, self organisation and base democracy. They increasingly experience oppression und need international solidarity.


Stop the attacks an AbM, the beatings, the rubber bullets, the live ammunition!
Stop the torture at the police stations!
Stop the destroying of shacks and the forced evictions!
Stop murdering activists!

"We are stating here that we hold all political parties in the South African government accountable for these abominable actions. To those in government, and most importantly to those who fought against apartheid, we ask that you act today to put an immediate end to these abuses. And we demand that the rightful aspirations of the ABAHLALI movement and all South Africans to a home, a life with dignity, and an end to the concentrated land ownership of the pre-apartheid era be fulfilled." (From a statement of solidarity of some well-known academics of different countries)

Abahlali baseMjondolo Movement SA

Imprisoning the Homeless Africans in South Africa Today

The Stories of the Abahlali baseMjondolo are instructive in that they give us a glimpse of the ogre that is the ruling present ANC government. Bandile Mdlalose wrote the following piece:

Seven Days of Thoughts in Westville Prison

On June 3, 2010 when I became the General Secretary of Abahlali baseMjondolo Movement S.A. I vowed to die where Abahlali members die. I vowed to protect my country. I vowed to be loyal to the poorest of the poor. I vowed to uplift the Constitution of South Africa in respect for all those who fought for this country. I vowed to take forward the struggle for land and housing in the cities, to make sure that land, cities, wealth and power are shared.

As upon my vows I stand firm to implement them. No judgement, imprisonment or bullet will silence me while we, the poor, are being oppressed by those whose daily bread is the poverty and blood of the poor. I REFUSE to be silenced by any judgement of those who never gave themselves enough time to understand how it is to live in poverty. I REFUSE. I refuse to allow the silence to take control. The price of silence keeps me going because the price of silence is oppression, suffering, wasted lives and death. The price of rebellion is less than the price of silence.

When I was intimidated in Cato Crest on September 17, 2013 by S’bu Sithole who is the Community Liaison Office of Cato Crest no law, judge or police protected us. Instead of us being protected by the South African Police Services they chose to protect the municipality and support the African National Congress members in Cato Crest who are led by Mzimuni Ngiba who is the Ward councillor who is a leader during the day and a “hitman” at night.

When I was arrested on Monday 30, 2013 for being in solidarity with the family whose child was killed by the Station commander Mnganga in the Cato Manor Police Station, known as Kito, it was a way to silence me and others who were protesting against the murder of Nqobile Nzuza. No one has been arrested for the murder of Nqobile, or the murder of Nkululeko Gwala or Thembinkosi Qumbelo.

And yet people protesting against murder are beaten and I was arrested. I REFUSE to keep quiet and the sell the people who really fought hard for me to have a Constitutional Right of Freedom of Expression. I REFUSE to keep quiet and sell the people who are being evicted, beaten, shot and murdered in Cato Crest.

When I was in Cato Manor police station I was isolated from other women prisoners because it was said I will corrupt their minds. Basically they feared that I would open their minds into reality. I was kept in a cell with no water. It was smelling and had dirty blankets. They kept bringing in food which I did not eat because I suspected it might be poisoned to finish me off.

When they opposed bail on Tuesday I was not worried about myself who was going to be in prison for the first time. But I was worried about the reasons behind it. I was worried that the Municipality will continue demolishing houses in Cato Crest without respecting the constitution, the law and the orders of the court. I was worried that the police will continue to violate people’s rights of having a peaceful protect and will attack them so it will be called a violent protest in the media.

My seven days in prison gave me time to think as I did not have enough time to think in the outside world as I was too busy. I had to think back and ask myself why did I join this movement. I had a chance to back off but once something is inside you, once you live it, once it is injected inside you no one else can stop it. Ubuhlali runs in my veins. I am unable to distance myself from it anymore. I don’t need 'ubuhlali'(domicile) but my life needs it. It is what I live and breathe and what I am proud off. I had some time to think of how can I strengthen this struggle and this activism and realised that I need to do what I was doing before I was arrested ten times more. There is no turning back now. I have to fight much harder with the truth and for the truth than before.

When I came into the dock I was not alone. None is alone in this movement. Evictions, beatings, arrests and murder are not suffered alone if you are in this movement. This makes us strong. And as repression gets worse it drives more people into the movement. It makes us stronger and stronger. When I was locked inside there were road blockades around the city every day. So many poor people have decided that enough is enough. The politicians won’t stop us now.

I wish to thank all Abahlali members for their solidarity as well as everyone else who has been in solidarity with our struggle as we face repression including War on Want, the Dear Mandela crew, Amnesty International and the solidarity that we have received from New York, Rio, London and Harare. I wish to thank all the famous intellectuals who have signed statements in solidarity with us. I also which to thank the Socio Economics Rights Institute, the Church Land Program, the Diakonia Council of Churches, the KwaZulu-Natal Christian Council, my family Amanyanda Amahle, friends from Facebook, Twitterand all those who believed in me, supported me and stood by me through thisexperiential time. It is true that it a LIFELONG LEARNING.

No judgment will keep me quite. I will speak outside Westville Prison and inside Westville Prison. I will continue to mobilise in or outside Westville Prison. The choice for them is only where they prefer me to organise.

A luta Continua – Amandla Awethu Ngenkani!!!!

Bandile Mdlalose

Whenever we writers write about South Africa, we are prone to inject our opinions and observations of the vents we are discussing without really letting the people speak for themselves. At time, we too, are not listening to what they are saying or tell us what is happening. The story above and all those I have posted so far in the videos above, backed by photos and the words of those struggling for housing and basic human rights, allow us to listen to the critique and gripes of the poor in their own words because it is in their interest we should do so.

The ANC has managed to obfuscate the truth about what they are doing against and about those who oppose their tainted rule over the poor. As Mdlalose has shown, there's a lot of activities that the government in present-day South Africa that are not reported nor talked about. She, Bandile, offers us an ugly glimpse as concerning the reality of those who are' oppose the the ANC and its dysfunctional policies and acton against the homeless, poor and distraught voting polity and collective of the poor.

That is why this Hub is being written, not completely from my point of view, but from what the oppressed are saying and doing about their decrepit and sordid living conditions and lives. It is important that the ANC listen to these critiques and put the interest of the suffering and complaints of the poor and huddled masses

Police in Action

Police in Action

Here are some additional stories of the intimidation, assassination and beating up of the Abahlali's members and sympathizers that it prompted the Abahlali to write this piece:


James Nxumalo, Mayor, eThekwini Municipality, Durban, South Africa

Senzo Mchunu, Premier, KwaZulu-Natal

Jacob Zuma, President, Republic of South Africa

Since 2005, the ABAHLALI BASEMJONDOLO (Shack Dwellers) movement has mobilized to fulfill the needs of a large number of inhabitants in the city of Durban who live without access to land, housing, food, education and basic services such as clean water, sanitation, electricity and health care.

In response to this mobilization, the South African Police Service, the Ethekwini Municipality and the ruling political party (ANC) have attempted to criminalize the actions of this movement.

In particular, we have observed:

The continued intimidation, beatings and unlawful detention of activists.

The torture of individuals held in detention.

The demolition and bulldozing of thousands of homes.

The use of the press to slander the movement and its various leaders.

All these forms of attacks have reached a climax from June 2013 until the present at Cato Crest, one of Durban’s most active settlements:

With the assassination of Nkululeko Gwala, the leader of the Cato Crest settlement on the night of June 26, 2013.

With the attempted assassination on September 21st, of Mngomezulu, one of the ABAHLALI movement’s leaders and two of his comrades.

With the demolitions of 100 homes despite five Durban High Court injunctions against them.

With the assassination of Nqobile Nzuza a 17 year old girl, a grade 9 learner at Bonella High School and an Abahlali baseMjondolo supporter on the morning of September 30, 2013.

To this day we have received no word or results about any investigation or attempt to find the assassins of our gifted comrade and community leader Nkululeko Gwala. Nor has any explanation been given as to why the court injunctions have not been respected.

This brutal behavior is a denial of all the ideals of the struggles against Apartheid – a struggle that inspired so many of us everywhere. We, brothers and sisters all over the world, who identify with the legacy of this great struggle, want to express our protest against these injustices and solidarity with the ABAHLALI movement, which is a continuation of the struggle for liberation, for land, for equality and justice.

We remember the priorities of the ANC before the liberation. Land redistribution was a central issue, given that 87% of land was in the hands of the white minority. After 20 years, less than 7% of that land has been returned to the African communities, mostly given to a Black elite, which serves the interests of neoliberal policies and organizations.

We are stating here that we hold all political parties in the South African government accountable for these abominable actions. To those in government, and most importantly to those who fought against apartheid, we ask that you act today to put an immediate end to these abuses. And we demand that the rightful aspirations of the ABAHLALI movement and all South Africans to a home, a life with dignity, and an end to the concentrated land ownership of the pre-apartheid era be fulfilled.

Signed (institutions mentioned for identification purposes only):

Ousseina Alidou (Rutgers University)

Massimo De Angelis University of East London)

Iain Boal (Mayday Rooms)

Michaela Brennan (Ann Arbor)

George Caffentzis (University of Southern Maine)

Wendy Chapkis (University of Southern Maine)

Harry M. Cleaver (University of Texas at Austin)

Chris Carlsson (San Francisco)

Silvia Federici (Hofstra University)

Jim Fleming (Autonomedia Press)

Andrej Grubacic ((California Institute of Integral Studies)

John Holloway (Benemérita Universidad Autonoma de Puebla, Mexico)

Peter Linebaugh (University of Toledo)

William Martin (Binghamton University)

Alamin Mazrui (Rutgers University)

Donald Monty Neill (Boston)

Eloina Peláez (Jardin Ethnobotonico, San Andrés Cholula, Mexico)

Meredeth Turshen (Rutgers University)

Claudia Von Werlhof (University of Innsbruck)

7th October 2013 -Some of the many fire Roadblocks around Durban

Ablalali baseMjondolo creating fire roadblocks

Ablalali baseMjondolo creating fire roadblocks

Fire in one of the eight roadblocks created by the Abahlali

Fire in one of the eight roadblocks created by the Abahlali

The Unsung Struggles

This morning eight branches organised road blockades. Areas affected included Clare Estate, Mayville (Cato Crest), uMlazi, iSipingo, Siyanda & Shallcross. So far there have been four arrests (Clare Estate, Shallcross, Siyanda & uMlazi).

The demands made by these road blockades are the same as the road blockades last week: 1) The City must respond to the memoranda delivered to them at the huge march on the City Hall on 16 September 2) Bandile Mdlalose must be released from Westville Prison. We are now also demanding the release of the four uMlazi comrades (Themba Msomi, Thembeka Sondaba & Fikiswa Mgoduka) arrested on Friday and detained in the holding cells over the weekend as well as the comrades arrested on Friday and detained in the holding cells over the weekend as well as the comrades arrested this morning.

The road blockades were started the week before last, continued through last week and they will continue until the City starts to negotiate with us instead of trying to repress us with violence and all political prisoners are released.

Bandile Mdlalose will appear in the Durban Magistrate's Court this morning. The three comrades arrested in uMlazi will also appear in court this morning.

The road blockades were started the week before last, continued through last week and they will continue until the City starts to negotiate with us instead of trying to repress us with violence and all political prisoners are released.

Bandile Mdlalose will appear in the Durban Magistrate's Court this morning. The three comrades arrested in uMlazi will also appear in court this morning.

South Africa: The new apartheid [part1]

South Africa: The new apartheid [part 20

The Videos above are mostly about 'illegal' Africans who, some of them, are working for lower wages than the locals; in another sense, they, these Africans from North of South Africa, really want to claim rights as if they are African South Africans, rather than refugees or foreigners. some of them even go to the extend of saying African South Africans are worse than the Whites in south Africa. They so disrespect the locals that the war between them and the indigenous takes on many forms and patterns.

Even if they do voice out their displeasure about their treatment in south Africa, they do not want to be regarded as refugees or foreigners in the land that is not theirs. It is important to point out that during the struggles of Africans in south Africa, those who escaped into Exile aware treated shabbily in this African countries, and the refugees from South Africa were expected to stay in their refugee camps and not loiter beyond its fences or gates. The treatment of South africans in many Africans countries was terrible, and this is one issue we need to get straight here.

This does not condone their shabby treatment inside South Africa by the police and thelocals. But we need here to say some things that need to be talked about frankly. The Africans from Africa who have come into South Africa since the late seventies and up to now, lived and married local women(which was rarely the case for the Africans from South Africa in exile). Also, they use the local health facilities, housing, education work and the whole bit, and still, they have a deep and lack of respect for the locals. The local African South Africans are accusing them of drug-trafficking, prostitution, trade in children and women and so on. These point have imbedded within them some kernel of truth, and can be borne out by many facts.

The ANC is not a really good government, but as those who have to hold and protect the interests of Africans before any, they have a right to arrest any illegal aliens in their land. There are Nigerians and other Africans foreign to South Africa defending the 'injustice' perpetrated against them, and still want to see proof of the crimes they are accused of and claim that there is no proof. One can read an article written by Bayo Olupohunda titled "Why Do South Africans Hate Nigerians".

Well, in a related article written Martin Strohm subtitled "The Nigerian Connection he thusly informs us:

"The investigation took Insp. Steinhöbel into Hillbrow, an area of Johannesburg that once was cosmopolitan in a good sense but has since deteriorated into a cesspool, and into its belly of drugs and prostitution. It led to at least one arrest. Onyebachi Mbanefo, a 33-year-old Nigerian and known drug lord, was taken into custody on October 9, 2003, in Hillbrow. Although he was arrested on drug charges, the Flowerdays were notified of his arrest and a source revealed that he was being investigated in relation to Tanya's murder. The police refrained from any meaningful comment, but the suspect's computer hard drive and several video cassettes were confiscated and sealed in evidence containers.

The criminal element of Nigeria seems to have found fertile soil in the post-1994 free and open society of Africa's southernmost country. Drugs and — oftentimes forced — prostitution are the preferred methods of making money on the streets of South Africa's cities.

During October of 2004, police received information from a girl that her sister was being kept as a child prostitute in Durban in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. Following her rescue, police learned that it was part of an organised Nigerian syndicate dealing in drugs and child prostitution. A special task force was formed, including members from the Durban and Johannesburg Child Protection Units. They investigated the syndicate for a month and then began a series of crackdowns.

During the second half of November, 28 child prostitutes were rescued and 67 Nigerians arrested in Durban and Johannesburg. Most of the Nigerians were illegal immigrants. Almost all of the girls were between 10 and 15 years old. Some were lured with money or drugs, some were runaways, some had been sold by their parents, and others were kidnapped.

The syndicate targets the poorer communities. Once they have a girl, she is immediately moved to another city, and the girls are also ferried between the cities of Johannesburg, Durban, Bloemfontein and Cape Town, depending on the demand for sex. Detectives were concerned that girls may even have been taken to Nigeria.

A 14-year-old girl freed in Durban related how she was systematically lured deeper and deeper into debt by a Nigerian drug dealer in Gauteng. When she owed him thousands of rands, he demanded payment. Since she couldn't repay him, she had to work for him. At some point he gave her to other Nigerians until, finally, she ended up in Durban. Hear her life consisted of sex and drugs, as she told the Rapport of November 27, 2004: "Our wakeup call is three rocks [cocaine crystals], which we get each morning for free. Then we have to earn money to buy more rocks. You just want more and more and all the money you get is given for rocks."

Many of the girls are imprisoned in flats where they are controlled through drugs, usually heroin or cocaine. The Nigerians lock them inside a room and always keep the key in their pockets. Here they pimp the girls, easily making R2,000 ($328) a day with one girl, of which she only gets enough to buy the drugs she needs.

Following the revelation that a snuff movie might have been made of Tanya Flowerday, the 3rd Degree team conducted their own investigation into the Nigerian sex trade. They also spoke with a former drug addict who used to be involved in the Nigerian drug scene. He gave the following account:

"The Nigerian dealer will offer you money for the lady friend. They'll normally say, 'At some stage you came in with ... with a friend or a girlfriend'. They'll say, 'That girl you had here last week, I'll offer you a thousand rand cash and cocaine and heroin worth two-thousand rand if you just bring her around.' When you ask what they're gonna do with the lady, they'll say, 'No, we're just gonna chat to her and smoke with her upstairs. We're gonna give her free drugs.' On the one occasion I arrived in time and the lady was crying hysterically. I asked her what happened. She said to me she's just been raped by five guys. I said, 'How'd this happen?' She said, no, she went upstairs and ... they gave her some heroin, some cocaine, the next thing five guys came in, they kept her mouth closed and then raped her."

He also stated that such acts are recorded, using a laptop computer and a camera, often in hotel rooms. "So, yes, they film it." He also claimed to have taken such CDs to the airport or to other Nigerians.

In a world of forced child prostitution and filmed gang rape, is producing a snuff film really such a stretch? In the final analysis, there is only one way to know for certain, and that is to find the tape."It is true that the South Africa police is incorrigibly corrupt, but Justin Peters observes:

"... So, yeah, South Africa’s police force is pretty bad, though not necessarily more corrupt than the police in other African nations. In 2010, Human Rights Watch declared that “widespread corruption in the Nigeria Police Force is fueling abuses against ordinary citizens and severely undermining the rule of law in Nigeria.” Last November, the New York Times’s Jeffrey Gettleman wrote about Kenya’s “spectacularly dysfunctional national police force;” the article began with an anecdote about two officers walking into a pool hall and shooting a teenager in the head. Zimbabwe’s traffic cops, who are apparently quite brazen about demanding bribes from motorists, have been called “the most corrupt department in southern Africa.” The Lesotho Times—a news source for Lesotho, the tiny, land-locked country located entirely within South Africa— recently published an editorial asking whether “our police are the most corrupt in southern Africa.”

Police corruption isn’t just endemic to South Africa; it’s endemic to all poor, undereducated countries with histories of political instability. South Africa ranks 107th in the world in GDP per capita; it’s not surprising that people in power might choose to exploit that power in order to supplement their incomes. Soliciting bribes is certainly easier than, say, getting a second job; according to the CIA World Factbook, South Africa has the world’s third-highest rate of unemployment among youth in the 15-24 age group."

If one were to listen to the Nigerians and other nationalities who are non-South Africa, one would think that their countries are better than South Africa incorruption and other forms of malfesceance. The piece above just put some of this claims into their proper perspective. If one does some serious research into this point of the things that have been does to children and women in South Africa, One might as well as write another Hub.

Picking Up the Cudgel, And Struggling for Residence and the Whole Country

Sometime, as writers, we have our share of biases and distortion that we bring into an article. some articles are best told by the principal actors, and they have a way in giving us a hard core real-reality that makes a lot of us pause and reconsider what we are learning from the words and experiences. bBelow I will post a press Statement by the Abahlali base Mjondolo:

Friday, 11 October 2013
Abahlali baseMjoindolo Press Statement

uMlazi Update

Our movement is growing in uMlazi. We are very strong in the eMhlabeni land occupation and the Silva City transit camp. On Friday last week three comrades were arrested on an uMlazi road blockade organised to demand (1) the release of Bandile Mdlalose and (2) that the City stops its repression and start negotiations with us on our demands given to them at the march on 16 September 2013. We are demanding democracy, not just voting but real democracy, everyday democracy, and an end to repression.

These three comrades were kept in the holding cells till Monday. On Monday morning some comrades went to the Durban Magistrates’ Court and others went to the court in uMlazi to support comrades in detention. Before the court was in session our members were singing outside as is their right. The police came, threatened them, and said that if they were not be quiet they would know who to start with when the shooting started. They said that they would shoot two people. After this the people stopped singing. We have signed statements on the threat from the police to shoot two people.

When the case was called people began to enter the court building. They had to go through security which means that it is certain that no-one was armed. At the door of the court two security guards (Fidentia) started pushing people out and refusing to let them in. They were then attacked from behind by a group of police officers (between 7 and 10) who peppered sprayed them and shocked them. Amanda Nokobeni and Nyati Gcinithemba were pushed into a room. Amanda has made a signed statement to the police about what she saw. A security guard took out a small black gun. He fired two shots. The first shot hit his own hand. The second shot hit Nyathi in the chest, on the left side near his heart. The police officers then pushed him to the floor, beat him, tied his hands and continued to beat him. This was also witnessed by one of our members, Emmanuel Mangcoba. He has made a signed statement to the police that he looked through a window and saw Nyathi being beaten while his hands were tied. We also have a short video and some photgraphs that show some of what happened.

Nyathi said he needed to go to hospital. This was refused. An off-duty paramedic wanted to help but was not allowed too. At first Nyathi was trying to sing while the beating continued. But he lost a lot of blood and stopped talking and his eyes closed. We then rushed to report this attempted murder to our lawyer, Shabna Palesa Mohamed and to Pastor Ngubane. The police forced everyone to leave the court and wouldn’t allow anyone to see Nyathi. More police came with helmets, tear gas, rubber bullets etc and forced the comrades to leave the area outside of the court.

Naythi was taken to hospital where he was kept under police guards as if was a dangerous criminal. He was charged with assault. As far as we know none of the police officers who assaulted Nyathi have been arrested and the security guard who shot him has not been arrested either.

As usual the media reported the very violent and near fatal police attack on us as ‘a violent protest’. It is becoming clear that some of the media will always consider any protest during which poor people are violently attacked by the police (or the Land Invasions Unit or private security guards) to be ‘a violent protest’ even when the only violence comes from the police. They take our suffering as normal and they take state violence as normal. At the same time they take our demand that our dignity must be recognised as violent and criminal. We are supposed to remain in silence in our dark corners. It is unacceptable that peaceful protests in which no person is harmed are continually described as ‘violent’ protests in the media when they include road blockades or when they are attacked by the police. It is unacceptable that violence by the police, private security and the Land Invasions Unit is often not described as violent but presented as normal and necessary.

The prosecution failed to be bring a docket to the court for the case against Themba Msomi, Thembeka Sondaba & Fikiswa Mgoduka and so they were sent back to the holding cells without the bail application being heard.

Nyathi was released on Tuesday. He still has the bullet in his chest.

Themba, Thembeka and Fikiswa were only released on Wednesday. They were released on free bail. They have sign in to the police station each week.

As repression gets worse and we are treated like animals in a slaughterhouse more and more people who are supposed to be part of the system of repression are breaking ranks. Some ANC members are supporting our protests. Anyone with eyes to see can see that the politicians have lied to the people and will continue to lie to the people and that our cause is just.

We note that some middle class resident’s associations are calling for the Tactical Response Team of the SAPS and the army to replace the Public Order Policing Unit. Their local newspapers are saying that ‘the city is under siege’. We are asking the middle classes to please note that three housing activists have been killed this year and that three others have been shot. We are asking the middle classes to note that no one has been arrested for these murders and shootings even when witnesses have publicly stated the names of the murders and shooters. We have killed no-one and we have shot no-one. We are asking the middle classes to please note that large numbers of people have been illegally evicted from their homes and arrested on trumped up charges. Many of those who have been arrested have been assaulted in custody. We have driven no-one from their home and we have detained no-one against their will. We are not the threat to this society. The threat is coming from a corrupt and violent political class that is using public housing for its own enrichment rather than for the public good.

Everyone knows how corrupt the City is. This affects the middle classes too. The time to stop corruption is now. The time is coming when the violence against the poor will start to affect the middle classes too. On Wednesday a middle class man was shot at while driving by a blue light cavalcade. The politicians are becoming a threat to everyone. The time to stop state violence is now.

Poor people across this city have given notice that we will no longer accept to live in shacks with no refuse removal, no toilets, no paths, no drains and regular fires. We have given notice that we will not accept transit camps. We have given notice that we will not accept reruralisation via forced removals to human dumping grounds. We have given notice that we will no longer accept corruption, lies and repression.

We stand for an inclusive city, a democratic city, a city for all. The Municipality stands for corruption and violence. They want to intimidate us into accepting oppression instead of negotiating a better way forward. If the middle classes join the Municipality in supporting the campaign of violent intimidation, and even murder, against us the democracy that is left will be destroyed for everyone. If they join with us and stand for an end to corruption, for an end to lies and for a city that respects the dignity of all who live in it, a shared city, a just city, then democracy can be deepened. That is the choice that the middle classes must make.

We have made our choice. Across the city the message from our branches is the same. There is no turning back.

For comment and updates please contact:

Mnikelo Ndabankulu (Abahlali baseMjondolo)

Room 6A at the Booysens Police - South Africa

Corrupt Police Cadre

The Police in south A=South sen as corrupt by the general public

The Police in south A=South sen as corrupt by the general public

Corrupt Policing in South Africa

When it come to corruption, South Africa is included in one of the most corrupt-ridden countries in the world. It he following article by SAPA, they enlighten us thusly:

South Africans view the police service as a corrupt institution in the public sector, a report by Transparency International revealed.

"In the Global Corruption Barometer 2013, released this week, South Africa was among 36 countries in which the police was seen as the most corrupt institution.

About 83 percent of South Africans believed that police were corrupt. Thirty-six percent admitted to having paid bribes to police.

An average of 53 percent of people sampled during the surveyed globally said they had paid a bribe to police.

The survey was conducted among 114,000 people in 107 countries. It showed corruption was widespread.

In South Africa, 1000 people from urban areas were interviewed.

Corruption Watch executive director David Lewis said the findings confirmed that the increase in corruption was "not a mere perception".

"We solicit public experiences of corruption and we are getting a significant number of reports of bribery and other acts of corruption, especially from poor communities," Lewis said.

He said Corruption Watch had received over 4200 complaints on corruption and related matters since its launch in January 2012. He said half of these focused on the abuse of public power and resources, by both the private and public sectors.

Around the world, the survey showed that 27 percent of the respondents had paid a bribe when accessing public services in the last 12 months, revealing no improvement from previous surveys.

Nearly nine out of 10 people surveyed said they would act against corruption, and two-thirds of those who were asked to pay a bribe had refused.

Of the 107 countries, 20 countries viewed the judiciary as the most corrupt. In these countries an average of 30 percent of the people who had come in contact with the judicial system had been asked to pay a bribe.

About 54 percent of the people surveyed globally considered their government to be ineffective in fighting corruption. This lack of confidence in government efforts had grown compared to people's views in the 2010/2011 survey, where 47 percent of people felt their government was ineffective in fighting corruption.

However, two in three people (67 percent) around the globe believed ordinary people could make a difference in the fight against corruption.

Almost two-thirds (64 percent) of the people around the world thought that personal contacts were important to get things done in the public sector.

This went up to 80 percent in Israel, Italy, Lebanon, Malawi, Morocco, and Russia.

In their book Newham and Faull wrote:


Despite the positive changes that have occurred within the South African Police Service (SAPS) since the birth of democracy in 1994, police corruption remains a substantial challenge for the organisation. While the extent of police corruption cannot be easily or accurately measured, there is evidence that the problem is a widespread and systemic one. This is not to say that most or a majority of police officials engage in corruption. However, the prevalence of the problem is such that it substantially hinders the extent to which to the SAPS is able to achieve its constitutional objectives and build public trust. This is not a unique challenge facing the SAPS. Corruption is a challenge throughout the country’s public and private sectors and is a specific occupational hazard of policing agencies world- wide. Given the nexus of power, discretion and inadequate accountability that often arises in policing, this profession is particularly prone to the problem of corruption.

Typically, police management will respond to incidents or allegations of cor- ruption as a problem of a few ‘bad apples’ who must be punished or removed from the organisation. Yet, international research and commissions of inquiry into police corruption consistently emphasise that corruption is more a mani- festation of organisational weaknesses than a challenge of bad employees. As such, punitive action against individuals who commit acts of corruption, while necessary, will on its own do little to change the factors that allow for police devi- ance and corruption to occur in the first place. To address corruption effectively a more holistic approach is required that focuses on strengthening the integrity of both the organisation and its employees.

While post-apartheid police and political leaders have not been blind to the challenge of corruption within the SAPS, the organisation has struggled to adequately address the problem. Police corruption was identified as a ‘national priority problem’ as early as 1996. Consequently, the SAPS established an internal

National Anti-Corruption Unit (ACU) with branches in all provinces. The unit was successful until 2002 when it was controversially closed down by the SAPS National Commissioner Jackie Selebi. Unfortunately, Selebi was himself later convicted on corruption charges, marking a particularly low point for the public image of the organisation.

In response to ongoing public and internal police concerns about persistent police corruption, the SAPS has over time developed a number of anti-corruption strategies, with the latest unveiled in 2010. However, there is little evidence that any of these strategies have been effectively implemented and the SAPS gener- ally continues to employ anti-corruption rhetoric that blames deviant individuals rather than reflect the recognition that fundamental organisational and manage- ment failures allow it to occur.

Almost two decades after the end of apartheid, the South African Police Service (SAPS) continues to struggle with one of the major occupational hazards of polic- ing, namely the abuse of power. While progress has been made since the outright brutalities of apartheid-era policing, corruption is one of the biggest challenges facing the SAPS. Perhaps the lowest point was the conviction of South Africa’s former National Commissioner of police, Jackie Selebi on corruption charges in 2010.

In 1996 the National Crime Prevention Strategy (NCPS) identified ‘corruption within the criminal justice system’ as one of the ‘crime categories of particular concern’. This remains the case. While it is generally accepted by international experts that some corruption occurs in most, if not all law enforcement agencies, the key issue is to manage and control the extent and nature of the abuse.

The closure of the Anti-Corruption Unit (ACU) in 2002 was a step backwards for the SAPS in terms of combating corruption and resulted in a reduction in the numbers of arrests and convictions of police officials involved in corruption. In 1999, before the closure of the ACU, the SAPS began developing a Service Integrity Framework (SIF) to help manage corruption in a more holistic manner. Yet the SIF remained in draft form for a number of years. In 2007/08 it was re-worked and

renamed the Corruption and Fraud Prevention Plan (CFPP) and in 2010 was again repackaged and renamed the Anti-Corruption Strategy (ACS). While a significant amount of work went into developing the ACS and its predecessors, there is little evidence to suggest that any of the measures provided for in the strategies were implemented effectively, if at all.

The current ACS does not include the establishment of a dedicated anti- corruption investigation capacity in the SAPS. There is in fact no independent unit serving this role and consolidated statistics for police corruption are no longer publicly available (although within the SAPS, the Crime Intelligence divi- sion should have this data). Although in late 2010 an anti-corruption unit was established within the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigations (DPCI), also known as ‘the Hawks’, the unit was understaffed, remained relatively unknown and was established without the knowledge of those who compiled the ACS. It therefore did not exist as part of, or act in accordance with, the SAPS anti- corruption strategy. In addition, the Hawks unit (including the Anti-Corruption Unit) suffered a blow in March 2011, when the Constitutional Court ruled that it was ‘insufficiently insulated from political influence in its structure and functioning’ to meet the constitutional requirements for a dedicated corruption investigation agency.2

In addition, the expertise for tackling corruption (both proactively and reac- tively) that the SAPS’s former Anti-Corruption Unit developed was lost. In the months of uncertainty that prevailed before the unit was finally closed, many ACU investigators left the SAPS altogether. Once the unit was closed, some of those investigators who had stayed in the SAPS were transferred to units or posts where they were no longer involved in investigating police corruption. Following its closure, both members of the public and the SAPS who were previously able to report corruption incidents to a specific unit could no longer do so.

At the time of writing the SAPS did not have a dedicated, centralised corrup- tion reporting system. Instead complainants and victims are expected to report police corruption at stations, to the 10111 emergency number or to the Public Service Commission’s national hotline. Therefore, the SAPS has no way of moni- toring all the corruption allegations and investigations taking place throughout the organisation. When contacted with corruption allegations, the hotlines typi- cally refer these to the relevant provincial, cluster or station commander to deal with. While it is the responsibility of these senior managers to combat corruption and ensure that thorough investigations are undertaken into any allegations they

receive, the extent to which they have the willpower, ability and capacity to do so differs significantly across the country.

In addition, the type of support from head office required for ensuring that corruption is adequately dealt with throughout the organisation has not been forthcoming for many years. It has generally been difficult for commanders willing to tackle corruption to do so. In addition to not having the necessary organisational support to ensure that allegations are thoroughly investigated, they could also find themselves being threatened by those against whom action was being taken. Proactive and confidential ‘sting’ operations are only used if ad- equate information is obtained about an impending corrupt act, but such opera- tions have not been common.

Even where investigations have resulted in disciplinary steps being taken against corrupt members, weaknesses within the SAPS disciplinary system have meant that many corrupt police members have remained in the SAPS. For example, between 2001 and 2008, the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) recommended disciplinary action in 928 cases where its investigations found police officials to have been involved in misconduct, however the SAPS only took action in 48 (5,1 per cent) of these cases.3

Although the strategic and policy responses of the SAPS to tackle corruption and promote integrity have been largely ad hoc, reactive and inadequate, there is a growing recognition both politically and within the SAPS that corruption remains a serious challenge facing the SAPS and that it needs to be addressed.

Breakdown of Corruption within the Police

Table 1 Types and dimensions of police corruption10


Corruption of authority

Internal payoffs


Opportunistic theft


Protection of illegal activities

‘The fix’

‘Flaking’ or ‘padding’

Direct criminal activities

Typical Situation

Receiving some form of material gain by virtue of an official’s position in the police but without violating the law per se (eg free drinks, meals, services)

Prerogatives available to police officials (holidays, shift allocations, promotions) are bought, bartered or sold

Receipt of goods, services or money for referring business to particular individuals or companies (eg police referrals of recently arrested suspects to defence lawyers in exchange for a portion of the fee paid by the suspect)

Stealing from arrested suspects, from crime victims (who may be disorientated, unconscious or dead) or from crime scenes (eg burgled homes or jewellery stores)

Acceptance of a bribe for not following through on a criminal violation, such as failing to make an arrest, failing to file a complaint, or failing to conduct a search or seize contraband

Police protection of those engaged in illegal activities (eg sex work, illegal selling of drugs, illegal selling of liquor, illegal gambling)

Undermining of criminal investigations or proceedings through losing or failing to collect evidence and/or selling of dockets

Planting of, or adding to, evidence to secure a conviction or increase a sentence

Committing any crime against a person or property by virtue of the official’s police knowledge or the opportunity presented by his or her job (eg murder, rape, armed robbery, theft)

Poor Service Delivey creates for violent spontaneous rebellion

 Street anger: corruption is seen as contributing to poor public services, a significant cause of protests in South Africa Nkululeko Gwala always said that he would rather take a bullet than run. On the day he died, the normally jovial anti-corrup

Street anger: corruption is seen as contributing to poor public services, a significant cause of protests in South Africa Nkululeko Gwala always said that he would rather take a bullet than run. On the day he died, the normally jovial anti-corrup

Poor Service Delivery In Poverty -Stricken Areas- The Case Of Alexander Twonship

Here's an article abstracted from "Report on the Interactive Planning Workshop for Johannesburg" Sept. 27-30,2000

Protesters Against Poor Service Delivery

Redefine’s decision to adopt a firm stance against questionable and poor management by local authorities could have far-reaching financial implications for such malfunctioning municipalities. Not only has Redefine Income Fund decided to stop investin

Redefine’s decision to adopt a firm stance against questionable and poor management by local authorities could have far-reaching financial implications for such malfunctioning municipalities. Not only has Redefine Income Fund decided to stop investin

Fed-up residents of Kapok, an informal settlement near Ennerdale, south of Johannesburg, vent their anger against against poor service delivery. The angry residents vowed not to vote in coming elections

Fed-up residents of Kapok, an informal settlement near Ennerdale, south of Johannesburg, vent their anger against against poor service delivery. The angry residents vowed not to vote in coming elections

The local state – its politicians, agenda and bureaucracy, is under popular attack

The local state – its politicians, agenda and bureaucracy, is under popular attack

Whistleblowers have to fear for their lives in a country where corruption runs deep

Although some issue may be repeated in this article about Abhalali baseMjondolo, some aspects and issues raised in this issue bear oto the lack of basic service amenities and progress that is the theme of this part of the Hub

South Africa: Killed For Crying Foul by Andrew England

kululeko Gwala always said that he would rather take a bullet than run. On the day he died, the normally jovial anti-corruption activist had appeared tense. With threats mounting against him, Gwala telephoned Abahlali baseMjondolo (people who live in shacks), the activist group that he worked with.

He sought an urgent meeting “to cough up everything he knew about corruption”, says S’bu Zikode, the group’s chairman. “He was very worried. I was about to leave [the office] and he was asking whether he could come now? I said, ‘Look, come on Nkululeko, it’s after hours’.”

They agreed to meet the next morning. Gwala, 34, never made it. He was shot 12 times as he walked the short distance from a tavern in the shanty town of Cato Crest to the house he shared with his girlfriend. Just two hours earlier, Gwala had told the Daily News that he had received death threats, the local newspaper reported.

Police in Durban, where Cato Crest is home to thousands of poor families in dilapidated shacks, say that the June 26 killing is still under investigation.

But Gwala’s colleagues have no doubt about what happened that night: the assassination of a conspicuous and vocal thorn in the side of local authorities and officials from the ruling African National Congress as he fought corruption in the allocation of social housing.

They say Gwala’s name was on a “hit list” and that his killer and the “pointer” – the person who led him to his death – are known to the community.

“Everybody knew why he was shot. The following day some colleagues had to flee the area,” says Bandile Mdlalose, Abahlali baseMjondolo’s secretary-general. “The week he was shot he was very strange, he was down. He felt the threat inside him.”

In the eyes of activists, he was not the first to suffer such a fate. In March, Thembinkosi Qumbelo, a residents’ leader from Cato Crest, died in similar circumstances, without the police making an arrest.

To the activists, the murders are part of an alarming nationwide phenomenon – the harassment and intimidation of whistleblowers and others seeking to expose corruption in Africa’s largest economy.

Crucially, widespread allegations of graft and patronage are often pitting members of the ANC against each other in a party plagued by factionalism. Many in South Africa say that the depth of corruption is corroding the core of the party that led the historic transition from apartheid to democracy in 1994 while the country struggles in its battle against poverty, inequality and unemployment.

In recent years, corruption allegations have tarnished the president, government ministers, police and municipalities. Indeed, malpractice and mismanagement have become so pervasive that the delivery of basic services, which the ANC government made a central electoral pledge, has been jeopardised.

This month Ben Turok, a veteran ANC lawmaker, revealed that, during a parliamentary committee investigation into corruption allegations against a recently dismissed minister, a “Mr X” said that he had been approached to arrange a “hit” on him and the committee registrar.

The concerns about graft, wastage and its consequences are closely bound to dissipating faith in politicians, while the police are earning a reputation for abuses that is at times compared to that of their apartheid-era predecessors. One year ago, they shot dead 34 striking miners.

Protests against poor services – such as sanitation in shanty towns – have also turned increasingly violent. Andries Tatane, an unarmed 33-year-old mathematics teacher, died after being shot with rubber bullets and beaten by policemen in Ficksburg in 2011. According to Transparency International, 83 per cent of people feel that the police are corrupt, while 77 per cent believe civil servants are.

Two police chiefs, Jackie Selebi and Bheki Cele, have been forced from office as a result of allegations of corruption and maladministration involving millions of rand.

Corruption often involves “dodgy tenders”, when public officials award contracts to connected individuals, relatives or friends, and use scams such as kickbacks, false billing and double invoicing. It is a trend that has thrust the noun “tenderpreneur” into the South African lexicon.

Thuli Madonsela, the public protector, says: “It eats at resources. If you speak to business people, young business people, their concern is also that it kills entrepreneurship because the lazy ones who are connected and the incompetent ones get the jobs.”

Ms Madonsela, a softly spoken lawyer, is on the front line of the battle against corruption as her office grapples with thousands of public sector-related investigations. Some relate to the highest offices of government.

Among recent cases to land on her desk is a report by the public works department into allegations that more than R200m ($19.5m) of public funds were used to upgrade the Nkandla private residence of President Jacob Zuma, who has previously faced corruption charges related to a multibillion-dollar arms deal dating back to the 1990s. He denies any wrongdoing.

The fact that a probe was launched has been welcomed, but a government decision to “classify” the report raised fresh questions about Mr Zuma’s commitment to tackle corruption.

Speaking to the Financial Times before the Nkandla report was handed to her office, Ms Madonsela acknowledged that she sometimes faces resistance to her investigations. Previous probes by her office have been against Mr Cele and cabinet members.

“It’s more hints than threats, like when somebody says you’ll suffer the same fate or something ... I think it’s been innuendo,” she says. “Their approach has been to try and attack my credibility or almost try to get me to back off.”

In 2009, the ANC shut down the Scorpions, an agency that investigated and prosecuted organised crime and corruption. The staff, who had investigated Selebi and the arms deal involving Mr Zuma, were prosecutors, police investigators and financial, forensic and intelligence experts.

The Scorpions’ demise means Ms Madonsela’s office is one of the few bodies trusted with rooting out corruption. She deals first hand with the courage and fears of whistleblowers.

“There is a fair number of people that are prepared to whistleblow but usually all of them are really afraid,” she says. “Sometimes they fear for their lives. It’s rare though. Mostly they’re afraid they may be fired or they may be shunned or they become persona non grata in the entire province.”

As an example, she tells of a whistleblower who had to move province because of “so many” threats.

She avoids making a judgment on whether corruption is getting worse, saying that while more cases are being uncovered, there are heightened levels of awareness of graft and a “rejection of the practice”.

The problem of state-related corruption is felt most acutely at local levels, where public office is often a route to wealth and patronage

At times it pits ANC loyalist against ANC loyalist. Last year Matthew Wolmarans, a former mayor, was convicted of murdering Moss Phakoe, an ANC councillor who had prepared a dossier on corruption in the local authority. At the time of the killing, Mr Wolmarans was a senior ANC and local government official in Rustenburg, the town at the heart of the platinum belt, described as the country’s fastest growing urban centre.

In the eastern Mpumalanga province, accusations are widespread that a number of people were killed in relation to suspect tenders tied to the construction of a multimillion-dollar stadium for the 2010 football World Cup. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), which is a member of the tripartite governing alliance, last year published a list of five officials it says were among those assassinated in Mpumalanga between 2007 and 2010.

“The squalid morality of the capitalists, based on ‘me first’ and ‘survival of the fittest’ is seeping even into our own revolutionary movement, dragging in its wake huge problems of factionalism and even assassination of opponents and whistleblowers,” Zwelinzima Vavi, Cosatu’s general secretary, said last year. He was recently suspended in connection with a sex scandal but, while admitting an extramarital affair with a junior employee, he claims to be the victim of a political conspiracy.

Still, corruption in South Africa is not seen as being as endemic as elsewhere in Africa and the country does have institutions and a vocal civil society that act as bulwarks against the ailment.

In June Jeff Radebe, the justice minister, released 42 names of people convicted of fraud and corruption, saying that in the 2012-13 financial year criminal investigations were mounted against 242 suspects in 89 “priority cases” of serious corruption involving R5m or more. He said it was evidence that the government had adopted a “zero-tolerance” approach to corruption.

“We are worried about corruption, we are worried about inflation of prices to benefit individuals,” says Gwede Mantashe, the ANC’s secretary-general.

. . .

But the perception is that the problem is escalating. In October 2011, Willie Hofmeyr, head of the Special Investigating Unit, told parliament that he believed that up to 20 per cent – equivalent to about R30bn at that time – of the government’s procurement budget was being lost to corruption, mismanagement and incompetence.

A month later, Mr Zuma replaced him as head of the SIU after 10 years in the post to “ease the pressure” on Mr Hofmeyr.

Alfred Motsi, a long-time ANC member, is in no doubt that the fight against corruption is a losing battle. He was a friend of Moss Phakoe, the murdered councillor. The corruption the pair sought to expose included suspect sales of state land and the disappearance of municipal vehicles.

He describes a litany of threats, his house being broken into with laptops and documents stolen and even the death of his dogs, which he says were poisoned.

He says that he and Phakoe presented the dossier to ANC leaders – even meeting Mr Zuma about the allegations and presenting the dossier to Mr Mantashe. But their concerns elicited no response, he says. Mr Mantashe says he never received or saw the dossier.

After Phakoe was shot outside his home – as he returned from campaigning for the ANC before the 2009 election that brought Mr Zuma to power – Mr Motsi spent months in hiding.

The experience has left Mr Motsi angry and bitter towards the ANC, a movement he says he joined at 14. He recently aligned himself to the Economic Freedom Fighters, a new movement led by Julius Malema, the radical former youth leader who was expelled from the ANC last year. Mr Malema has been charged with fraud and corruption involving millions of rand. He denies the charges.

“Most of us suffered a lot for the people of South Africa and the ANC and we never demanded to be paid or to be rewarded. But what is currently happening is very bad,” Mr Motsi says. “That’s why I wouldn’t commend to any person to expose corruption. You will end up being on your own.”

Describing a meeting of senior ANC officials shortly before Phakoe’s death, he recalls Phakoe saying: “All of you have been harassing me and my colleagues for exposing corruption, I forgive you.”

Phakoe then looked at Wolmarans and said: “Hate me, but don’t hurt me.”

Two days later he was dead.

A president used to fending off corruption allegations

Shortly after his re-election for a second term as head of the African National Congress, Jacob Zuma, South Africa’s president, was in combative mood as he swatted away criticism, including the perception that corruption is on the rise under his watch.

“Many countries have got corruption they are not tackling, there is no programme to fight it, at least South Africa fights it,” he said this year. “It’s getting better in fact – we have arrested more people.”

Yet Mr Zuma has been dogged for years by his own scandals. Before he took office after the 2009 elections, he faced corruption charges related to a 1990s multibillion-dollar arms deal. The charges were dropped after prosecutors decided there was political interference in the case but the claims have continued to cast a shadow. In 2011, Mr Zuma agreed to set up an inquiry into the deal. The arms inquiry began this month but its credibility has been damaged by resignations and delays.

More recently, he has had to fight allegations that more than R200m ($19.5m) of public funds were used to upgrade his sprawling private residence in Nkandla. Mr Zuma says his family built the property and that government money only went on security features, including fencing, bulletproof windows and a bunker. An inquiry by the public works department said no state funds were spent on the house, but opposition leaders described the report as a whitewash and claimed the upgrades included air-conditioning, a gym and a visitors’ centre.

The president was also dragged into another controversy this year when it emerged that an aircraft ferrying guests attending the wedding of a politically connected Indian family, the Guptas, landed at a military airport without authorization. The Guptas, who are close to Mr Zuma, own The New Age, a pro-government newspaper, and are reportedly significant financial backers of the ANC. The scandal sparked angry reactions from all corners, including the ANC, unions and the opposition.

Mr Zuma defended his relationship with the Guptas in parliament in June, and was quoted as saying “we are not in a state that bans people because they’ve got friends with others.”

The picture and headlines say it all

The picture and headlines say it all

Looking Into Poor Service Delivery and Violence

Nic Borain wrote:

"It is starting to be whispered that there is a “hidden hand” in the service delivery protests*.

The problem (of the protests) is serious and threatening and government is starting to worry about high-profile violence during the World Cup.

These protest share a strong crossover constituency and architecture with the xenophobic violence that occurred May 2008. At that time, Thabo Mbeki’s spooks argued that a hidden hand was at work – in one bizarre version Zimbabwe’s Central Intelligence Organisation was fingered as triggering the violence to punish the Mbeki government for some impenetrably Byzantine set of motivations.

This time around the speculation is that the spreading protests have something to do with Alliance tensions i.e. the conflict (endlessly discussed in these columns) is fueling service delivery protests – I suppose that would mean either the ANCYL or Cosatu/SACP using popular discontent against the sitting council dominated by either the leftists of the nationalists respectively.

To argue that Alliance tensions is the (or even a) main driver is a bit of a stretch. The protesters themselves foreground slow delivery of housing and the whole gamut of services (toilets, sewerage, water, refuse , telecommunications, roads) but also have a sharp focus on corruption, maladministration, nepotism – and therefore, indirectly, on cadre deployment.

The protests appear to be coordinated. They have similar beginnings: “elders” – or the moral equivalent - meet in a town hall to discuss grievances; they decide to march to the municipal offices in the town centre; they carry placards about Eskom, housing, corrupt council officials; on the way they are joined by youth and the unemployed, and the march swells; somewhere near the edge of the town centre police stop the now more threatening and chaotic march; stones are thrown and rubber bullets fired; the protest breaks into smaller groups and spreads; councilors and council property are targeted and running skirmishes with the police occur over a few days; the ANC sends a SWAT team to the area and this team either moves against the council or stands firm against “anarchic” and “violent” protesters. At any point during this process the attention of the mob can turn to the foreigners – Zimbabweans, Malawians, Somalians , Mozambicans, Angolans, Nigerians and those from the DRC.

It has become something of a legend and commonly accepted “fact” by foreigners living in South African townships that post the World Cup and in the lead-up to the local government elections in 2011 the xenophobic violence will erupt on a scale beyond anything that has happened in the past.

The Davies-J Curve - The Real Hidden Hand Behind The Violence

One of the reasons the government and the intelligence agencies are suspicious about the violence is that it occurs always in municipalities where there has been a degree of successful service delivery. The violence does not seem to happen in areas that are absolutely poor and unserved and have remained so for some time.

Interestingly this is precisely the situation predicted by US sociologist working in the late 1950′s, James C Davies. His theory is that rising expectations is related to the possibility of armed conflict but only when rising expectations – brought about by, for example, some degree of service delivery – meets a downturn. His theory became known as the Davies J-curve."

Measuring Unmet Expectations

What happens is that when material and other conditions are improving, expectations rise faster than the individuals own situation. The system seems to be able to cope with this, except when there is a downturn of some kind – this is the sharply curv

What happens is that when material and other conditions are improving, expectations rise faster than the individuals own situation. The system seems to be able to cope with this, except when there is a downturn of some kind – this is the sharply curv

Sercice Delivery Bungled

Borain further adds:

This predictive framework (usefully discussed by the Centre for Security Studies here) almost perfectly mirrors what has happened in townships and poor municipalities since 1994. The violence seems to spike in early winter and it seems to be concentrated in areas that have had by-elections. In general it seems to be at its worst after national local government elections.

We must assume that in the lead up to such elections the ruling party and its councils push service delivery and the promise of service delivery. After the elections delivery collapses.

Thus the expectations are on an ascending path as the reality of delivery veers sharply downwards.

Violence results and often the weakest and poorest are both the victims and perpetrators of that violence.

* Orange Farm, Sedibeng, Siyathemba township in Balfour, Leandra, Lesilie, Oogies, Accornhoek near Bushbuckridge, Chochocho near White River in Mpumalanga, Protea-Glen, Dobsonville-Gardens in Soweto, Ennerdale in Fine Town, Reiger Park in the East Rand, Parys, Diepsloot, Attridgeville and Mamelodi – all names of service delivery protest hotspots culled from recent press reports. While I cannot place all these towns on a map (and am not even sure that some are not colloquial names for the same place) it seems clear that there is an unfolding crisis of governance in many of South Africa’s 283 municipalities , especially in the poorest, semi-rural communities.

The poor service delivery in south Africa is systemic and endemic.mIt affects all facets and aspect of life. What people see is poverty, diseases, crime and the have mores having more than more, and the have less becoming more poorer and have even less than during Apartheid time. People had to pay for services during Apartheid, and most had jobs. Now, people cannot afford their basic necessities. "That guy" wrote an an article wherein he states:

"It would seem as though South Africa has reached endless milestones where service delivery is concerned according to President Zuma. He was speaking at the South African Local Government Association on 10 September. He went on to say that no other country would have been able to deliver the services that South Africa has in the past 18 years.

According to Zuma, the success achieved by the ANC in this regard has been lost in the ‘hurly burly’ of opposition politics. He also went on to say that the lack of service delivery frequently is linked with problems inherited from Apartheid. He said that the ANC is often weary of boasting with its successes since it will give critics a platform to criticise the government.

Why would critics criticise the South African government? Perhaps because of the violent service delivery protests that have become synonymous with South African cities. Xenophobic attacks that saw 60 foreigners killed in 2008 and the apparent inability of the government to run their governmental departments, education ministries and municipal should probably not be seen as failures on the ANC’s part and critics should rather not voice their criticism.

The sad thing is that Zuma actually believes the speech his speechwriter wrote that South Africa is delivering services to its citizens. In fact many would argue that the ANC is delivering a disservice to its citizens. How can a government that can’t even manage its own municipalities, ministries and departments, with destructive and violent infighting in the ANC (where three people were hacked and injured during recent infighting in Port Elizabeth) continue to stay in power? Perhaps the same way Mugabe does…

ANC Facing Reduced Voting Polity

Present President of South Africa

Present President of South Africa

The ANC is losing support Amongst its Membership

We are informed by Richard Davies that"

"A poor showing by the ruling party at next year's general election will likely cost President Jacob Zuma his job, political analyst Nic Borain said on Thursday.

Speaking at a Cape Town Press Club lunch, he said the signs were that “the ANC's glue is coming unstuck” after the Marikana shootings last year.

“They (the African National Congress) are taking this 2014 election extremely seriously. They're going to fight tooth and nail to (win it).

“They know that if they drop below 60 percent, they're in trouble. Jacob Zuma will be in trouble... .”

Responding to questions, Borain - a local independent analyst, who spoke on “the impact of the current mining troubles” in South Africa - suggested the rise of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu) was a turning point for ANC supporters.

Support for it had been triggered by unhappiness with the ANC-aligned National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).

“There was a huge defection (from) the ANC support base in the platinum sector.”

This had later spread to the gold sector, where it had risen - according to some sources - to 30 percent.

“Jacob Zuma is now losing support among urban black people,” Borain said.

Asked to predict the likely showing of the ANC at next year's elections, he said a “worst-case scenario” was the ANC retained 65 percent of the vote.

He suggested a more-likely “best scenario” would see the ANC get 59 percent of the vote. This, he said, would lead to ANC leaders negotiating a “controlled exit” for Zuma, who would want to be assured he could leave with his wealth intact and not facing corruption charges.

“The ANC is not going to accept this kind of loss.”

Borain said a third scenario, involving the ANC garnering only 51 percent of the vote, was “very scary”.

“If that happens, all bets are off.”

Pushed to suggest how political parties might fare in the coming election, he estimated the ANC would take 58 percent, the Democratic Alliance 26 percent, a figure he later revised to 30 percent, and newly-formed Agang SA about two percent.

On the DA, Borain said the main opposition party would find it “difficult to overcome barriers to its growth”.

On the future prospects of Julius Malema's Economic Freedom Fighters - whose leadership he described as “the clowns and fools of our politics” - Borain said they could take up to five percent of the vote.

“But I can't see them getting out to vote,” he added.

Warning of ‘revolt’ is speculation but trend in unrest is indeed on the up

People walk past burning barricades during a protest against deficiencies in government services in Gugulethu, an impoverished township near Cape Town, in August 2012. - Protest in South Africa is on the rise and could lead to a fully-fledged revolt,

People walk past burning barricades during a protest against deficiencies in government services in Gugulethu, an impoverished township near Cape Town, in August 2012. - Protest in South Africa is on the rise and could lead to a fully-fledged revolt,

  1. The first and most obvious reason is unlike many of the Middle East North Africa countries (from now on written as MENA, following a financial market convention) South Africa is a fully functional democracy where citizens have several opportunities to vote for and against parties that run their lives at a local, provincial and national level.
  2. The Ruling ANC is still seen by much of the electorate as the party led and staffed and supported by those who fought apartheid and those whose lives have improved because of that system’s demise. Whatever it might be in the future, right now the ANC still has enormous reserves of goodwill based on the fact that it is the premier liberation movement (still) led by the heroes of the struggle.
  3. The ANC government pays just under 40 percent of consolidated non-interest expenditure (that’s R314 billion up from R156 billion five years ago) on the public sector wage bill and a further 20 percent to the poorest South Africans in the form of social grants. These are crucial constituencies to get to buy into stability – and a large part of the nation’s wealth is doing just that: providing jobs for the emerging middle classes and poverty alleviation for those who would otherwise be without hope.
  4. Add into the stability mix the fact that the ANC has managed to dispense a huge degree of patronage to the most aspirant and powerful of its leaders, members and constituents through the legal and regulatory regime of Black Economic Empowerment and the application of employment equity laws especially in the parastatals.
  5. Finally, whatever the criticisms, this government has built more houses for the poor, paved township roads, established sewerage and water connections, and provided the poorest South Africans with private and public goods on a scale unimagined under the previous dispensation of the Apartheid rulers...

Marikana Demonstrations

Marikana Demonstrators

Marikana Demonstrators

Protests In South South Africa the Regular Normal

Protest in South Africa is on the rise and could lead to a fully-fledged revolt, according to Dr Johan Burger, senior researcher at the Institute for Security Studies. The revolt part is speculative but the published figures do confirm the rise in unrest.

According to a report quoted in the Cape Argus on 11 September, the level of violent unrest in South Africa is rising, and if the trend continues over a prolonged period “it has the potential to spread and develop into a fully-fledged revolt”

The explosive claim, originally made in 2009 and repeated in August this year, came in a news report about a protest in the Touws River district in Western Cape the previous day.

On 10 September, hundreds of residents forced the closure of the N1 national highway in a protest over the lack of public services in the district and were dispersed by police using tear gas, rubber bullets and a water cannon.

This latest unrest came in the middle of weeks of trouble in the mining belt, where battles have been taking place almost daily between police and striking miners and their supporters.

The Potential To Spread And Develop Into A full-fledged Revolt

Analysing the events, the newspaper quoted an article by Dr Johan Burger, a senior researcher with the Institute for Security Studies, published in August 2012, about an apparent rising trend in levels of unrest in the country.

Taking figures from published South African Police Service (SAPS) reports, it shows the number of peaceful ‘crowd management’ incidents in South Africa rising sharply, up by 46 percent between 2004/5 and 2010/11, climbing from 8,004 to 11,680, according to the SAPS figures.

And figures show the number of incidents recorded as ‘unrest’ – i.e. requiring arrests and the use of force – rising by 56 percent from 622 to 971.

The paper quoted Burger’s conclusion, first delivered in 2009 and reiterated in that report, that if violent protests were allowed to continue over a prolonged period, they have “the potential to spread and develop into a fully-fledged revolt”.

Unrest - A Dip Then A Big Rise

According to the annual SAPS report 20/10/11 the rising trend of unrest incidents went briefly into reverse in the year to March 2011, with the number of peaceful incidents rising but violent protest falling slightly.

According to the report, in the 12 months up to the end of March, the number of ‘crowd management incidents’ rose by 42 percent from 8,907, the previous year, to 12,651, but the number judged to be “unrest”, fell to 971 from 994 in the previous twelve months.

With the football World Cup taking place in South Africa in 2010, it is not surprising that crowd management incidents surged and the World Cup may in fact, have had some downward effect on unrest.

However, the most recently published police report, for the year to the end of March 2012, show the number of crowd management incidents dipping slightly from 2010/11, to 10,744, but still markedly higher than the 7,913 in 2009/10.

And they show the number of unrest incidents back on its upward trend, climbing sharply to 1,194 – up 23% from 971 a year earlier.

As Burger told Africa Check: “The central message coming out of these incidents remain the same.”

For events since April 2012, the web-based monitoring project Municipal IQ, back up his claim that protests are on the increase and becoming increasingly violent. According to a Municipal IQ report, there have been more major protests this year than any since service delivery protests started in 2004 and the year is far from over.


It is of course highly speculative to suggest the current unrest could grow into fully-fledged revolt if left unchecked. Firstly, the fact that many incidents take place does not mean they will come together into a broader movement. And secondly, innumerable other factors – from party loyalities to changes in police strategies and facts on the ground – can come into play.

However, from the published police figures it is evident that, despite a brief minor dip in unrest in the year of the World Cup, the upward trend in unrest since 2004 is undeniable.

Repression or Apartheid Redux?

the most recently published police figures, for the year to the end of March 2012, show the number of crowd management incidents dipping slightly from 2010/11, to 10,744, but still markedly higher than the 7,913 in 2009/10.

the most recently published police figures, for the year to the end of March 2012, show the number of crowd management incidents dipping slightly from 2010/11, to 10,744, but still markedly higher than the 7,913 in 2009/10.

Why We might be more revolting than we think

  1. Firstly, the obvious threat to stability is fiscal. Can we afford to meet the ever growing needs of the poorest as well as the growing middle class? At some impossible to predict moment in the future a force (a Maggie Thatcher type force) will arise within government and attempt to get our financial house in order. The first cuts will be in the fattest areas: social grants and public sector wage bill. I have no doubt an even slightly popular government could weather the resulting storm, but it will be a weather phenomenon that will be spoken of for many years.
  2. Secondly, failure to meet the fiscal challenge has its own terrifying dangers. In fact, this is precisely what happened in Zimbabwe. The leaders of Zanu-PF ransacked the war veterans pension fund which caused ex-combatants to begin militantly to threaten Mugabe and Zanu-PF. The pension fund was recapitalised to the tune of $2bn in the late 90′s and the rest, as some are wont to say, is history. Spending $2bn they didn’t have led directly to hyperinflation, food riots and the formation of the MDC. With no largesse left to dispense the white owned farms were next on Zanu-PF’s attempts to stave off revolt and the last titbits of that economy are currently being pissed up against the wall with the same objective but in the name of “indiginisation”. Of course, Zimbabwe hasn’t revolted, but the price the politicians have made that country pay for stability has left Zimbabweans worse off than even the most cataclysmic revolution might have done.
  3. If a greedy, rent seeking, corrupt, politically powerful and unaccountable elite is what fuelled revolt in MENA, then we are in all kinds of trouble. “Elite Theory” is a branch of sociology that argues that the economic and political elite make up an informal network that is the actual source and exercise of power – not “the people” through elections and parliament. At an obvious level the theory applies to us: a publicly unaccountable elite within the ANC deploys loyalists to key institutions throughout the state and economy so as better to control the shape and direction of society. But with such a dominant and popular ruling party, such practices are unlikely to lead directly to revolt. However, beyond the formal exercise of the policy of “cadre deployment” we have an elite almost identical to those in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and a host other MENA countries. These are the grand political families that thrive on tenders won from the state and bribes won from global corporates attempting to secure lucrative deals here. These are the groups and individuals that have turned some of our provinces, town and cities into gangster fiefdoms ruled by fear, patronage and manipulation.

On Balance?

We are still well within the safety zone and the system seems to have the flexibility and resources to withstand firm assaults in the future.

The obvious danger is the parasitic elite that honeycombs the upper echelons of our politics and economy. Many who participated in the Polokwane Putsch understood themselves to be cleansing the ANC and government of such an elite.

Unfortunately they failed to notice that their principal allies were the second -rankers and blatant criminals that Mbeki had managed to keep away from the trough.

If this elite manages (as it constantly strives to do) to divert the resources our society has available for economic growth, employment, poverty alleviation, infrastructure development, public health and education (you name the social good, it is threatened by the elite’s rent seeking activities) then we will have to reassess.

While people like Willie Hofmeyr are still loyal ANC members and in place as senior state officials there is hope. Yes it is horrifying that he estimates that his Special Investigative Unit will scrutinise R20bn of tender fraud in this financial year (read about that here) but the real trouble arrives when people like him throw up their hands in disgust and head for the private sector.

Police: Are the they the criminals or law and order?

SAPS going down the drain - Now you see them now you don't - People in the cartoon are Richand Mdluli / Jackie Selebi / Bheki Cele - Zapiro cartoon on top brass of South African Police Services (SAPS). Jackie Selebi in jail, Bheki Cele fired and Rich

SAPS going down the drain - Now you see them now you don't - People in the cartoon are Richand Mdluli / Jackie Selebi / Bheki Cele - Zapiro cartoon on top brass of South African Police Services (SAPS). Jackie Selebi in jail, Bheki Cele fired and Rich

Special Investigating Unit head Willie Hofmeyr yesterday reported a "massive increase" in requests for corruption investigations as he told Parliament's justice committee that he expected to probe R20bn worth of tender corruption this financial year.

He said the unit had made a significant change in focus away from multiple small cases to "fewer, complex, long-term investigations into procurement irregularities".

The graft-busting unit saw a massive increase in proclamations calling for an investigation, with 18 issued by President Jacob Zuma - "the most ever in a single year".

MPs commended the work being done by the unit but African Christian Democratic Party MP Steve Swart gloomily asked if the increase in work indicated that the war against corruption was being lost.

Mr Hofmeyr said it needed to be acknowledged that corruption was "a very serious problem in this country". It was inevitable that more corruption would be found as more cases were investigated and as the unit became more skilful.

The 18 proclamations issued in the 2010-11 year included investigations into corruption in the South African Police Service, the South African Social Security Agency, the SABC, and the Departments of Arts and Culture, Human Settlements and Public Works . There were also proclamations for a number of provincial departments and two metropolitan municipalities.

Mr Hofmeyr said there was "a major concern" over the SAPS programme to build 33 new police stations for R340m, where contracts were awarded on "three quotes" and not through tenders. There were instances of the lowest quotations not being accepted, no quotations being obtained from the winning contractor, SAPS officials with interests in suppliers awarded work for goods and services, and actual payments exceeding budgeted costs.

At public works, R35m was paid to entities in which staff had undeclared interests, and a contract of R374m for building a border post was being probed for maladministration, financial misconduct and graft by staff and contractors.

After the auditor-general's finding that 20 SABC employees had business interests receiv ing payments of R3,4m, the unit found 20 more who had done business with the corporation to the tune of R2,4bn over three years. Five matters had been finalised and submitted to the National Prosecuting Authority.

In Tshwane municipality, 65 officials were identified with interests in companies doing business with the city to the value of R185m.

At the Department of Human Settlements, half of all housing subsidy system contracts were "problematic". Contractors had been paid for houses that did not exist , were extensively incomplete or seriously defective. Some were paid for building more houses than they had actually built. The value of the contracts under investigation is R2bn.

Mr Hofmeyr concluded that the Special Investigating Unit had been having a greater effect in the past two years and the battle against corruption had improved through co- ordinating structures such as the Anti-Corruption Task Team.

Cokstruction Cartel faces disqualification from government tenders

The Construction Industry Development Board will investigate whether firms that admitted to rigging and collusion should be barred from state tenders.

The Construction Industry Development Board will investigate whether firms that admitted to rigging and collusion should be barred from state tenders.

Corruption a la Carte

The Cape Times reported on Monday that the board had appointed a team to investigate the companies, after which it could decide to impose fines, deregister or disqualify companies from tenders.

The board could fine a company up to R100 000 and bar it from public sector construction work tenders for up to 10 years.

"The [Competition] Commission has found them guilty of collusion. We will be investigating collusion in terms of the code of conduct," acting board chief executive Hlengiwe Khumalo was quoted as saying.

On June 24, the Competition Commission reached a settlement with 15 construction firms, including Murray & Roberts, for collusive tendering in contravention of the Competition Act.

The newspaper reported last week that seven major construction and engineering firms met secretly in 2006 to allocate tenders on World Cup stadium projects, and to agree on a 17.5% profit margin.

Several companies, including Group Five, Murray & Roberts, Stefanutti Stocks and Aveng also set up a group called the Western Cape Building Market to share out contracts for three major construction projects in the province.

Meanwhile, Corruption Watch last week called for the prosecution of the companies involved.

Corruption Watch on Wednesday said it made a submission to the Competition Tribunal for the hearings into the R1.46-billion settlement agreements facing top listed construction firms, which rigged bids for, among other large projects, the 2010 soccer World Cup infrastructure projects.

The submission follows the Competition Commission's call on June 24 for 15 construction firms to pay penalties for collusive tendering. The penalties announced at the time were a percentage of the annual turnover of each company and took into account the number of projects each company was involved in. It was the commission's single biggest collective settlement involving private companies, according to Minister of Economic Development Ebrahim Patel at the time.

In Corruption Watch's submission, the organisation said it pointed to other action that could be taken to increase the effective penalties imposed on the firms settling, and so increase the level of deterrence.

"In particular, Corruption Watch called on all those affected by the collusive tendering – including municipalities, provinces and private entities – to institute civil claims for damages suffered," it said.

Criminal charges
The organisation said it also called on shareholders – particularly pension fund trustees and public financial institutions such as the Public Investment Corporation – to take legal action against directors who had been aware of, or who should have been aware of the conduct.

"Corruption Watch also called for the relevant prosecuting authorities to lay criminal charges against individual directors personally involved in the tender-rigging in terms of the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act," Corruption Watch said.

According to the civil society organisation's statement, "To prevent blaming others further down the chain of command, Corruption Watch called for section 34 of the Act to be explored too – which mandates those in positions of authority to report any corrupt activity over R100 000 to the police. Failure to report means a hefty fine or up to 10 years in prison."

According to whistleblowing organisation's statement on Wednesday, 12 of these firms – including Aveng, Basil Read, Murray & Roberts and WBHO – agreed to the settlement; while Group 5, Construction ID and Power Construction did not accept and now face prosecution.

Confirmed settlements
In its submission, Corruption Watch said it commended the Competition Commission for securing the R1.46-billion settlement agreements and admissions of guilt, and recommended that the Competition Tribunal confirm the settlements reached.

"While Corruption Watch agrees the fines are not large enough to ensure effective deterrence, it does recognise that the settlement should go ahead because investigating and prosecuting firms for each and every project they were involved in would take too much time and cost too much money.

"The three firms which did not agree to the settlement will now be prosecuted. If found guilty they will undoubtedly be hit by significantly higher penalties. Those who have settled have undertaken to cooperate in the investigation and prosecution of their co-conspirators who have refused to settle," said Corruption Watch.

Last Wednesday, the South African Local Government Association asked for access to the full records of agreements between the Competition Commission and 15 companies.

But Competition Commission legal counsel David Unterhalter said the challenge was to punish illegal behaviour but not to make fines so high that it crippled companies. – Sapa

Official South african Police Crime Statistics for 2012 - 2013

Official South african Police Crime Statistics for 2012 - 2013

Removing these individuals from society increases the risks to others and ultimately reduces these types of crime.  The SAPS have both the resources, technology  and experienced officials to achieve such successes.

Removing these individuals from society increases the risks to others and ultimately reduces these types of crime. The SAPS have both the resources, technology and experienced officials to achieve such successes.

Roadblocks and car searches have been implemented to curb drug, gun and human trade

Roadblocks and car searches have been implemented to curb drug, gun and human trade

South africa's Crime Statistics for 2012/2013

Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa has released South Africa’s 2012/13 national crime statistics. Has crime increased or decreased? What trends can be identified? This factsheet, produced by the Institute for Security Studies, sets out and explains the numbers.

Crimes That Increased

The most notable aspect of the crime statistics for 2012/13 is that the violent crimes that cause the most fear and trauma amongst the public have increased. For the first time in six years there is an increase in both the number and rate of murders and attempted murders. Murder is an important indicator both because it is the most accurate of all crime categories and because it is internationally seen to be an indicator of a country’s stability. There was also a small increase in the number of sexual offences recorded by the police.

The facts about the increases in interpersonal violence are as follows:

  • Incidents of murder increased from 15 609 murders in 2011/12 to 16 259 murders in 2012/13.
  • This means that there was an increase of 650 murder cases or a 4,2% increase when comparing the total numbers of murders withthe previous year.
  • This works out to almost two additional murders per day on average during the 2012/13 financial year.
  • Consequently, our murder rate increased from a total average of 43 murders per day to 45 murders per day.
  • Using the correct census data for 2011, the murder rate in 2011/12 was 30.3 per 100,000 population and not 30,9 as reported by SAPS in the last reporting period.
  • The murder rate for 2012/13 stood at 31.3 per 100,000 population which reflects an increase of 2.8% in the rate of murders (not 0.6% as presented officially).
  • South Africa’s murder rate is therefore about four and a half times higher than the global average of 6.9 murders per 100 000.
  • Attempted murder cases increased from 14 859 to 16 363, an increase of 10.1%
  • Attempted murder rates increased by 8,7% in the past year.
  • Sexual offence cases increased from 64 514 to 66 387, an increase of 2.9%.
  • Sexual offence rates increased from 125,1 per 100000 to 127,0 per 100000 population an increase of 1.5%.

The crimes above are not easy to reduce through policing alone. This is because most (around 60% to 70%) of murders, attempted murders and rapes, occur between people who know each other and occur as a result of a mix of particular social and economic factors. These crimes are often referred to by the police as ‘inter-personal’ violent crimes. Only between 15% and 20% of murders and attempted murders are the result of aggravated robbery while inter-group conflicts and vigilantism make up the rest.

There has also been an increase in robberies in 2012/13, which is a crime that the police can directly reduce through employing effective strategies. Robberies pose a particular concern as they occur when armed perpetrators directly threaten or use violence against their victims in order to steal their belongings. This can result in severe trauma, injury or sometimes death to the victim. The total number of aggravated robberies reported to the police increased from 101 203 cases to 105 888 cases (an increase of 4 685 cases) or 4.6%. The aggravated robbery rate increased by 196.2 per 100 000 people to 202.6 per 100 000 people of which represents an increase of 3.2%.

Total aggravated robbery includes a number of sub-categories, most of which increased in the 2012/13 financial year:

  • Street or public robberies increased by 2 534 cases to a total of 60 262 incidents. This is 4.4% higher than the 57,728 incidents recorded the previous year. It means that every day on average there were 166 cases of street robbery in 2012/13.
  • House robberies are reported when people are attacked by armed gangs while they are in their homes. This crimes increased by 7.1% to 17 950 incidents representing an additional 1 184 households being attacked when compared to the previous year. On average 49 households were attacked each day in 2012/13.
  • Business robberies increased by 2.7% to 16 377 incidents. This crime type has consistently
  • ncreased in the past eight years so it is 345% higher than in 2004/05. There were an additional 426 armed attacks on businesses in 2012/13 as compared to the previous year.
  • Vehicle hijacking increased by 5.4% to 9 990 incidents. This means that 28 motor vehicles were hijacked every day on average in 2012/13.This is of particular concern given that most of these cases are as a result of organised crime syndicates.
  • The number of truck hijacking increased by 14,9% from 821 incidents in 2011/2012 to 943 incidents in 2012/2013. As with vehicle hijacking, this crime is generally perpetrated by organised crime syndicates. These increases suggest that organised crime is on the rise in South Africa.

Crime in Perspective

Crime in Perspective

Street-robbery primarily affects poorer people and typically occurs as they travel to and from work, school, shopping or while visiting people. This crime most often happens in quiet streets or overgrown areas as people make their way to or from taxi ranks or bus and train stations.Street robbery decreased at an average rate of 7,2% per annum between 2004/05 and 2008/09. An even larger annual average decrease of 10,4% was recorded in 2009/10 and 2010/11. This changed in 2011/12 when street robbery only decreased by a marginal 2%.

In the years when street robbery was decreasing, the crimes known as the ‘TRIO robberies’ (carjacking, house robbery and business robbery) increased substantially. Between 2004/05 and 2008/09 business robbery had increased by 319%, house robbery by 96% and hijacking by 20%. These crimes drive fear and insecurity as they affect victims in their homes, vehicles and places of work.

SAPS management have explained that improved visible policing reduced street robberies. The increased visibility was the result of the approximately 10 000 additional police officers that were hired each year on average between 2002/03 and 2009/10. However, the police believe that this had the negative effect of pushing robbers to targeting houses, businesses and vehicles instead. Yet when the police worked hard to improve security in the run-up to the FIFA World Cup, TRIO crimes stabilised. In 2009/10 there was a marginal decrease of 1,5%, for the first time in five years. During the 2010, these crimes decreased by a very significant 11,8%. But in 2011/12 the decrease in TRIO robberies the decrease was much smaller (1,3%) which suggested that the police were starting to struggle in containing these crimes.

The ‘property related crimes’ refer to categories where property is stolen. In these crimes there is no threat of violence between a perpetrator and the victim. In most cases, the victim will be unaware that the crime has occurred until they notice their property missing. The categories of property related crimes that increased are as follows: Residential burglary increased by 6.8% (an additional 16 582 cases) to a total 262 113 incidents in 2012/13. This means that each day on average 720 households were burgled. Business burglary increased by 5.1% (an additional 3 589 cases) to a total of 70 041 incidents. This means that each day on average 193 businesses were burgled. Theft out of and from motor vehicle rate increased by 7% (an additional 9 183 cases) to a total of 130 475 incidents. This means that each day on average 358 vehicles are broken into and property stolen. Commercial crime incidents (which include a range of crimes including fraud and corruption) increased by 4% (an additional 3 019 cases) to a total of 91 569 incidents. A single incident can involve tens of millions of Rands.

Crime intelligence is vital for the police to effectively reduce most of the robberies and burglaries. These crimes are typically caused by repeat offenders who use networks to sell their stolen goods. Using various intelligence techniques, the police should be able to identify the networks and individuals involved in these types of crimes and target them for criminal investigation. Solid detective work can then ensure that sufficient evidence is obtained to successfully prosecute those involved. Removing these individuals from society increases the risks to others and ultimately reduces these types of crime. The SAPS have both the resources, technology and experienced officials to achieve such successes. However, the key challenge facing the SAPS during this time was political interference in its leadership at the highest levels of the organisation.

During 2011 there was massive upheaval in the SAPS Crime Intelligence Division as its Head Lt-General Richard Mdluli was investigated for various serious crimes including murder and corruption and faced internal disciplinary hearings and criminal charges. Political interference resulted in the investigations being halted and the charges withdrawn. The morale of this division plummeted as many police officials lost trust and respect in police leadership. Mdluli publicly accused other senior officials of conspiring against him.

Although a task team appointed by the minister of police found no evidence of such a conspiracy, still no action was taken against Mdluli for his unfounded allegations. This resulted in further mistrust amongst the generals and there was a leadership crises in the SAPS. This is one of the contributing factors to the deterioration in the performance of the SAPS against armed and organised criminals who commit many of the crimes that have now started to increase.

Since most of these kinds of crimes are not reported and therefore are not recorded by the police, the reduction does not necessarily mean that there are fewer assaults taking place. It may be that fewer people are reporting such incidents.

Since most of these kinds of crimes are not reported and therefore are not recorded by the police, the reduction does not necessarily mean that there are fewer assaults taking place. It may be that fewer people are reporting such incidents.

Crimes That Decreased

This year there has been a reduction in some types of inter-personal violent crime, particularly assault. Assault includes cases opened as a result of domestic violence or physical alterations between people. Since most of these kinds of crimes are not reported and therefore are not recorded by the police, the reduction does not necessarily mean that there are fewer assaults taking place. It may be that fewer people are reporting such incidents to the police as they don’t believe that the police will be able to do much about it. It is a clear anomaly in the recent statistics that murder and attempted murder have both increased while the two main categories of assault have decreased. This is unusual as most murders tend to start off as an assault and therefore there is a correlation between murders and assaults.

  • Assault with the intent to cause grievous bodily harm (GBH) is a relatively serious crime as typically the victim is injured to the extent that they need medical assisstence. This crime decreased by 3.5% (or 6 758 fewer cases) to a total of 185 893 cases reported. There was a ratio of 355.6 assault GBH cases per 100 000 of the population. The ratio of this crime therefore decreased by 4.8%
  • Every day, 511 serious assaults were reported to the police on average in 2012/13.
  • Common assault decreased by 4.8% (or 8 761 fewer cases) to a total of 172 909 cases reported. This means that there was ratio 330.8 per 100 000, a ratio decrease of 6.1%.

There were decreases with regards to various robbery categories. These include the category of common robbery where the victim is not usually threatened with a weapon and three of the sub-categories of aggravated robbery.

  • Common robbery decreased by 1.1% (or 560 fewer cases) to a total of 53 540 cases reported. This means that there is a ratio of 102.4 common robberies per 100 000 of the population. The ratio decreased by a marginal 0.3%.
  • Cash-in-transit robbery decreased by 12,7% (from 166 cases in 2011/12 to 145 cases in 2012/13)
  • Bank robbery decreased by 80,0% (from 35 cases in 2011/12 to seven cases in 2012/13)
  • ATM bombings decreased by 18,0% (from 261 cases in 2011/12 to 214 cases in 2012/13)

Decreases were also recorded in violent property related crimes:

  • Arson rate decreased by 6,8%
  • Malicious damage to property rate decreased by 2,2%

The following categories of theft also recorded decreases:

  • Theft of motor vehicle decreased by 1.3% or 727 fewer cases to a total of 58 370 cases reported. This means that there were 160 vehicles stolen every day on average in 2012/13.
  • Theft ‘other’ is a very broad category including the theft of a large number of different goods and property. For example, all theft of cellphones, laptops and other electronic goods, in addition to the theft of non-ferrous metals such as copper cables and the theft as a result of the illegal mining are included in this category. Theft other decreased by 3.9% (or 14 616 fewer cases) so that a total of 362 816 such cases were opened in 2012/13.
  • Shoplifting decreased marginally by 0.8% (or 539 fewer cases) to a total of 71 309 cases reported in 2012/13.
  • Stock-theft decreased by 3,4% (1 055 fewer cases) to a total of 29 894 cases reported in 2012/13.

The theft of motor vehicles and motorcycles decreased by 2,5% during 2012/2013. This is by far the smallest decrease recorded since 2006/07 (the year of the security guard strike). In the three years before 2012/13 an average annual decrease of 9,2% was recorded. Like carjacking and truck hijacking, organised crime syndicates are responsible for most motor vehicle theft.

The decrease in shoplifting is marginal at 2,1% compared to the 9,5% decrease recorded in 2011/12.

Stock theft has decreased this year by 3,4%. This could be because of the implementation of the Rural Safety Strategy. Since last year there was a small increase of 1,4% in stock theft. While this crime has only averaged around 30 000 cases per annum over the past five years, its impact on food security is significant. For traditional small farmers, especially those with cattle and goats, stock theft can cause serious tensions and even manifest in vigilantism and violent conflict which in turn results in murders, attempted murders and arson.

Explaining Crime In The Past Year

The crime statistics presented for the 2012/13 financial year (1 April 2012 to 31 March 2013) reveals that South Africa experienced one of its worst years in a number of years from a crime reduction point of view. This is because for the past eight years between 2002 and 2011 there have been notable decreases in most crime categories. Some of the largest decreases were recorded in 2009/10 when the football Confederation Cup year was held and in 2010/11 when South Africa hosted the FIFA World Cup. However, since 2011/12 it was already apparent that the decreases previously recorded in several types of violent crime had slowed substantially while other violent crime categories (such as business and house robberies) had stabilised at relatively high levels.

The government has used crime statistics as a measure of police performance. This means that if crime goes up the police are criticised and if they go down the police are praised. But since there are a large number of crimes that the police cannot be expected to prevent, this approach means that we tend to look for solutions in the wrong places. For most types of crimes the police, courts and prisons only step in once the crime has been committed. At that stage it is very important for the criminal justice system to work effectively and efficiently. But we need to look elsewhere if we want to reduce much of the inter-personal violence in our society in the long term.

Most murders, assaults and rapes take place between people who know each other and live in the same neighbourhood. This kind of violence takes place for a number of reasons including because we accept violence as a normal and reasonable way to solve problems, at home, at school and in neighbourhoods. Poor self-esteem and unequal gender-relations make it worse. These kinds of crime are rarely premeditated and are often exacerbated by alcohol and other substance abuse. In such cases the best the police can do is to react swiftly and professionally. The most effective ways of preventing such violence typically do not involve the police, but do require long-term and the detrimental effect of apartheid social engineering on families, schools and neighbourhoods remains stubbornly persistent. It is clear that we need to do more, particularly in communities most affected by interpersonal violence to reduce the risk factors for violence, but supporting parents; offering counselling to those affected by violence; ensuring that basic services are delivered and that violence is not accepted as normal.

Good policing can have a positive effect on some kinds of crime such as organised crime and robbery. This requires the collection and effective use of crime intelligence, strategically targeted patrols, roadblocks, and visible policing along with dedicated investigations to bring perpetrators to court. These are some of the crimes that could be reduce by good policing practices:

  • Murders and attempted murders that take place during aggravated robbery or inter-group conflict (such as gang or taxi violence), and vigilantism. These type of murders typically make between 35% and 45% of all murders and attempted murders.
  • All kinds of robbery such as street robberies, vehicle and truck hijacking, residential and non-residential robberies.
  • Residential and business burglaries.
  • Certain types of theft such as those committed by organised crime syndicates such as theft of motor vehicle and motorcycles; stock theft; theft of non-ferrous metal such as copper cable, illegal mining, and poaching.

South African Crime Rank

A Social embarrassment and Scourge

A Social embarrassment and Scourge

Crimes detected as a result of police action

Crimes such as the illegal possession of firearms and ammunition, drug-related crime and driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs are detected during police action such as roadblocks and search and seizure operations. This means that these crimes will increase if there is an increase in police activity.

In 2012/2013 the figures for both the illegal possession of firearms and driving under the influence remained stable. With regard to firearms related offences, the annual case load has remained at 14 450 per year for the past five years since 2008/2009.

Driving under the influence of alcohol showed by far the smallest increase during 2012/2013 compared to any other 12-month period over the past decade.

Drug related crime on the other hand increased by a substantial 13,5% It was the single largest annual increase in the past decade. This indicates concerted police action against drug crimes. However, it is not an indication of the amount of drugs being used or sold. If the police are having a positive impact in removing drugs then the best indicator is that the street price should increase because demand will start to outstrip supply.

This We see and Have Experienced- Recall Marikana

Police and the Mines they work with, are responsible for the death and misery of the Mine workers and their families

Police and the Mines they work with, are responsible for the death and misery of the Mine workers and their families

Approaching and Bracing for the Truth-From The Poor African People's Perspective

Telling the truth does not necessarily mean that it is the 'truth'., especially given the state of affairs in South Africa today. This is a very important statement I am making here because, in reality, we need to begin to reconstruct and re-tell the truth to our people, as had and harsh as it may sound to them. Mandela was once quoted as saying that if "the ANC does what the Apartheid regime did to Africans in South Africa, the African people of South Africa must do the same thing they did to Apartheid on the ANC."

By writing this Hub, my aim is to tell it 'Like It Is", that is, tell the truth to the African people as it is, and hold back nothing.This is a toll order because the ANC has goons and cabals that take care that such truth never reaches the people in a coherent and holistic manner. By this I mean, there are many truncation and distortions that are relayed and parlayed by the Ruling ANC government to obfuscate the "truth', and are making sure that the present situation in South Africa remains consistent and 'intimidation and assassination have become the 'new normal'-meaning, business is going on in South Africa as usual.

I chose the topic above, that of the government having to tell the African people the truth, claim no easy and barren victories, to the people, so's to to begin to make sure that the people understand this as being their 'right to know', and that "It Is In The Interests To Know The Truth". I make this emphasis because it is very vital and important that Africans in South Africa begin to build our nation with truth as the foundation that will can trust and rely on.

So, then, what is this "truth' that Africans of South Africa need to be told?How is that truth supposed to be like? How will they know that it is the truth that they are being told given the lies that are the new normal today? With such blatant corruption, cronyism, nepotism and the whole bit, what is it that should be told to the poor Africans in South that this could be remedied? Living with abject poverty and much of the population being homeless(see the case of the Abahlali baseMjondolo above), poor health services and dumbing -down education, and unemployment, what kind of truth should be told to the people that these conditions and situations will me ameliorate, by who and how? These are pertinent and relevant question and so far, most of them have been answered in the Hub above, and I have attempted to use the voices and information garnered from the the Poor Africans themselves.

What I have written above, thus far, is truth, as far as I am concerned, and it is up to the Reader to make up their mind. What I am going to be writing below is to begin to bring around the plight of the Africans of South into the forefront and consciousness of the World, as we did with the Apartheid regime, but this time, will do so with the ANC-led government. If they are and have been doing the bidding of their masters, the Boers and International capital-therefore the thrust of the struggle should be focused on both the former Apartheid bosses, International capital/governments and the present ANC ruling elite.

This Has Been The Modus Operandi of Colonialists Long Before Today

Truth Should Be told to the people in order to be able to deal with their present decrepit reality

Truth Should Be told to the people in order to be able to deal with their present decrepit reality

Obfuscation, Propaganda, Denial and Mis- to Disinformation

The following article was written in the online blog called 'Help Free The Earth'

Queen Elizabeth II and George W. Bush never pass out awards to anyone who isn't serving their agenda in some way. So when a person gets an award from both of them, you know that "person" is up to no good.

Nelson Mandella received the Sovereign Military Hospitalier Order of Saint John of Jerusalem Knight Of Maltaaward from the Queen and he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom award from George W. Bush.

Heroes Are Chosen

We think we choose our public heroes but the truth is - they are chosen for us.

Upon his release from prison after 27 years and his election as South Africa's first black President (1994-99), Nelson Mandela understood who the real power-brokers are and he understood their New World Order agenda.

The "new world order that is in the making must focus on the creation of a world of democracy, peace and prosperity for all." - Nelson Mandela, in the Philadelphia Inquirer (October 1994)

Did the conditions for black South Africans improve after Mandela swept into power? Has there been any change for the poorest of the poor? Does Nelson Mandela deserve to be worshipped beyond scrutiny? The answer is a resounding NO!

Is This Freedom?

South Africa is probably the richest country on Earth for natural resources. It has by far the richest gold seams in the world, uranium, platinum, plutonium, zinc, coal, copper, chrome, diamonds, gems. You name it and South Africa has an abundance of it.

Today South Africa is a cauldron of filth, murder, rape and poverty. Sixty two thousand children are raped every year in South Africa. Between 1994 and 2004, two hundred and fifty thousand (250,000) murders were commited in South Africa.

In 2006, only 5,000 of the more than 35 million black South Africans earned more than $60,000. A quarter of the entire population lived in shacks without running water or electricity. A quarter have no access to clean water. 40% have no telephone. The number of people living on $1 a day doubled from two to four million. The unemployment rate doubled to 48% from 1991-2002. (It is 25.2% today) The HIV/AIDS/TB infection rate is 20%. Life expectancy dropped by 13 years. 40% of schools have no electricity.

Is this freedom? Corruption and violence is rife, agricultural and industrial production are lower, health conditions are poorer and the gap between rich and poor is even greater than it was during apartheid!

The Truth About Mandela

Who started apartheid in South Africa? It was the British who imposed segregation between whites and blacks way back when South Africa was a British Colony.

In his early years as a black activist, Nelson Mandela was involved in an anti-apartheid "freedom" group known as the African National Congress (ANC) with the goal of bringing rights and privileges back to blacks that had been taken away by the whites. After years of peaceful demonstrations, things turned violent. Mandela was arrested, imprisoned and given a life sentence.

Mandela's imprisonment became a public relations nightmare for South Africa's white criminal minority. During his imprisonment, a "Free Mandela" campaign attracted world wide attention to apartheid, white domination, terror, aggression, abuses, suffering, killing, torture and detentions. The whites had squandered South Africa's resources and used them to build a military machine and wage an unending war against the population of blacks.

Mandela had been called a terrorist by the Thatcher government, so how and why did this black terrorist become eligible for a British knighthood from the Queen and a Presidential Medal of Freedom award from George W. Bush?

The Mandela Deal

The illusion that the indigenous people's had taken back control of their country was bought hook, line and sinker by the world and even by South Africans themselves! White ownership over the land was taken away and the land was returned to the blacks...but instead of bringing prosperity to South Africa, the wealth of the nation declined. Farming practices were abandoned which decreased exports and weakened the economy.

"Free Mandela" campaigns and the ever-growing global anti-apartheid movement pressured South Africa's White minority into supporting the anti-Apartheid movement of the ANC.

The ANC became guided and sponsored by two people, Albie Sachs, 'one of its its foremost intellectuals' and Yossel Machel Slovo(Joe Slovo), 1926-1995) who staged 'terrorist' war against the Apartheid government of south Africa.. For publicity purposes, they used their mass media to bill their 'terrorists' as "the people's" struggle".

The White elites needed a Black(African) face to front their mining operations, so they released Mandela from prison after 27 years and installed him as South Africa's first Black(African) President, "for a price".

he illusion that the indigenous(African) peoples had taken back control of their country was bought hook, line and sinker by the World and even by South Africans themselves! White ownership over the land was taken away and he the land was returned to the Blacks(Africans(well, this can be disputed, because giving land to ANC honchos and cadres is not giving it back to the Africa masses-see my piece above in this hub where people actually bought land, and they are now being moved from it) ... but instead of bringing prosperity to South Africa, the wealth of the nation declined. Farming practices were abandoned which decreased exports and the weakened economy.

White Control - From 'Overt' to 'Covert'

Before the transfer of power from the white minority to the black majority, the white Jewish Oppenheimer family controlled about 80 per cent of the companies quoted on the South African stock-market. They owned the gold, diamond and other mining industries on which the country depended. They also controlled the media through various frontmen.

Today, the Oppenheimers still control about 80 per cent of the companies on the South African stock-market. They still own the gold, diamond and other mining industries on which the country depends, and they still control the media via Henry Kissinger’s frontmen. The income from the exploitation of South Africa's vast resources is being funneled into foreign hands.

So what’s the difference between the white Brotherhood’s control of South Africa before apartheid and after apartheid? The difference is that no-one is complaining anymore. World condemnation of the racist white minority dictatorship in South Africa was successfully silenced and overt "white" control was replaced by covert "white" control.

The media monopolies glorified Mandella as a national hero, an icon of freedom while the same "whites" continued controlling South Africa just as they had done before, only now they were free to exploit without condemnation.

The shanty towns and corrugated iron ghettos are still there in Soweto and spreading out every day. The heart wrenching poverty is no longer front page news because everyone knows that South Africa is now free.

People LOVE Mandela because he's a "saint" they say. He brought "freedom" to South Africa, he's an enemy of poverty, [and the whole bit]

The ruling African National Congress (ANC) are using the dying Mandela as their political prop. In power since 1994, the ANC wants to convince the public that it is still the party of Mandela despite widespreadcorruption and poverty.

Tell No Lies, Claim No Easy Victories

Amilcar Cabralss Philosophical and Revolutionary Musings' excerpt:

Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone's head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children .

We should recognise as a matter of conscience that there have been many faults and errors in our action whether political or military: an important number of things we should have done we have not done at the right times, or not done at all.

In various regions-and indeed everywhere in a general sense-political work among the people and among our armed forces has not been done appropriately: responsible workers have not carried or have not been able to carry through the work of mobilization, formation and political organisation defined by the party leadership. Here and there, even among responsible workers, there has been a marked tendency to let things slide . . . and even a certain demobilisation which has not been fought and eliminated....

On the military plane, many plans and objectives established by the Party leadership have not been achieved. With the means we have, we could do much more and better. Some responsible workers have misunderstood the functions of the army and guerilla forces, have not made good co-ordination between these two and, in certain cases, have allowed themselves to be influenced by preoccupation with the defence of our positions, ignoring the fact that, for us, attack is the best means of defence . .

And with all this as a proof of insufficient political work among our armed forces, there has appeared a certain attitude of 'militarism' which has caused some fighters and even some leaders to forget the fact that we are armed militants and notmilitarists. This tendency must be urgently fought and eliminated within the army . .

If ten men go to a rice field and do the day's work of eight, there's no reason to be satisfied. It's the same in battle. Ten men fight like eight; that's not enough . . . . One can always do more. Some people get used to the war, and once you get used to a thing it's the end: you get a bullet up the spout of your gun and you walk around. You hear the motor on the river and you don't use the bazooka that you have, so the Portuguese boats pass unharmed. Let me repeat: one can do more. We have to throw the Portuguese out .

Create schools and spread education in all liberated areas. Select young people between 14 and 20, those who have at least completed their fourth year, for further training. Oppose without violence all prejudicial customs, the negative aspects of the beliefs and traditions of our people. Oblige every responsible and educated member of our Party to work daily for the improvement of their cultural formation .

Oppose among the young, especially those over 20, the mania for leaving the country so as to study elsewhere, the blind ambition to acquire a degree, the complex of inferiority and the mistaken idea which leads to the belief that those who study or take courses will thereby become privileged in our country tomorrow . . . . But also oppose any ill will towards those who study or wish to study-the complex that students will be parasites or future saboteurs of the Party . .

In the liberated areas, do everything possible to normalise the political life of the people. Section committees of the Party(tabanca committees), zonal committees, regional committees, must be consolidated and function normally. Frequent meetings must be held to explain to the population what is happening in the struggle, what the Party is endeavouring to do at any given moment, and what the criminal intentions of the enemy may be.

In regions still occupied by the enemy, reinforce clandestine work, the mobilisation and organisation of the populations, and the preparation of militants for action and support of our fighters . .

Develop political work in our armed forces, whether regular or guerilla, wherever they may be. Hold frequent meetings. Demand serious political work from political commissars. Start political committees, formed by the political commissar and commander of each unit in the regular army.

Oppose tendencies to militarism and make each fighter an exemplary militant of our Party.

Educate ourselves, educate other people, the population in general, to fight fear and ignorance, to eliminate little by little the subjection to nature and natural forces which our economy has not yet mastered. Convince little by little, n~ particular the militants of the Party, that we shall end by conquering the fear of nature, and that man is the strongest force in nature.

Demand from responsible Party members that they dedicate themselves seriously to study, that they interest themselves in the things and problems of our daily life and struggle in their fundamental and essential aspect, and not simply in their appearance Learn from life, learn from our people, learn from books, learn from the experience of others. Never stop learning.

Responsible members must take life seriously, conscious of their responsibilities, thoughtful about carrying them out, and with a comradeship based on work and duty done .

Nothing of this is incompatible with the joy of living, or with love for life and its amusements, or with confidence in the future and in our work....

Reinforce political work and propaganda within the enemy's armed forces. Write posters, pamphlets, letters. Draw slogans on the roads. Establish cautious links with enemy personnel who want to contact us. Act audaciously and with great initiative in this way . . . . Do everything possible to help enemy soldiers to desert. Assure them of security so as to encourage their desertion. Carry out political work among Africans who are still in enemy service, whether civilian or military. Persuade these brothers to change direction so as to serve the Party within enemy ranks or desert with arms and ammunition to our units.

We must practice revolutionary democracy in every aspect of our Party life. Every responsible member must have the courage of his responsibilities, exacting from others a proper respect for his work and properly respecting the work of others. Hide nothing from the masses of our people. Tell no lies. Expose lies whenever they are told. Mask no difficulties, mistakes, failures. Claim no easy victories .

Whilst we can read a litany of achievements and statistics trumpeted and doled out by the present ANC-led government, as I have been insisting in the Hub above, it's better to give a contrary view as to these flimsy and bogus claims- Claimed and easy victories. The video below is one such alternative information in our march towards establishing the truth and telling it to the poor in south Africa

Post-Apartheid South Africa Harkens Back To Grand Apartheid Times

The Image of unrest and burning fires/very frustrated Africans has become a new normal in the context of the real-politic and struggles of the poor under the ANC

The Image of unrest and burning fires/very frustrated Africans has become a new normal in the context of the real-politic and struggles of the poor under the ANC

Fingerprints of Poverty - South Africa

Empty Promises By The ANC has Now Led To a Disgruntled African Voting Polity

Winnie Mandela has put it into perspective as to how and why the ANC has failed its people cogently when when was speaking at a Workers rally at the Lucas Moripe stadium in Atteridgeville, Pretoria. She said the death of Andries Tatane in Ficksburg and service delivery protests in areas that were traditionally ANC strongholds were proof that the party had let down the masses.

She also claimed that public spats between senior leaders in the tripartite alliance were a manifestation of a leadership crisis and that there was no guarantee that the alliance could withstand the storm.

Although she urged the more than 3 000-strong crowd to campaign and vote for the ANC in the local government elections, she said the patience of voters was wearing thin and their confidence in the ANC should not be taken for granted.

“Our people are refusing to be victims of broken promises. They have resorted to protests as forms of direct action because their hopes have been blasted. The shadow of disappointment is written in their faces,” she said.

Quoting Martin Luther King, Madikizela-Mandela warned that “there comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men and women are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair”.

She added: “There can never be peace when economic injustice prevails. And we mislead ourselves if we think we can set the timetable for other people’s socio-economic freedom. Our people demand socio-economic justice, and they demand it now.”

She said the ANC had failed to deal with the underlying causes of problems the poor were facing on a daily basis.

“This is a manifestation of the political crisis,” she said.

“There was a time when we led, today we spend most of our time responding. This reflects another crisis, a leadership crisis.”

She said Tatane’s death and other problems in other communities could have been avoided if the ANC had been in touch and engaged with its people.

“Ficksburg and the death of Andries Tatane should be a constant reminder of an experiment gone wrong and a failure to compose a revolutionary song that is in tune with the people” said Madikizela-Mandela.

She said the ANC had taken its eye off the ball, lost its way and needed to refer back to the Freedom Charter to get back into line.

“We are increasingly allowing ourselves to be hoodwinked by irrelevancies instead of dealing with the main challenges of our times.

“We seem to have veered off the track of what we intended to create – a non-racial, non-sexist, non-ethnic and prosperous society envisaged in the constitution.

“At times like this we need a political, moral and economic compass to take us back into the correct direction and correct path.

“Fortunately for us, the Freedom Charter serves this purpose of guiding us back to the correct trajectory,” she said.

She was confident people would still vote for the ANC but warned comrades that they needed to deliver what they had promised.

“It is worth noting that even as we fail the masses, they still expect us to lead because they know we are the only progressive force that can ameliorate their conditions.

“We dare not fail them or take their faith in us for granted,” said Madikizela-Mandela.

Nor did she mince her words about the state of the tripartite alliance, which has seen public spats between senior leaders of the ANC, Cosatu and the SA Communist Party.

“It is an understatement that the alliance is at war with itself. We mislead ourselves that because it is an alliance forged in the crucible of struggle, it can withstand all political storms,” she said.

“We survived the storms because the movement and the alliance were led by men and women of vision, who could use their skills to galvanise the masses of our people… we have to put our house in order. It is not too late.

“The public spat between leaders of the alliance must cease.

“Yes, it will get us a few headlines, but it will not advance our agenda of ensuring that the rainbow nation that is talked about becomes a reality.”(Mogomotsi Magome)

To Vote Or Not to Vote-That's The Conundrum


Arrogance, Nepotism, Corruption (ANC)

the truth of the matter is that there is a big crisis with African leadership (most African Presidents). Greed seems to be at the core of the agenda. In terms of African politics, its all about upholding the mandate of the party and not of the masses. The manner in which political leadership is structured is that powerful comrades within a political party vote you for president, and then they dictate what is to be done, there is a lot of dictatorship from faces that remain unknown. As such, the wealth of the country is held in a small circumference, ‘centre-periphery theory’. The masses at the on the periphery are excluded from all sorts of decision making. They are informed and left with broken promises, our leaders have mastered to manipulate poor people’s vulnerabilities and we are now selling souls for votes. Votes that will keep some people in power for longer, and to maintain that power within political organizations. Unfortunately that is consistently occurring within the ANC. One other point that I have observed is the lack of commitment from municipal workers. All of these people are bastardizing at the cost of the poor masses out there. We have a crisis youth, and we need to jointly unite, study, hustle and maintain a positive attitude towards life… (Sbu Nxumalo)

Lets unpack this plantation mentality and use a simple eg. If the average middle class family working in the private sector, buy a house(bond) , a car(on credit) and maybe send their children to a private school. They have one or two credit cards, buy clothes and food on credit and at month end, they realise that they have very little money their pockets. Where is the ANC in this? This is day to day reality notable uncontested and ignored by so-called activists becos critically, why are banks getting richer when they are NOT businesses and why do they make huge profits. Wrt to ANC or govt, SA has the most anti-corruption institutions than any other country on this planet eg SARS, public protector, Asset & Forfeiture, special units, sadec protocols etc etc. All of the above allegations can be tested through any of these and lo and behold since the advent of all of this particular finger-pointing not one guilty verdict by thse institutions unless some class-room monitor has some special testing that has renders guilty verdicts. (Tofolux)

The folowing article, written by Natasha Marrian, has been titled:

"ANC Set To Suffer FromApathy At The Polls, Warns Vavi"

And Natasha continues to inform us that:

SUSPENDED Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) chief Zwelinzima Vavi says the African National Congress (ANC) faces its toughest election "ever" next year, and the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) is set to gain most from its weakness.

In a wide-ranging joint interview with the Financial Times recently, Mr Vavi cited rampant corruption, a lack of accountability, tribalism and policy dithering as obstacles to the ANC surmounting "apathy" at the polls.

Mr Vavi is fighting for his political life against an attempt by Cosatu’s leadership to force him from his high-profile post after he admitted to an affair with a junior employee of the federation.

"I have no illusion that we’re going to be facing the most serious and daunting challenge in 2014," Mr Vavi said. "We’re going to be facing demoralisation. People will refuse to go and vote."

The ANC countered on Monday it was confident it would "pull out most voters" to participate.

"Those are his views, I don’t want to comment on that. What I can say is that the ANC is doing everything it can to get people to vote and vote for the ANC," said spokesman Keith Khoza.

Cosatu president Sdumo Dlamini, who Mr Vavi’s allies believe is driving the campaign against him, declined to comment. He said there were internal processes under way and these should be respected by everyone, including Mr Vavi.

While the ANC will point to its achievements over the past 20 years of democracy, Mr Vavi warned that its failure to deliver on its priorities in the previous poll would come back to haunt it.

Voting for Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters and Mamphela Ramphele’s Agang SA would merely be a form of protest by some voters, he said. ANC supporters also did not have the appetite to vote for the DA.

Turning to the ANC’s adoption of the National Development Plan as a blueprint for economic and societal transformation over the next 20 years, Mr Vavi said this represented evidence of "doublespeak" by the ANC.

While the ANC had retained the main 15 pillars adopted at its Polokwane conference in 2007, the adoption of the NDP at Mangaung last year contradicted its stance. "Those things are standing in contradiction to one another, and it is going to lead to what I call policy paralysis," he said.

"It is a paralysis. That is not how you drive change in society. You need clarity in your policies first and you don’t need policies that contradict one another. And you need to get that clarity sent out to every investor that counts in South Africa."

He warned that the effect of divisions in Cosatu itself on the ANC’s election campaign would be "huge" as the federation was paralysed and in crisis. This left Cosatu and the alliance at a crossroads, but a poor showing at the polls may not be enough of a wake-up call for the movement.

Neither the loss of the Western Cape, nor the near-loss of Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality in the Eastern Cape had been enough to halt the ANC’s decline.

"It is not a wake-up call to many people. That’s why I have a sense that some people who came to be leaders of the ANC do not have a damn interest of the ANC at heart. They don’t care what will happen to it eventually, as long as they are still eating now. It is a narrow approach of looking at things," Mr Vavi said.

If the ANC were to drive the radical economic transformation promised at its policy conference last year, it would achieve the change South Africa needed, he said."

We learn from Irvin Jim that,"

"Our bosses and the ANC government want us to survive on low, savage and violent colonial wages, and meanwhile we must remain humble, be gentle, nonviolent and easy to manipulate and handle during strikes.

"They are so convinced we are subhuman beings who must be happy with our poverty wages,"

While Jim’s opponents have been speculating that he has been ready to split from the alliance for months, his comments on Sunday have cemented that view. The true danger for the ANC would be Numsa aligning itself with new radical leftist formations now active in the political space — such as Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), or perhaps the Workers and Socialist Party, which was founded after the labour unrest in the mining sector last year.

An ANC task team and a motley crew of former Cosatu leaders are now hard at work in an attempt to broker a deal to prevent further descent into a situation that could become untenable for the ANC. Rumours of deals to appease Vavi and others are rife, with talk of a possible deployment and other such enticements. But there is a sense that it may be too late for such a pact.

The next three months and how events in Cosatu play out are critical for the ANC and the alliance ahead of the general elections next year.

Numsa’s choices will not be easy, particularly as they may have to be made before Vavi’s fate is decided. The union is relying on the Cosatu special congress next year to remove those it sees as wanting to deliver a pliant federation to the ANC, and bring Vavi back into the fold.

"Where do we go from here, then?" asked Jim on Sunday. "It is very clear that the South African black and African working class are faced with two extreme options." Succumb or fight were the options he outlined. (Natasha)

African Capitalists Stifling Grip

Who Really Controls  and own oil and natural mineral wealth of Africa....

Who Really Controls and own oil and natural mineral wealth of Africa....

Quislings and the Betrayal of the Poor Africans Of South Afirca

Naomi Kline gives us a heads up in the following ecerpt:

"After more than a decade since South Africa made its decisive turn toward Thatcherism, the results of its experiment in trickledown justice are scandalous:

    • Since 1994, the year the ANC took power, the number of people living on less than $1 a day has doubled, from 2 million to 4 million in 2006.

    • Between 1991 and 2002, the unemployment rate for black South Africans more than doubled, from 23 percent to 48 percent.

    • Of South Africa’s 35 million black citizens, only five thousand earn more than $60,000 a year. The number of whites in that income bracket is twenty times higher, and many earn far more than that amount.

    • The ANC government has built 1.8 million homes, but in the meantime 2 million people have lost their homes.

    • Close to 1 million people have been evicted from farms in the first decade of democracy.

  • Such evictions have meant that the number of shack dwellers has grown by 50 percent. In 2006, more than one in four South Africans lived in shacks located in informal shantytowns, many without running water or electricity.

Perhaps the best measure of the betrayed promises of freedom is the way the Freedom Charter is now regarded in different parts of South African society. Not so long ago, the document represented the ultimate threat to white privilege in the country; today it is embraced in business lounges and gated communities as a statement of good intentions, at once flattering and totally unthreatening, on a par with a flowery corporate code of conduct. But in the townships where the document adopted in a field in Kliptown was once electric with possibility, its promises are almost too painful to contemplate. Many South Africans boycotted the government-sponsored anniversary celebrations completely. "What is in the Freedom Charter is very good," S’bu Zikode, a leader of Durban’s burgeoning shack dwellers’ movement, told me. "But all I see is the betrayal."

My citing Naomi Kelin in tis Hub is very important in giving context and thrust to the workings of the present day government in south Africa. Readers should remember that in effect, it is the incoming government, under the helm of Mandela, that many many promises to its polity, openly and privately. They told them that things like water, electricity and land(their Ghetto houses in this instance, will be given to them (the voters) for free. What they did was build houses which were worse-off than those built by the Apartheidizers. The water and electricity is not free and in many instance, some of the promises that were made were doled out in a a half-hearted manner.

As Naomi point out above, as it was during Apartheid, the workers who are earning more are less than those that do not earn as much. There are no jobs, and those that are there do not pay enough. As Naomi points out, instead, those that are unemployed, are face with a doubled unemployment rate and a bleak future. The earning of the poor dropped as Naomi points out above, significantly, and thus increased the poverty that was already apparent during the Apartheid era.

What is of interest to me, is that the statistics paint a much more realistic picture of the present situation and it is is getting worse as of writing of this Hub. These facts cannot change, and they are worsening, so is the the disgruntlement and dissatisfaction of the poor growing proportionately.

All This, as Zikode has pointed out above, is seen as 'Betrayal".

Economic Colonization of the Whole Of Africa

Why Don't  We Own Our Natural Resources and Buying Power in Africa? Map give us a sense of the companies that have our colonized Wealth in Africa

Why Don't We Own Our Natural Resources and Buying Power in Africa? Map give us a sense of the companies that have our colonized Wealth in Africa

The South African Zeitgeist - Ubuntu/Botho

At this juncture in the Hub, we need to need to begin to tell the "spirit of the time' from an African centered perspective. Because of Apartheid, a space for articulating the African experience will be able to stand on its own without being viewed as radical or angry and that only the primitive Apartheid forms of expression are the only mediums through which Africans people can channel their disgruntlement against the present forms of rule.

In a country such as ours, where racial oppression and segregation were entrenched into everyday life in the most horrific of ways, racism should never ever be made to seem okay or more acceptable under any circumstances. Lest we forget, this system led to the deliberate underdevelopment of black communities; the dispossession of people from their land and in turn housing, and discrimination in the quality of all basic rights and services including healthcare, education and social security. It led to mass murders and unspeakable torture for black people.

Also, it should be borne in mind that how and where Africans live, old decrepit Apartheid housing and preent-day informal settlementAny critique of media in South Africa is often met with a response about the role of the media in furthering democracy and the entire issue of the right to know. This is a role that cannot be denied and one that is extremely important. However, this also points out to a notable flaw in the question of the right to know.While it is without a doubt a fundamental right, it cannot be adequately furthered outside of constant critical analysis of WHAT it is WHO wants us to know. It must be confronted” and this will not happen as long as the story of South Africa continues to be seen through a White people's lens — a lens that excludes the majority of the country’s citizens.The voices of the Africans of South African cannot be continuously ignored for long , which was done during Apartheid and Africans have been rendered voiceless during the rule of the ANC as I am onto this Hub this far.

I reiterate my point and stance: The spirit of the times in and about South Africa should be told/written from an African centered perspective-which is what this whole Hub has been about and was written as.This brings me to the concept of Ubuntu/Botho-which is the fulcrum and foundation of African Culture in South Africa and permeates and aspects and reality of Africans-and was deliberately wiped-out and forcibly rooted out by the Rule of Apartheid over the lives of Africans in South Africa-for over four hundred centuries.

How do we rebuild the moral fabric of society that has degenerated so much and where values have disappeared? A very real challenge facing nations all over the world. The social challenges prevailing in society require urgent and real attention. Where do we start? Let’s go back to basics and instil the spirit of Ubuntu/Botho.


Ubuntu is an African word for a universal concept. Ubuntu/Botho is the potential for being human, to value the good of the community above self interest. Ubuntu is to strive to help people in the spirit of service, to show respect to others and to be honest and trustworthy.

Ubuntu regards humanity as an integral part of the eco-systems that lead to a communal responsibility to sustain life. Ubuntu/Botho shares natural resources on a principle of equity among and between generations. Ubuntu/Botho is fair to all, is compassionate, is a collective respect for human dignity. Ubuntu/Botho refers to people and is one of those things that you recognize when you experience it.

The cardinal spirit of Ubuntu/Botho is expressed in Xhosa/Zulu/Sotho, one of South Africa’s eleven official languages, as 'Umntu ngumntu ngabanye abantu' understood in English as “People are people through other people” and “I am human because I belong to the human community and I view and treat others accordingly “.

In Zulu, another official language in South Africa, the word Ubuntu embodies a distinctive worldview of the human community and the identities, values, rights, and responsibilities of its members. It is about “we” – not “me.”

There are several definitions for Ubuntu. From manners to humanity, to this definition given in 'The South African White Paper on Welfare', where Ubuntu/Botho is officially

recognized as : “the principle of caring for each other’s well-being and as a spirit of mutual support. Each individual’s humanity is ideally expressed through his or her relationship with others and theirs in turn through a recognition of the individual’s humanity. Ubuntu means that people are people through other people. It also acknowledges both the right and the responsibilities of every citizen in promoting individual and societal well-being” 2.

An African expression of Ubuntu /Botho says: “Your pain is my pain, My wealth is your wealth, Your salvation is my salvation.” It is about the individual being so rooted in the community that your personal identity is defined by what you give to the community.

An example of a greeting in Shona, another of South Africa’s official languages: “Good morning, did you sleep well?” “I slept well if you slept well.” “How has your day been?” “My day has been good if your day has been good.” In other words, we are so connected that if you don’t sleep well, or if you were not having a good day, how could I sleep well or have a good day? This kind of greeting would apply to a stranger one met on the road as well as a friend or family.

More simply put: “I am what I am because of you.” This phrase communicates a basic respect, empathy and compassion for others. The phrase ‘an injury to one is an injury to all’ reinforces this community sentiment. Ubuntu/Botho inspires us to open ourselves to others, to learn of others as we learn of ourselves.

A person with Ubuntu is open and available to others, affirms and resepcts others, does not feel threatened by others’ strengths or abilities, because he or she recognises that we all belong to a greater whole. However, a growing rift between new structures and traditional values has seen the erosion of the spirit of Ubuntu/Botho, and made it difficult for people to interact openly in certain instances. If the concept of Ubuntu/Botho is consciously harnessed, it has the power to bring about increased harmony within society, promoting a new patriotism among the people of its nation. Ubuntu/Botho calls for unity and mutual co-operation among people who live in a particular area with honesty and reliability being important.

This 'Spirit Of The Age Or Of The Time', and if we are to elongate this definition from the Mirriam Dictionary, Zeitgeist is "the general beliefs, ideas, the general intellectual, moral or cultural climate of a people in various or particular eras" of which the term, Zeit + Geist is Spirit, which is German and was first known to be used in 1835, defines clearly why I am saying that it is an important feature of the Culture and spirit of Africans in south Africa.

Today, many people, especially non-South Africans, have decided to take it upon themselves to give whatever their perceived meaning of the term term is all about. Well, about time we, Africans of South Africa tell the world what it is we mean as we are the ones who live and manifest this term in our midst and cultural practices with one another.

African South Africa Cultural Zeitgeist

It is at this point I will cull extensively from Steven Bantu Biko regarding the nature and reality of African culture, with Ubuntu/Botho as its fulcrum and base-and what that is all about.

"One of the most difficult things to do these days is to talk with authority on anything to do with African culture. Somehow Africans are not expected to have any deep understanding of their own culture or even of themselves. Other people have become authorities on all aspects of the African life or to be more accurate "BANTU" life. Thus we have the thickest of volumes on some of the strangest subjects - even "the feeding habits of the Urban Africans", a publication by a fairly liberal" group, Institute Of Race Relations." [on the Internet, there are sites which are still carrying this type of thing of describing Urban Africans, their foods, etc-by people who have never even lived with them, nor know them very well]

"In my Opinion, Biko Adds, "it is not necessary to talk with Africans about African culture.. However, in the light of the above statements one realizes that there is so much confusion own, not only amongst casual non-African readers, but even amongst Africans themselves, that perhaps a sincere attempt should be made at emphasizing the authentic cultural aspects of the African people by Africans themselves.

Biko goes on on to further give a much more cogent and clearer picture about this aspect of African Culture that everybody, today, especially non-Africans, seem to claim and pretend like they really know what they are talking about. I would rather this read Biko and his much more concrete explanation of what they need to know about the African Concept of Ubuntu/Botho.

"The blacks are tired of standing at the touchlines to witness a game that they should be playing. They want to do things for themselves and all by themselves.

"It becomes more necessary to see the truth as it is if you realise that the only vehicle for change are these people who have lost their personality. The first step therefore is to make the black man come to himself; to pump back life into his empty

"It becomes more necessary to see the truth as it is if you realise that the only vehicle for change are these people who have lost their personality. The first step therefore is to make the black man come to himself; to pump back life into his empty

"Ours Has Always Been A Man-Centered Society"

It is about time we tell the world about ourselves from how we think and se ourselves in relation to the world. We are not going to ask anyone for an interpretation of ourselves, cultures and everything in it. What we say is, and shall be, But before we synergize and crystalize this thought, I will still further defer to Biko to set up the table of discourse on this issue he had already discussed a bit of above.

"Since that unfortunate date - 1652 - we have been experiencing a process of acculturation. It is perhaps presumptuous to call it "acculturation" because this term implies fusion of different cultures. In our case, this fusion has been extremely one-sided. The two major cultures that met and 'fused" were the African Culture and the Anglo-Boer Culture. Whereas the African culture was unsophisticated and simple, The Anglo-Boer culture had all the trappings of a colonialist culture and therefore was heavily equipped for conquest.

"Where they could, they conquered by persuasion, using highly exclusive religion that denounced all other Gods and demanded a strict code of behavior with respect to clothing, education, ritual and custom. Where it was impossible to convert, fire-arms were readily available and used to advantage. Hence the Anglo-Boer culture was the more powerful culture in almost all facets. This is where the Africa began to lose a grip on himself and his surroundings.

"Thus in taking a look at cultural aspects of the African people, one inevitably finds himself having to compare. This is primarily because of the contempt that the 'superior' culture shows towards the indigenous culture. To justify its exploitative basis, the Anglo-boer culture has at all times been directed at bestowing an inferior status to all cultural aspects of the indigenous people.

"I am against the belief that African culture is time-bound, the notion that with the conquest of the African all his culture was obliterated. I am also against the belief that when one talks of African Culture,one is necessarily talking of the pre-van Riebeeck culture. Obviously the African culture has had to sustain severe blows and may have been battered nearly out of shape by the belligerent cultures it collided with, yet in essence, even today, one can easily find the fundamental aspects of the pure African culture in the present-day African(s). hence, in taking a look at African culture, I am going to refer as well to what I have termed the "Modern African Culture".

"Modern African Culture" - Ubuntu/Botho Is Being Man-Centered From An African Centered Perspective

"One of the most fundamental aspects of our culture is the importance we attach to Man. "Ours has Always been [and is] a man Society[and Culture]. Westerners have in many occasions been surprised at the capacity we have for talking to each other - not for the sake of arriving at a particular conclusion, but merely to enjoy the communication for its own sake. Intimacy is a term not exclusive for particular friends but applying to a whole group of people who find themselves together either through work or through residential requirements.

"In fact, in traditional African culture, there is no such thing as tow friends. Conversation groups were more or less naturally determined by age and division of labor. thus one would find all boys whose job was to look after cattle periodically meeting at popular spots to engage in conversation about their cattle, girlfriends, parents, heroes, etc.

"All commonly shared their secrets, joys and woes. No one felt unnecessarily an intruder into into someone else's business. The curiosity manifested was welcome. It came out of a desire to share. this pattern one should find in all age groups. House visiting was always a feature of the elderly's folk ways of life. No reason was needed as a basis for visits. It was all part of our deep concern for each other-[thus- Botho/Ubuntu].

One Of The Many Ways to Conceptualize Botho/Ubunttu

The philosophy that encompasses three deeply held traditional maxims in African culture: to affirm one’s own humanity by recognizing the humanity in others and in turn establish respectful, generous, and humane relationships with those others; to alw

The philosophy that encompasses three deeply held traditional maxims in African culture: to affirm one’s own humanity by recognizing the humanity in others and in turn establish respectful, generous, and humane relationships with those others; to alw

We Should Be Erudite About Ourselves and Place in World History And Culture

“You have seen by now what education means to us: the identification of ourselves with the masses. Education to us means service to Africa. You have a mission; we all have a mission. A nation to build we have, a God to glorify, a contribution clear to make towards the blessing of mankind. We must be the embodiment of our people’s aspirations. And all we are required to do is to show the light and the masses will follow.” (Robert Sobukwe)

African leaders will have to begin to listen to and respect their follwoers. We need to begin, commence and start where we are most comfortable with ourselves. Our culture has all we need. When one looks at this Hub from Start to the point where I start talking about Ubuntu/Botho, all is chaos and destabilization. there is no nation that is going to emerge from the dysfunction I have listed above.

This is what Professor Clarke has to say about all I have been talking about above:

"What I am trying to look into is how people maintain certain techniques that make them believe enough in themseles and become less dependent on other people in order to be whole again. And that the nature of oppression robs us of our wholeness, a lot of our confidnence, and, if we're going to have a cultural revolution, this cultural revolution must first be based on regaining our confidence in our ability to handle everything in a nation."

Prof. Clarke continues:
"That is why I have always disagreed with the current approach to South Africa, that we need to fight more than Apartheid. Apartheid is a real issue. Apartheid has caused misery to millions of people. We need to fight it all the way, but, while fighting it we need to prepare to take over that nation. A nation needs railroads. Who's going to build them? But if we buy steel from someone else, we've got to pay a high price. Who's going to develop an internal steel industry? Who's going to master the mines? Who's going to market what comes out of the mines? All of this is part of the restoration of self-confidence, and all of this involves a return to things that we've already done at a previous time in history.

"That is why, especially in [South africa] we are literally kept from our history. If you expect the present-day school system to give history to you, you are dreaming. This, we have to do ourselves. The Chinese didn't go out in the world and beg people to teach Chinese studies or let them them teach Chinese Studies. the Japanese didn't do that either. People don't beg other people to restore their history; they do it themselves. They learn something about freedom that we have to learn, that Freedom is something we must take with our own hands and secure it with our own hands. If other people's hands secure it for us, other people's hands can take it away from us." Our main ally and our most dependable ally in the fight for Africa, is us, and nobody is really addressing these facts, and yet when you read most of the posts on FB, you read people hollering for "Revolution and overthrowing the government", and yet, they are not even cognizant of the facts noted by Clarke above, or the goings on on the ground in their sectors."

In their thinking/talking about revolution and carrying out a revolution, Africans had better come to grips with what is a nation and how they are going to go about creating and building a viable and authentic and autonomous nation. Words should give meaning to our intentions and our intentions is to execute those meanings; words work as part of Afrcans' struggle and reality. As this piece is being written, it can be regarded and taken as a preface of the writing of African's own history and all that it requires from their own perspective and mindset.
They shall only succeed if they read what each is composing, not only copying from someone, and it all comes with original ideas that are relevant and relatable to their reality on the ground-from the Townships to the villages and suburbs, and might in the end be original in highlighting those pertinent and basic issues which resonate and are relevant to the people those seeking change for all those they are trying to mobilize and organize/uplift.

Just as in national-building, the material, ideas and ways and means that they will be utilizing should come from what the culture offers and has picked up on along the centuries-morphing and modifying itself from the new and the old-that, forming that cultural entity, which Africans can create and form a nation from, is one of the essential national building blogs. But it will take understanding the meaning of the reality of words and their relevance to their present-and how they articulate, elucidate, execute and manifest that which they know, have learnt and master from and about their cultures, customs, traditions,histories, music, dance, traditional dress, languages, sacred rites and practices within the make-up and formation of a nation as they see fit.... And with aesthetical erudition

If they can learn about learning from each other, respect their own ideas, thoughts and intentions, they might be able to grasp, fully and clearly, the notion and ways and possibilities of Nation building and unification... They need to better stop acting like they know it all, and accept that they have still so much much ground and learning to do about building a nation, let alone executing a revolution. Africans will never ever be Americans, nor Europeans or any other nation, but Africans of South Africa(Mzantsi). Maybe if African people start with that recognition, they might have their eyes, minds and hearts opened as to the importance of all that is theirs, originally and authentically and autonomously: .... a nation; maybe manage to start to build a nation in 2014-as the voting is around the corner, and they are only a nation when it is time for voting-after that, are discarded like snuff mucous. Africans in South Africa are far much better than this... This must be put to an end-the sooner, the better.

Gauteng eTolls Make No Sense

Time For The ANC To Listen To the People

As the Hub and the last video above, it is time that the the ANC-led government began to listen to its people. Even if they were to will the coming election, their power is slipping and dwindling amongst its voting polity who have lost confidence in the ability of the ANC to keep its promises and rule with fairness and jsutice. They are also aware that corruption will worsen, and poverty will be even more endemic than it already is.

So long as articles like the one ones I have cited, and the way they have been cobbled-up in the Hub above, one message constantly props-up: the ANC has to come to to earth and be among and for the masses. These messages and the information collated within the whole Hub are an indication that all is not well in Mzantsi, and the pictures, videos, different people from all walks of life, decry the corruption, broken promises and their being ignored and abused by the present government which in 2014 will pander for their votes. Well, as we have see in some articles, these leaders are chosen for the people by powerful monied potentates and international interests and governments. It is up to the ANC to take the side of its Poor Africans and other poor minorities and rebuild its base from there, or else, they will never be able to stay in power much longer.

At this juncture, I would like to delve deeper into an issue where the ANC has made promises to people and did a three-sixty and betrayed those promises. This is the issues of water, which the government claims it owns, but has not told the people that it has sold the water to a French Company. I would like to take up on the Water Wars that are taking place in South Africa today.

Since the ANC took over its lackey power, they have been in many negotiations with international Capital and governments in parcelling out land and resources of the people of South Africa. All they are interested in the kickbacks they get from such illicit and illegal shadowy transaction out of sight and in secret without their voting polity being made aware. That is why I have said from the outset that the ANC will have to begin to tell the people the truth because it is in the interest of the ANC and the people that such a dialogue and interaction take place, as will be noticed from the article below.

Apparently, the elitist class of the ANC does not think that they will fall out of grace and power through their shenanigans. But the signs are becoming much more clearer that this will not remain to be so. Right now, they want to make everyone pay for electricity and water, and these are priced outside the means of the poor. To go with that, are the broken promises by the leaders of ANC and their unstable approach to governance that in reality, as they are learning on the job, they are making a disaster of the society and rule of law in South Africa. One thing they are very good at, is not listening to Africans and other poor minorities and they cary on with a thuggish carte blanche attitude and gangster mentality.

The highest costs to poor communities have come in the form of disease and mass disconnections...

A woman gives her child water from a communal tap outside their home in Diepsloot

A woman gives her child water from a communal tap outside their home in Diepsloot

South Africa's water demand will outstrip its supply between 2025 and 2030, according to projections in the National Treasury’s 2012 Budget Review.

South Africa's water demand will outstrip its supply between 2025 and 2030, according to projections in the National Treasury’s 2012 Budget Review.

We are informed by Patrick Bond in the following Article that:

South Africa is one of the world’s most unequal countries. After a successful fight against racial apartheid, it is no surprise that the sphere of economic rights is also being contested. With liberation from many government regulations, neoliberal water industry actors began pushing for deregulation and privatization. Intense grassroots critiques of water disconnections, pre-paid meters and privatisation emerged from many communities, including the Johannesburg townships of Soweto and Orange Farm.

The battle turns violent

The murder of well-known 61-year-old Orange Farm Water Crisis Committee activist Emily Lengolo, in her sleep at 1:00 am on 8 February 2003, is still unsolved. But witness reports of the killer’s chilling remark at the scene – ‘This is the one we are looking for’ – suggest it was a political hit job. A front-page New York Times report by Ginger Thompson on 29 May 2003 seemed finally to draw the attention of water minister Ronnie Kasrils:

Municipalities have begun working to turn debt‑ridden and inefficient water utilities into profitable operations that could attract private investment. A handful have already granted long‑term management concessions to private multinationals...

‘Privatisation is a new kind of apartheid,’ said Richard Mokolo, leader of the Crisis Water Committee, which was formed to resist the privatisation effort in a township called Orange Farm, 25 miles south of Johannesburg. ‘Apartheid separated whites from blacks. Privatisation separates the rich from the poor.’

South African officials say the change in policies has helped expand water services to 8 million of 13 million people who did not have water when apartheid ended. But the statistics have not added up to progress in many poor communities, which have won their first reliable water services but now struggle to pay for them.

The issue of access to services has become an explosive new cause in the same urban townships and rural squatter camps that were principal battlegrounds in the fight against apartheid. During the World Summit on Sustainable Development last August, thousands marched from the tin shacks of Alexandra past the elegant mansions of Sandton to protest, among other things, water and electricity cutoffs and evictions. Their cry: ‘Water for the thirsty. Light for the people. Homes for the homeless…’

Leaders in sprawling townships including Soweto, Alexandra and Orange Farm have encouraged people not to pay electricity and water bills. They have organised teams of bootleg plumbers and electricians to reconnect utilities when they are cut off. Political rallies and demonstrations have turned into street fights.

Thomson moved to Orange Farm for a close up view:

On the dirt streets of Orange Farm, where state‑of‑the‑art water meters have been installed in front of lopsided tin shacks, people foresee a human disaster. Because of its location, it is known as the ‘deep south.’ However, it seems a fitting nickname in other ways.

The township has become a microcosm of the nation’s most pressing social problems, including high rates of unemployment, violent crime and HIV‑infections.

Officials at Johannesburg Water acknowledged that in communities like these, billing people for water has been like squeezing water from a stone. In addition to the limited resources, a culture of nonpayment lingers from the years when people refused to pay utility bills, usually a flat fee for water and electricity, in support of boycotts against the apartheid regime.

‘The problem is not that we do not want to pay for water,’ said Hilda Mkwanza, a 45‑year‑old mother of six who lives in Orange Farm. ‘The problem is we cannot pay.’

Interviews with her and other Orange Farm women, who live by doing other people’s laundry, said they barely had enough money to pay for food and school fees. Many have prepaid electricity meters in their homes, and they say their families end up in the dark for several days each month.

Mr. Mokolo, a veteran of the anti‑apartheid movement, urges people not to pay. ‘The government promised us that water is a basic right,’ he said. ‘But now they are telling us our rights are for sale.

Kasril’s response

In a letter to the Times the following week, Kasrils replied: ‘We seek, in a practical, nonideological way, sustainable solutions. We work in partnership with those who can help achieve our objectives. The result is not millions of people cut off.’ Actually, a 2001 survey showed an estimated 10 million households experienced cutoffs. Kasrils then described the pre-paid water meter system as ‘an example of how South Africa is harnessing home‑grown technology for development.’ Again, a dishonest reply, because such meters were introduced en masse in Britain during the 1990s, and by the end of the decade had been banned, because they presented a public health risk. Resort to this kind of sophistry reveals the pressure Kasrils was under, but that was nothing compared to the pressure on people like Mokolo, whose life was periodically threatened, and who remained on the front lines of the Johannesburg water war.

To what extent did international capital hold sway in Johannesburg when it came to providing water to the vast majority of the city’s residents?

Services are the ‘greatest challenge’ to living a decent life in Johannesburg. There is only one recent (2000) official survey that systematically measures citizen satisfaction with water services, and it is not flattering: ‘There is a strong indication that residents from all areas are beginning to feel a heightened sense of frustration and decreased sense of control that they have over their communities and the city due to perceptions of the council’s decreasing ability to manage the services under their jurisdiction.’Among their top five complaints, residents listed electricity (48%), water (42%) and toilets (33%) as three of the five worst problems. The other two were the city’s failure to create jobs and maintain health clinics. For black African Johannesburg residents, the figures were, respectively, 58%, 53% and 45%, ranking as the first, second and fourth worst problems.

A key player in the delivery of water services is a Suez affiliate, Johannesburg Water (JW), an arms-length ‘private company with limited liability.’ It serves as the operating vehicle for both the City of Johannesburg and Suez. JW purchases nearly a billion rands worth of water from the Rand Water Board each year, and records turnover of R2.1 billion. More than 9 500 km of water pipes and 9 000 km of sewers, 86 reservoirs and 33 water towers lead to six treatment plants. The company was established on 1 January 2001, after a sale of assets (R1.6 billion) and debtors books (R573 million). The company pays Johannesburg R60 million in interest and R40 million redemption on the purchase loan each year. Capital investment for 2002 was R187 million, but this commitment fell 38% in 2003 to R116 million.

The mandate the company has from the city is ‘to provide an efficient and cost effective service for the city to attract economic growth and development. JW must provide sufficient lifeline and subsidised tariffs at the lower level of consumption to maintain social stability among the populace.’ JW has 550 000 domestic, commercial and industrial customers, but only takes billing responsibility for the top 15 000 consumers leaving the rest to the city. The deal with Suez lasts until 2006, when it could be renewed for more than two decades.

Advocates of a neoliberal approach to water provision and pricing, ranging from World Bank advisors to JW’s management, have introduced several unsound features. JW’s pricing strategies fail to incorporate eco-social factors, including public health, gender equity, the environment or economic benefits such as employment generation or stimulation of small-scale enterprises. Johannesburg’s narrow financial-rate-of-return policy fragments city services, disengaging civil servants in the water or electricity or waste-removal sectors from those in the health sector, for instance.

Governance deficits have also been serious. JW refused to provide Wits University researcher Ebrahim Harvey and his allies at the Freedom of Expression Institute with information on their contract bid or the controversial Orange Farm pilot projects, a refusal Harvey and the Freedom of Expression Institute are contesting legally. In addition to the debates over pricing and disconnections, there are three other areas in which problems can be observed: inadequate existing standards of water and sanitation services; installation of pre-paid water meters; and new sanitation systems.

Suez: pre-paid meters, VIPs and shallow sewers

Growing dissatisfaction with water services was recorded in the Johannesburg Metropolitan Council Attitude Survey in 2000. The nearly one million people living in informal settlements continued to suffer intense inequity in the delivery of water: 65% used communal standpipes, 14% yard standpipes and 20% water tankers. For sanitation, 52% had only pit latrines, 45% chemical toilets, 2% communal flush toilets and 1% ablution blocks. The threat of service disconnections due to poverty was severe for those with their own water taps.

Because disconnected water pipes were increasingly (unlawfully) reconnected by the Anti-Privatisation Forum and informal township plumbers, thousands of pre-paid meters were installed in Johannesburg. The R342 million, five-year operation, termed ‘Gcin’amanzi’, Zulu for ‘conserve water’, was aimed at ‘self-disconnection’ as the solution to durable non-payment problems in Soweto, Orange Farm, Ivory Park and Alexandra. The fight against pre-paid meters began in Orange Farm in 2002 and by 2003 created havoc in the Phiri section of Soweto, where repeated arrests did not succeed in normalising the JW strategy.

Another Gcin’amanzi strategy addressed sanitation. JW’s objection to installing full sewage is the ongoing operating expense, the 12 litres per flush of conventional toilets. A somewhat lower capital cost for JW’s ‘shallow sewer’ reflects the lack of water inflow piping. Hence instead of cisterns, buckets are used for flushes to limit water flow-through. However, in the field of sanitation, money saved in one area may be lost elsewhere. To take one example, the installation of Ventilated Improved Pitlatrines (VIPs) was agreed upon by Johannesburg’s Transformation Lekgotla in June 1999 without public participation. But in budgeting R15 million worth of pit latrines from privatisation revenues, instead of water-borne sewage, which would save money for the soon-to-be corporatised JW, city officials failed to factor in the environmental or public health implications of E.coli flooding through the Jukskei River and into the water table of Sandton, the city’s wealthiest suburb.

Notwithstanding the dangers, according to JW business plans, the company intends to spend R16 million constructing 6 500 VIPs from 2003 to 2006 in several informal settlements. The shallow sewer system is also attractive to the company, because the maintenance costs are transferred to ‘condominium’ residential units. Residents — and particularly women — are instructed on how to clean the system every three months in a manner that threatens public health. The most extraordinary feature is that pipes are regularly blocked with excrement, not by accident but as a matter of deliberate cost-savings. JW provides ‘Maintenance Procedure’ instructions for the unfortunate residents:

  • Open all inspection chambers
  • Wear gloves
  • Remove all solids and waste from the inspection chambers
  • Do a mirror test for each chamber-to-chamber section
  • If waste material is found in a section, bring in the tube from the upstream inspection chamber until it comes into contact with the obstruction
  • Block off the outlet from the downstream inspection chamber with a screen that allows water to pass through but not solids
  • Push the tube until the material is moved to the downstream inspection chamber
  • Wear gloves and remove waste material by hand
  • Pour a large quantity of water through the section between the two inspection chambers and check for cleaning
  • Repeat the mirror test
  • Close the inspection chambers
  • Inspection chambers must be kept closed at all times except during cleaning operations.

Conclusion: limits of commodification

Controversies over such features of Johannesburg-style water apartheid are increasingly common in sites of corporatisation and commodification in Latin America, Africa, Asia and even advanced industrial countries. The most fundamental contradiction can now be addressed: the desire to limit water cross-subsidisation by corporations and rich people to low-income consumers. The global-local connection is not merely, as Olver suggested, about the importance of ‘competitiveness’ for Johannesburg businesses, hence their desire for lower water prices. By buying into the logic of global neoliberalism, the ANC government reproduces and amplifies class apartheid in its municipalities.

The distortion of market prices by cross-subsidy is also a deterrent to further water privatisation, as World Bank water official John Roome was quick to point out in his 1995 advice to then minister Asmal. Roome’s power-point slideshow, which he later claimed was ‘instrumental’ in a ‘radical revision’ of Asmal’s water pricing policy, argued that municipal privatisation contracts, ‘would be much harder to establish,’ if poor consumers had the expectation of getting something for nothing. If consumers didn’t pay, Roome continued, Asmal needed a ‘credible threat of cutting service’.

The logic played out over the subsequent eight years. The 2000-03 move to commodify Johannesburg’s water through outsourcing to an international water corporation brought with it several new profitable techniques: revised tariffs that appeared to provide free water, but didn’t; pre-paid meters aimed at self-disconnections; and no-flush sanitation of an appallingly low, gender-biased standard. But because Johannesburg workers and poor people, especially women, are amongst the most politicized in Africa, protest was inevitable. In 2006, Suez may well find that the failure to have its contract with Johannesburg renewed is the price it pays for imposing neoliberalism on angry, desperate communities, whose vision of a better life includes water as a human right, not a commodity.

As municipalities across SA battle to maintain water infrastructure, access to water is a key driver of many social protests in the country.

According to a study by the Dr Barbara Tapela of the University of the Western Cape, service delivery protests related to water were becoming "more frequent and more violent”.

This is because municipalities are not meeting the expectations residents have to have easy and regular access to water.

This finding has been released after a week where Rhodes University staff and students took to the streets to protest about nine days of not having water.

Tapela points out that inadequate access to water hits the ANC’s poor support base the hardest.

This suggests that water will become a campaign issue in the 2014 national and 2016 municipal elections, the question is whether this will see a swing in votes to opposition parties.

While opposition parties like the DA, EFF and Agang are confident that it will, lobby organisations like Abahlali and the Unemployed People’s movement believe that ANC voters are more likely to stay away than give their vote to another party.

Meanwhile, Whites in Kleinfontein Waste water watering Verwoerd's Bust!

A municipality worker waters a monument to the former prime minister of South Africa Hendrik Verwoerd at the gate to Kleinfontein community, outside Pretoria, South Africa.

A municipality worker waters a monument to the former prime minister of South Africa Hendrik Verwoerd at the gate to Kleinfontein community, outside Pretoria, South Africa.

Water Has Become More Precious Than gold

The theme that constantly jumps at the reader is the oft repeated comment by the poor that "the ANC promised us free water and they said it is our basic right", and one resident wryly observed in one article above that' the(the ANC) has overturned our basic right to water and has put it up for sale." The struggle of water in South Africa, and in particular, the Big Suburb/Ghetto of Soweto) has begun to set up the stage for a future war(which people sense is coming) or revolution, which has some ANC people worried.

Activists in the forefront of these popular struggles are facing intimidation and constant harassment for enabling the residents whose water has beens liters has run out, since their water has been commerically outsourced and commercialized to foreign companies and this has required the residents to pay over R10.00 per liter for Water, of which some say they really are not getting the allotted amount. So that, within the articles, one can see the whole modus operandi of how the ANC and its handlers get to profit.

The residents are made to pay exorbitant water and electric bill, of which, the water, which has been sold to a French company, and that same company pays the City of Johannesburg and R60 million in interest, and R40 million in 'greasing' the loan they got when they paid R187 million, and were able to pay R116 million, of which the R71 million will have to be paid by the poor residents, plus the raising interest on the payment, that, in the final analysis, there is really no payment made, because people have no money to buy or pay for water and electricity.

Even the local ANC leaders, who are now facing pressure, like those that were in a meeting this Friday with the resident, really do not understand what I have just said, or as cited by Bond in his article above. The question that come from the locals are met with a sense of obduracy, arrogance/ignorance and disregard by these ANC representatives for the problems facing them. When one of the local resident in effect told the ANC reps that they came to their communities to tell them about the way water has to be paid, without asking the resident what they think of it and/or should be done-he was hauled out of the meeting by some ANC spooks and honchos.

Right now, there is a problem facing the denizens of Soweto where people in areas known as "Deep Soweto" have to go about at night stealing water from the taps of their neighbors for they have none to drink or wash with. In fact, the ANC cadres could not answer the people in this meeting in Diepkloof, Soweto, when they asked them what are they supposed to pay after their 6,000 liters run out, per liter. None of the Officials could answer the public. Instead, these officials are intimidated by the members of the locals who are feisty and articulate about the Water Wars that have begun since the ANC sold their Water to the French, and they are getting commission from these companies. The locals are ignored, and intimidated.

What the ANC is ignoring is what Samora Machel said:

"The truth is that we understand fully what we do not want: oppression, exploitation, humiliation. But as to what we do want want and how to get it, our ideas are necessarily still vague. They are born of practice, corrected by practice. ... We undoubtedly will run into setbacks. But it is from these setbacks that we will learn."

In addition to the story of the inhabitants of Orange Farm(as written by Bond above) using 'bootleg' plumbers and 'izinyoka"(snakes) to reconnect and bypass the water systems and give water to their resident, or reconnect those who have no electricity(which has become one of the many ways that the people are learning and fighting back), we will add the issue and problems of water in the following article written by Marti Wenger to show the extant and breadth and depth of this miasma:

All indications are that the controversial water quality problems in Carolina are the tip of the iceberg.

Louis Trichardt (in the Makhado municipality in Limpopo) has been without water for two months now. Ratepayers in the town of Louis Trichardt and parts of the Free State are reportedly preparing to go to court to demand improved water access. In addition, Hoedspruit, Boskbokrand, Brandfort, Winburg, Soutpan, Verkeerdevlei and Marquard have all been left without clean water for significant lengths of time this year.

The question is: what is Minister Molewa's plan to prevent further problems and to ensure that potable water is delivered to these and other towns across the country that face severe water shortages?

I have today written to the Minister to furnish me with a progress report for all of these areas, including Carolina, which is still without safe water.

In the wake of the court ruling against the Gert Sibande Municipality to deliver potable water we cautioned that it was not clear that any of the structural issues contributing to water delivery failure had been adequately addressed. Carolina, along with Caropark and Silobela townships, has gone without drinking water for at least six months. This is six months too long, and reports indicate that safe water is still not being delivered.

The Minister herself has noted in reply to a DA parliamentary question that it is estimated that up to 25% of people who have access to a tap are without an acceptable level of service. This is principally a result of failing municipal infrastructure, but management problems are increasingly highlighted as a contributing factor.

Unfortunately, it appears that the Blue Drop Report that the Department of Water is currently using to aid water service authorities to improve their ability to deliver potable water is not performing adequately as an early monitoring system, despite 'process control management' and 'water safety planning' being prominent scorecard indicators in the Blue Drop system.

The Vhembe water service authority, under which Louis Trichardt falls, scored 74.85% on the Blue Drop Report assessment and was one of the most improved performers in the latest edition of the report. Makhado scored 75% on 'process control management' and 57% on 'water safety planning'.

It is becoming clear that the Department of Water will have to go further than the annual production of the Blue Drop Report. We need stronger action from the Department in the form of directives and even criminal charges against municipal authorities that are failing in their duty to deliver potable water to all South Africans.

The Minister has been at pains to point out that the national department is the regulator and not responsible for water provision on the ground. That is true, but then her Department must do the job of the regulator.

Minister Molewa called the Carolina court action a war against the state and said that it was municipalities' responsibility to ensure water access in their jurisdiction. But municipal water service authorities fall under the ultimate responsibility of the Department of Water Affairs. It is time for Minister Molewa to stop passing the buck and start taking responsibility.

The lack of action in all these places to address the concerns of water shortages in these areas is still not being addressed. Instead, this company is busy putting up meters, as we have see that the very same meters ended being banned in England, so that, what will make them succeed in the Soweto's of South Africa? At present, they are not really succeeding, and in the meantime, the residents,those who cannot afford to buy water or electricity, are suffering and getting very restless and angry.

The ANC, instead of listening to the people, are focused on increasing their commissions and fat checks, and ignore or try to intimidate the locals of these suffering enclaves. The thing about this is that eventually there is a price to be paid, and the ANC does not think that will happen to them.. Well time and history will tell. Water has become a very scarce commodity in a land with many rivers, and most of it is being redirected and channelled to the Coal Mining Interests along the Limpopo and such places. Underground aquifers have been shut down to redirect water to these burgeoning mining companies.. Well, that too, has come within the purview of the poor, and they have begun to learn how to correct their bungling errors, and enter into a revolutionary mode in dealing with their detractors-both the ANC and the Multi-corporations.

Scarcity of Water for the Poor, Plenty for the Mining Magnates and the Rich

The North Gauteng High Court's judgement ordered the municipality to supply residents of Carolina with potable drinking water.

The North Gauteng High Court's judgement ordered the municipality to supply residents of Carolina with potable drinking water.

We are One This Is our Land

MZANTSI (Down South Of Africa)

MZANTSI (Down South Of Africa)

Empire, Corporte Magnates, Banks and International/Local Governments Covert Actions

Understanding "Corporatocracy"

At the point where I left off, the collusion of the ANC and the multi-corporations, it is very important at this juncture to delineate what it is that takes place behind the scenes; in the smoke-filled rooms and private bars, where deals go down outside the purview of the electrorate. It is also important to underscore the fact that whenever we speak about shady dealings and other such shenanigans, we have to bear in mind that these things happen, and it is important that people begin to learn what is the modus operandi of these transactions.

Foreign governments are interested in the material wealth and cheap labor power of the countries in which they find their interest. For instance, there are many agreements that take place between, say, a new incoming newly elected government. The multi-corporatiion and their governments have operatives who carry out the desires, interests and wishes of the their homeland imperial bosses. Take for instance the account of the "Confessions of an Economic Hitman", wherein John Perkins tells of his own inner journey from willing servant of empire to impassioned advocate for the rights of oppressed people. Covertly recruited by the United States National Security Agency and on the payroll of an international consulting firm, he traveled the world—to Indonesia, Panama, Ecuador, Colombia, Saudi Arabia, Iran and other strategically important countries. His job was to implement policies that promoted the interests of the U.S. corporatocracy (a coalition of government, banks, and corporations) while professing to alleviate poverty—policies that alienated many nations and ultimately led to September 11 and growing anti-Americanism.

The intricacies of the relations of the corporation and their government is a grey area because an operative can work for both, because both have the same interests. Perkings explains it all in the video below, and this will begin to help and give abetter perspective to the people of what their governments and corporation, those controlled by the corporotocarcy known as the "Johannesburgers", a motley crew of South African businessmen who call the shots as to how governance in South Africa should be carried out. How the economy and distribution of social services; They also control the disbursement of funds for the betterment of the locals, which they really could care less about.

The reader/viewer gets to learn from Perkings how Empires are built, and gives a clear analysis how they, the corporotocracy, establishes a band of lackeys who do their bidding. If leaders of these countries do not comply, they are eliminated by what Perkings calls the "Jackals" (Economic Hitman). This is important for the people to know and learn from Perkings because it answers a lot of questions that people do not who or how to ask.

In order for us to fully appreciate and understand the corruption that one sees in South Africa, Perkings explains clearly how these leaders are corrupted.In a word, Perkings will help the poor people of south Africa to understand the true reality of their decrepit existential reality.

Corporate Profit versus Humanity

The Gates Foundation has donated $26 billion since its inception in 1994 to help developing countries and the UN to fund world health goals. However, through his “leveraged philanthropy” model of public-private partnerships, Gates may be doing far mo

The Gates Foundation has donated $26 billion since its inception in 1994 to help developing countries and the UN to fund world health goals. However, through his “leveraged philanthropy” model of public-private partnerships, Gates may be doing far mo

John Perkins: "Zeitgeist: Addendum" Extended Interview 2008

The Multi-Corporation: Maximizing Profits Regardless of the Environmental Cost

Every time one utters the word "truth", it really becomes a subjective thing. What I mean is that, for anyone who has not lived and experienced the covert actions of the countries that are regarded as imperialists, corporate power and its its shenanigans in the countries they have investment in, will never be able to wrap their heads around the issues he is discussing. For the victims of covert actions from the banks international governments and corporations, the things and points that Perkings is making are their lived reality.

This means the denial of development, jobs, and the cutting off and gauging the profits culled from their labor and material wealth by these corporations, greedily for themselves, is what causes untold miseries and suffering in the world of the poor. Their governments, underlings to International capital and intrigue, do not tell their followers or nations because they are told by their handlers not to talk.

The reality is that the 2nd and 3r world countries are the richest countries in the world. Their material worth and cheap labor power is a magnet for the monied corporation interests. The IMF, World Bank, former colonists and mega-corporations have created a hegemony that stifles any development or freedom to the economically oppressed satellites.

We learn from J.K. Gilbraith that "the conflict between Third World states and transnational corporations in natural resource industries is an inherent and dialectical results of a system of corporate imperialism. Such conflicts should be seen as the manifestation of profound antagonisms among groups in the international capitalist order. These antagonism are generated by patterns of domination and exploitation, subordination and dependent underdevelopment, resulting from the strategies pursued and the structures adopted by global companies.

If the depth of the movement of the Third World economic nationalism should not be underestimated, neither should the pace and intensity of the process of concentration and centralization of capital on a global scale in the contemporary age. The significance of the transnational corporation is the emergence of monopoly capital on a world scale: a large and growing share of world output is falling under the control of "a few hundred technically dynamic, massively capitalized and highly organized corporations. By the beginning of the beginning of the 1970s these 'Juggernauts" controlled some one-fifth of the capitalist world's GNP; since their rate of growth is about double that of non-TNC output in the capitalist world, there is every indication that they will continue to increase their dominance over other forms of business organization and their preeminent role in the world capitalist economy. One apologist of the new system frankly envisages that within a generation, some 400 to 500 transnational corporation(TNC) will own roughly two thirds of the fixed assets of the entire globe." (Graham Bannock)

"At the same time, it should be noted that the process of internationalization of capital has had a marked sectoral and geographical bias. The rapid spread of transnational corporations has been concentrated principally has been associated mainly with in manufacturing, technology-intensive, and durable-goods industries, and it has been concentrated principally within the developed capitalist economies themselves.

Whereas at the outbreak of the First World War,the bulk of international investment was found in primary producing activities and associated infrastructure, today that share has fallen to 36 percent, of which oil accounts for the majority share; and some two-thirdsof all foreign investment today is within the developed world." (United Nations)

On the face of it, the Third World and its resource industries have become less and less important to the operations of International capital; the economic nationalism of the region has emerged too late to make any significant dent on the structure of the world capitalist system and the dynamic of its development.

Thus, whereas the Third World's resource industries have declined in importance as a direct outlet for the investment capital of the capitalist centers and as a basis for direct incremental profit generation and capital accumulation,their indirect importance to the process of capitalist accumulation remains significant and may even be increasing. to be sure, such developments have stimulated the advanced capitalist countries to accelerate their technological efforts to develop synthetic substitutes for natural materials, such as nuclear energy, and to exploit the seabed - efforts which in the medium to long run may result in a marked structural decline in dependence on the natural resources of the Third World. But in the short to medium run, much of the Third World remain indispensable, through its supplying of natural material, to the maintenance and growth of economic activity in the capitalist centers.

This above is the truth, as I had started by saying that it is subjective. But to those that are its victims, it is real and meaningful. The know that their paltry wages, if they are employed, are nothing to the mega profits that the corporations are culling from the wealth and their exploited labor power. Hubs such as this one become a pain to the monied class which has no interest in talk or writing of this nature. Well, be that as it may, this will not dissuade me from pointing out those concrete features of a people's oppression for them to understand it and do what is right.

The sad thing for the people whose minerals are being stolen from them is that their environment is is dying. The soil of their land is killed by the use of various chemicals and careless ploughing and digging their earth and depleting it of resources, and leaving it in ruins. Understanding the way in which the corporations operate, is important for the poor to know and begin to take some action. It is, again, at this juncture, that I turn to Perkings Video, again, and in it, we will begin to discern the truth about the role that corporations play in our lives around the world, also, here in Mzantsi (South Africa) too. To further tell the people about the the Corporations, I think Perkings captures some things I did not write about.

John Perkins - The Secret History of the American Empire

The Poor People, You're On Your Own

This whole Hub is about the problems that are facing South Africans today. These problems are listed and presented through the mediums in terms of videos, articles, newspapers and word of mouth-the problems have to do with what has just happened in South Africa in the second week of December 2013.. What tis Hub attempts to do is to bring about awareness about problems which for now there are no solutions. The feeling is that these problems are in fact our demise, try all we might, we are just going down and the hole is endless.These issues have become insurmountable and very hard to handle, cope with or deal with them. These is a sense of foreboding and scary awareness that what we knew as our community, has been decimated to shreds. It is like we 'dared' to want to vote and be free off the yoke of Apartheid.

The fact that we mustered enough courage to want to be free and at least control our own destinies and be autonomous, we are getting punished for it. We have paid more than a price that the world is not really aware of it. News from South Africa are stunning, graphic, sad and scary. It is like during the Apartheid era, the news about Africans was hard to come by, and today, it has been blacked out of the news zeitgeist by the ANC censorship laws. These come through as sporadic clashes with the police, demonstrators, and a steady diet of terribly 'yellow-journalism' of the South Africa type and variety-Aping American reportage etc. The rest is trash that in its being disseminated. On top of that we see the operations of cultural imperialism at its best in our midist. These and other new and fresh issues will be discussed in full n the next deposition on this Blog following this one.

The news from South Africa has to be retold anew. Articles do their best in capture the rough structure of a core of deep suffering. The people themselves, the victims of this continued economic, psychological repression, are made mum and kept ignorant.This paints a grotesque picture of a people who are non-persons; a people who cannot speak for themselves, yet, even though they elected representatives into government. The sad thing is that the people do not elect their own leaders, they have to vote for a party, which selects its own leaders-aside from what the people think or might say.So that, in the final analysis, those of us within this milieu, have to start from scratch to begin to explain what is going on in South Africa. This has nothing to do with hating or disliking the ANC. I don't. What I am onto is to give a voice to the repression and suffering armies of unemployed and poor masses of South Africa. If that is a crime, so be it.

Mzantsi's People Wretched And Decrepit Existence and Reality

This is when I have come to point out that the story of the oppression of the poor people of Mzantsi is to be told afresh/anew in this viral media. Used to be it was the TV, newspapers and other media gadgets that disseminated the news, but today, at the speed of digital, we hurl memes and zines plus other metadata online, that it has become the ways of communications and human inter-intra action, and that it is the reason why this hub was composed. This was not done to be melodramatic or try some underhanded act, no. This Hub is about the people of Mzantsi, and what is happening to their Here and Now.

This 'here and now' gleaned above, is one part of the reality as lived and experienced by the poor. The other part is obfuscated, hidden and unknown - a world onto its own. Because what it is like to live in an environment of degradation, poor services, corruption, intimidation, ignorance, gazillion diseases, rape, death, burials, murder, drugs, depression, repression, oppression, mental disorders, poverty, crime, poor health services, electricity cut-offs, water shutdowns, poor education, low life expectancy, HIV/AIDS, Cholera, dysentery, TB, high blood pressure, diabetes, broken families and disintegrated extended families, corruption by the police and the parliamentarians and everyone in government, normlessness, anomie, dysfunction in all sectors and areas of society- so that all this and then some is one reality-meaning, it is what one has to deal with every breathing moment of ones life-is worth considering, and is a life that is devastating to its intended victims-that in the end it affects and effects the victims.

When people live a life as just described, and they try to raise concern about it, it is viewed as too tardy, too much gore and whatever else. But that does not change the reality that the people actually see and live like this. This does not alter the facts that the reality of the poor, if described in concrete terms, it is not pretty to see on video or pictures-what more for those who have to live it without any alternative? What better way is there than to paint ones picture of reality honestly, and if it disturbs other people, what about the victims? How disturbed are they? Why should the truth be made palatable at the expense of those who suffer it. Why is it that the reality that a people live should be altered for what they will never understand.

This Hub is about that reality, and in this instance I am giving it meat and bones-a structure that is sorely needed whenever one is giving account of the Inhuman violations of the Human Rights of the Africans in South Africa. There is a climate of tension and uncertainty. There is pressure to find money in a place where there are no jobs to feed oneself and ones' family. There is pressure to 'keep up' with the Zungus' who have made sure they have taken care of their families(the R230-million Nkandla home).

There is so much pressure to educate and pay for one's children's education-that people are not having enough to eat. There is a pressing need for better and clean, with well trained staff, nurses, teachers, local sporting facilities, better and well stuffed schools, intelligent and accountable public servants and reliable service delivery, that, the reader should remember that this is not the case. There is a dire need and cry for better housing, jobs, community development and healing, that the poor peoples of South Africa have never had a chance to do so. Up to this juncture, nothing is coming or has come forth ever since the people started complaining to their local government officials.

What am I saying? Well, a life that is void of any hope is what I am talking about. I am talking about how people are ignored or not listened to. People having to listen to lies, and watch corruption of their elected leaders playing out like a TV Soap Opera; see their children out of sync with their cultures, communities and families; watch people daily getting inebriated and drugged senseless sauntering in the streets; living outside their own culture; listening to radio stations that are controlled by foreigners; water that is owned by another foreign nation and its people; electricity that is controlled by foreigners; living and existing in an environment of vicious racism and all types of oppression, and being 'noted' but not 'seen/heard'. Meaning, all these distorted and seemingly covertly orchestrated contradictions and disease, dysfunction and deconstruction of life and reality are a forms of negative intergenerational transmissions of encrypted and decoded signals and mixed messages(foreign in nature and form), that is in part responsible for the chaos and confusion that is new normal amongst the poor. That is the nub and crux of the problem, here.

If one were to go through the Hub, in part what it does is lay down all the atrocities that are taking place, and the people telling about them that are interviewed in areas of life. This is very important, because, what can be seen about a place, and its people, or events in South African happening today and presented through all forms of media and mediums, is but a normal way of life amongst the poor. Even when they leave their Townships and go to the cities, there too is some more chaos, corruption, dysfunction and disorder. Although, now of late the government has removed the milling street vendors in trying to clear them, for business interest, maybe, who knows. This move has been reversed by the court-htis smacks of bribery and corruption.

Be that as it may be, the crux of the matter is that, the truth about the reality of the lived experiences of Mzantsi need to be understood as told by them. The government has instituted censorship of the Web which enables it to to 'dumb down' the people and monitor and control the flow of data and information and track or trace the 'undesirables' and the lot with this Act(see below the threat the ANC has made to the booing of Zuma by the FNB Mandela mourners). It is a very long Act for me to put down on the Hub, but will cite part of it which deals with Interception and Monitoring Prohibition Act.

The Interception and Monitoring Prohibition Act, No. 127 of 1992

The Act came into effect in February 1993, prior to the enactment of the Interim Constitution (1993). The stated purpose of the Act is both to prohibit the interception and monitoring of certain communications, and to provide for authorisation to do so in certain circumstances.

The Act prohibits any person from:

  1. intentionally intercepting a communication which has, or is being transmitted by telephone or in any other manner over a telephone line; and
  2. intentionally monitoring a conversation by means of a monitoring device so as to gather confidential information concerning any person, body or organisation . 3

Only a High Court Judge can issue a direction authorising the monitoring of communications on two grounds:

  1. If evidence presented convinces a Judge that the offence committed or about to be committed is a serious offence that cannot be properly investigated in any other manner or 4,
  2. that the security of the Republic is threatened and the application convinces him that gathering information concerning a threat to security of the Republic is necessary.

A direction (or order) for interception and monitoring may be approved by the Judge for a maximum of three months and thereafter for a further period not exceeding three months at a time.

The law contains a number of substantive and procedural safeguards for applications for surveillance and the subsequent sections of the Act regulate the manner and procedure of such applications. The Act also contains a 'secrecy' provision preventing any person authorised to perform functions under this Act from improperly disclosing any information obtained.

The only agencies or persons that may make applications for the surveillance of communications are the SA Police Service (SAPS), the National Defence Force (SANDF), the Secret Service and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA).

Offences and penalties

Offences and penalties are provided for violation of the Act's general provisions (section 2) or the secrecy provisions. A fine or imprisonment for a period not exceeding two-years is contemplated for violating section 2, and in the case of the `secrecy clause' contravention, a fine or imprisonment not exceeding five-years can be imposed.

The importance of obtaining the proper authority to monitor or intercept with strict adherence to procedure has been stressed in our courts and the validity of the directive can be automatically vitiated if not lawfully issued. This would not only constitute a criminal offence in terms of the Act, but also constitute an infringement of the right to privacy, which includes the right not to be subject to "the violation of private communications", as set out above. 5

The White Paper on Telecommunications Policy - 1996

The White Paper which preceded the Telecommunications Act 6 also commented on the principles in regard to the interception of call traffic namely, that the very right of government to intercept telecommunications traffic should be stringently controlled; that the Interception and Monitoring Prohibition Act should be reviewed in order to ensure sufficient safeguards are in place and that such a review should of necessity involve public debate and the participation of other Ministries, such as that of Safety and Security. It also proposed that the question of traffic interception should be dealt with in specific legislation, as is currently the case and by logical extrapolation, that such provisions should not be incorporated into the Telecommunications Act which followed. Proposals by the SALC in this regard have been in accordance with this sentiment. (See below).

Telecommunication Service Providers

The Act does not define a telecommunications service provider but merely refers to "persons rendering a telecommunication service". In terms of the Act (section 5) any person (or company) rendering a telecommunications service is obliged to intercept any telegram or postal article in accordance with a direction and hand it over to the law enforcers concerned. The necessary facilities and devices to enable the enforcement officer to execute a direction must be made available to monitor conversations to which the direction applies. Remuneration agreed upon by the law enforcement agency concerned and the person (or company) shall be paid to that person (or company) for assisting to execute a direction. If no agreement can be reached, the Minister of Communications must determine a reasonable remuneration.

It should be noted that the current law provides that the communications/conversations between an attorney and his client are privileged, and may not be intercepted/monitored. Proposals for amendment are contemplated in the draft Bill.

This is an important Act and it is relevant to the control and manipulation of the people. for instance, people in South Africa could not afford computers and the Internet, but the availability of cell phones connected on the Web, is what most people use in south Africa and Africa as whole. In south Africa, the monitoring of these, is law, and if one reads the cited piece above, will understand why I say the ANC is able to control, monitor, surveil, intercept and listen-in into the conversation of unsuspecting users, or those who do not understand the Act above.

The city of Johannesburg applied city ordinances and laws to the townships like they do the suburbs; the corruption in the civil service, people are usually surprised and end up being obstinate when these new measures are dumped on them, and they in the end have no say. The government prints a lot of White Papers and all sorts of color papers to propose or adjust their rules and laws, At the same time, the are dumbing up people by giving inferior and non-cpnsequential education-slave education, education that is not relevant to their communities and development; they do not own the mines, manufacturing, water they drink or use, rivers, Harbors, highways, or anything-what I mean by 'own' is that these projects do not contribute anything to the well-being of the poor. In the end, Bantu Biko's dictum was spot on: "Black Man(and poor White man) you're on your own."

I did not write and post the information that is throughout the Hub for drama or to manipulate anybody. I wrote it because that is precisely what is happening in South Africa. anyone can take this and ask any conscious or otherwise South Africa, they will all concur about the reality I am positing here. What Perkings is talking about is true and the people see signs of this truth. At times, here in the Townships, we see some security personnel in strange cars and Big funs prowling and rolling down the streets of Soweto. These security goos, donning dark glasses and wearing semi military fatigues and bullet-proof vests, amber in our midst, as we see the, The people know that there is a force lurking somewhere in the shadows, and these shadows, are peopled by spooks who work for these multi-corporations and foreign governments and their role is to eliminate suspects of opposition to the interests of their handlers, bosses and mangers-they troll the Ghetto at awkward times.

The ANC underlings are hard-pressed to impress and become their better half of the masters. This can be discerned in the way the carryout state affairs, diplomacy, and yet, the selfsame government pawns were regarded as, and labelled as Terrorists by the US and Western World. What do they do when they come into power? The hire Public Relations vultures to come and instruct them about how to control their public. You can hear from their usage of spin talk, talking points and various metaphors that are commonly found in the jargon of Americans/British people, and adopt this to sound very intelligent and knowledgeable to their people.

The prostitution, rape, abuse of women and degradation of women, one need look at the reportage of the world Cup and the things that were done to street workers, will this not become a surprise. Infants to grandmothers are raped, and there are statistics and videos which project this malaise. It is not a hidden secret that South Africa leads the world in rape, car accidents, AIDS, and I have written hubs to this effect. What I guess I am saying, the world, through this Hub, is being introduced to the concrete reality of the lives of the poor in South Africa who have no one to champion their cause-for their sake, and their need to know and and be known by the world. The Internet provides such a forum.

There are many articles about sex and porno on the web, and if I were to add to them, I am just insignificant. But the fact that these actions upon women in South Africa are happening, should not be take as sensationalism, but fact and truth. I have sisters, cousins mother, grandmothers and nieces and nephews, infants, teenagers, girls, who are threatened by an environment that sees them as sex objects. I have written about this in this Hu, but had to 'tone' it down because it was being regarded as being too much filled with lewd and lascivious images and audio.

The officials, many of them, in the ANC, have more than one wife, or multiple partners-harems, whom they have housed all around South Africa. It is no secret that many women in South Africa, if they need a job, qualified or not, they need to give up sex, first. This is true. It is also true that the same officials are doing someone else's bidding. ? Why not, they never listen to anybody but their own ideas(0r those of their masters), as they show them/implement and applied on and off to us the dumb(the poor), however and whatever they saying and doing(our government officials) is foreign coming out of their mouths and embedded within their actions.

This cannot be those revolutionaries who were in exile and spiting out fire and brimstone of the revolution, the next time they rule, they are someone else's mega/phone/mouthpiece, and they stutter words they crammed the whole night just to splurge them to the collective, which remains mystified and confused, more than ever.

So that, one can begin to have a bigger picture of the reality that is engulfing the poor in south Africa. There are many more things I would like to dish-out, but suffice to say that there is so much reading to be done on the Hub, I will halt here. I reiterate, this Hub is about the poor of South Africa and the problems they facing alone, and there is no one to help them or talk for them. I will, and have attempted to do so above, and within the Hub as a whole. Things are getting worse, and the people are becoming even more disgruntled and restless, and as I have said within the Hub and in its topic, it is about time that the ANC began to tell the people the truth because it is in the people's interest and the security/interest and of the for ANC, itself.

Leroy Smart- Poor Man Struggle- Putting Up A Resistance Riddim

Children of AIDS: Africa's Orphan Crisis (Paperback) by Emma Guest

Mandela Passes: The Poor Are even More Alone Than Ever

Nelson Rolihlahla "Madiba" Mandela passed on to the realm of the ancestors on the 5th of December, 2013. He was 95 years old. After he was released form gaol in 10990, he lived for another 24 years. I have written about his passing and commemorations, up to his burial and posted a video that covers his burial. I have waxed political and otherwise on this Hub, I even touched up on the Pondo Culture to show the breadth and depth of the man. Obviously, Mandela is such a hug icon, no one can really a complete and definitive story about him, but, from the African perspective, it is important to keep everything in context.

The Hub I have already published about Tata is called "Nelson Rolihlahla "Tata" Mandela_ The Black Pimpernel: A part Of Us Died With HIm - Without Him - Aluta Kontinua." This Hub I have just published and mentioned above is important because I wrote it from the perspective of the poor and African people of South Africa. It is also important because it was painting and point-out to the atrocities that are being leveled on the poor by the ir government and multi-corporations.

At one point in the aforesaid Hub, I pointed out to the contradictions that were typical of the life of Mandela. It was the fact that we grew up knowing that he was there but we could not see, talk or say anything about him. When he came out, we saw, albeit it briefly, then he was gone into the world after one term as President. We were with him, and then he was gone again. This can be seen with his separation from his children, and then their loss when Winnie and Mandela parted.

This dichotomous reality and existence was what has been supplanted and transferred to the political psyche and consciousness of the rest of the country-as the rest of the country ponders his absence after such an emotional and very deep loos that everyone has felt in one way or another. As Zuma opens the statue of Mandela of December 16, 2013, the ANC has been polled to the extent that 52% want him out. The ANC will win, the 2014 elections, and will choose their own President, as is their design of the democracy of South Africa.

The Hub above has been about the the poor and the ANC ignoring them. This type of situation came to a head in the commemoration of Mandela in FNB and the clash of the poor/ANC-infightning, came to a head. The people booed at Zuma when they saw him on a giant screen. The ANC accused the people of misbehaving and embarrassing them in front of the world leaders and the International community. The weeks leading to Mandela's passing, people were disgruntled with the imposition of e-toll, and Zuma's $20-million Dollar home; and poor services and widespread corruption.

The ANC has issued out a threat that they are going to identify the Boo-ers and embarrass(arrest/torture?) them. This is the time when the ANC is going to Apply "The Interception And Monitoring Prohibition Ac, No. 127 of 1992. This is going to be effectively applied after the whole hubbub about Mandela dies down a bit as there is a problem looming for the ANC I have mentioned a bit on top. SAPA and AFP posted this article in the Sowetan Newspaper:

"Half Of ANC Want Zuma To Quit : Poll"

As South Africa's democracy icon Nelson Mandela was being laid to rest on Sunday, an opinion poll showed his political heir Jacob Zuma losing support over claims of self-enrichment.

Jacob Zuma at Nkandla

A survey conducted for the Sunday Times newspaper showed 51 percent of registered voters of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) want Zuma to resign as he seemingly battles to fill the deceased statesman's shoes.

The results of the survey conducted by the Ipsos market research company comes in the same week that Zuma was booed at a memorial service for Mandela in Soweto.

Of the 1,000 ANC voters polled in a representative survey, 33 percent said they were less likely to vote for the ANC over allegations that Zuma used public money to upgrade his luxury private residence to the tune of some $20 million.

Forty-two percent said they believed he had abused taxpayer funds.

On Tuesday, South Africans booed their president at a memorial service attended by tens of thousands of people for Mandela, whose legacy is one of selflessness and sacrifice.

Many of those who jeered later spoke of their disillusionment and anger at Zuma's lifestyle at a time that many South Africans remain poor, unemployed, and without formal housing in a society that is among the world's most unequal.

Zuma's immediate predecessor Thabo Mbeki, though unpopular at the time of his party ouster by Zuma in 2008, received a warm welcome at the memorial.

Mbeki, who succeeded Mandela as president in 1999, on Sunday challenged South Africa's leadership to ask if they were living up to Mandela's standards, in a pointed public challenge to his ANC comrades.

"I think to celebrate his life properly we need to ask ourselves a question about the quality of leadership," Mbeki told a prayer gathering in Johannesburg.

The ANC under Zuma has come under increasing fire over claims of nepotism and corruption.

The party is preparing for national elections next year.

Despite growing disgruntlement, the party retains a firm grip on power on the back of its historic status as the liberator of a long-oppressed people, and will likely retain a large majority.

The ANC had claimed the booing was orchestrated by other political parties."

Now that the ANC is aware of the eminent threat to their rule, they have fired a warning shot over the bow that they know who booed and what they think the might do about that:

It is also important to recall the reportage that was done on the crowd booing Zuma on the day of the commemoration of Mandela's passing at FNB.

This is how this altercation was reported byMmanaledi Mataboge

"Mandela Memorial: Booing Crowd Steals Zuma's Shine"

"The Appearance of Jacob Zuma's face on a large screen at the memorial service for Nelson Mandela has sent a sustained boo rolling through the crowds.

"President Jacob Zuma was booed several times on Tuesday by a section of the crowd at Nelson Mandela's memorial service in Johannesburg.

"This was in contrast to former president Thabo Mbeki, who received loud cheers together with Mandela's ex-wife Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon. Zuma was booed when the screens showed him arriving with his two wives, Bongi Ngema and Thobeka Madiba, and twice again when he was introduced by programme director Cyril Ramaphosa.

This could send a wrong signal to international leaders who came to pay their last respects to Mandela, about how firmly in charge Zuma is of South Africa. Around 90 heads of state are in the country to mourn Mandela and this memorial service could provide a platform for Zuma to shine.

The majority of those booing Zuma were earlier singing ANC struggle songs in honour of Madiba. Zuma, who is also the president of the ANC currently for a second term, is due to contest next year's general election for state president position.

Gauteng ANC is not Zuma's strongest supporter, though the province's Premier Nomvula Mokonyane is his staunch supporter. Provincial chairperson Paul Mashatile however commands large support among party members.

The event FNB Stadium in Soweto is the government's official memorial service before Mandela is buried at his Qunu home on Sunday.

Winnie and Graça
Meanwhile, Mandela's wife Graça Machel, and Madikizela-Mandelaboth received loud cheers as the service got underway around noon with the singing of the national anthem.

Nelson Mandela's ex-wife bent down to embrace Machel before taking her own seat. They held onto each other for a few moments, both clad in black jackets, dresses and turbans.

Both women were loudly cheered by the crowd.

ANC deputy president Ramaphosa began welcoming the arriving heads of state at 11.30am.

As he called out their names, the dignitaries walked to the front of the podium to receive what turned out to be mostly applause from the audience.

However, China's Vice-President Li Yuanchao was booed.

Former South African president FW De Klerk and Cuban President Raúl Castro were all warmly cheered.

This then prompted the ANC to react and issue this statement as reported in the Mail & Guardian:

"The ANC Divided, Accuses Members Of Booing Zuma"

"The ANC will take disciplinary measures against its members who booed President Jacob Zuma during Nelson Mandela's memorial service on Tuesday.

ANC national executive committee (NEC) member Lindiwe Zulu told the Mail & Guardian that the party knows the people who heckled Zuma every time he appeared on screens mounted at FNB stadium and just before he delivered his keynote address.

The disruption has shifted attention to the ANC in Gauteng, with party insiders saying even before the booing happened that there were discussions at higher levels of ANC leadership to disband the provincial leadership. Booing Zuma has reinforced calls for the provincial executive committee (PEC) to be dissolved. Part of the suspicion is that Gauteng ANC members participated in the booing this week, two provincial leaders said.

"I don't know how Gauteng is going to escape this because it's inescapable," said an NEC member who preferred not to be named because they don't have authority to speak to the media. "The decision in the ANC was that other provinces should not send people to the memorial service because there was a fear of a stampede. Free transport was only provided in Gauteng; we know it's them."

Zulu did not want to discuss who the alleged culprits were or which province they come from because that information was reserved for internal processes of the ANC.

"The fact of the matter is that we know who they are and we'll take the necessary steps," she said. "You have to consider that we're in a mourning period so we'll deal with this at an appropriate time."

Already fractious relationship

A second NEC member who preferred to remain anonymous said the Gauteng leadership has upset the national leadership on several occasions before and that this week's booing could worsen the already fractious relationship with them.

"They made Mandela T-shirts when they launched their volunteer corps instead of making Zuma T-shirts, the president who was addressing them," the NEC member said.

Gauteng ANC is divided into two factions, one that unsuccessfully campaigned for the party's former deputy president Kgalema Motlanthe to replace Zuma and a second aligned to Zuma.

A senior Gauteng leader said it would not be surprising if the ANC national leadership decided to dissolve his province's PEC.

"There are things that the Gauteng leadership has done and the people who did this thing [booed] played into the mentality of those things," he said, mentioning one of them as calls for former president Thabo Mbeki to work with the Gauteng leadership to campaign for the 2014 elections.

The leader said, even in the province, there was lobbying for the PEC to be disbanded.

The PEC issued a statement condemning the booing and calling it a "disgrace" to Mandela's legacy. The committee asked the ANC national leadership to investigate the matter.

"Given the nature and stature of the memorial, the truth must come out to dispel rumours and lies being peddled in the public domain," the statement said. "This was a very embarrassing event."

Fingers pointed in different directions

Another Gauteng PEC member said it was improper to suggest that it was his province's members who heckled Zuma.

"That was a state-run function. South Africans from all walks of life will attend," he said. "There is no room for rumour-mongering because that is dangerous."

The PEC member said, because the state provided free transport, anyone could have gone to the stadium with ulterior motives.

ANC fingers are now being pointed in different directions. Some leaders are blaming the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a breakaway party led by former ANC Youth League president Julius Malema. By Thursday, though, a Gauteng PEC member said that "irrefutable evidence showed that those were Numsa [National Union of Metalworkers] members".

The leader said, however, the ANC acknowledged that its own members participated in booing the party's president.

"Obviously mob psychology spreads and [the] politics of ANC Gau­teng got caught up in that," he said.

In justifying the belief that it was Numsa members who started the heckling, the Gauteng leader said it was done because of political differences.

'Those were not Numsa members'

Numsa is one of the trade union federation Cosatu affiliates unhappy with what they say is the ANC's failure to serve and protect the working class.

But Numsa's national treasurer, Mphumzi Maqhungo, denied that his union's members were responsible.

"Those were not Numsa members. As Numsa leadership we've never taken a decision to disrupt president Mandela's memorial service," he said.

"It's frivolous and opportunistic for comrades to spread those lies. We will have to take them on and urge them to produce evidence," Maqhungo said.

He accused some ANC leaders of peddling lies about Numsa to cast doubt on its leaders before they go to next week's special congress."Despite what the ANC is saying, there are others who are rewriting life without Mandela, and in the process highlight the contradictions they have learned from his being, philosophy and comportment of himself as a traditional, political, intellectual leader, and that this meant or is going to mean for them.

This is what has been written by the New African Men:

"Feelings and Thoughts of the Happiness of Seeming Opposites on Reconciliation Day, December 16, 2013"

"Much has been said and written about the man. And much more will be in the days, weeks, months, and years to come.

It’s exhausting. It’s energising. It’s depressing knowing how much a man and his comrades can do for you without you even recognising your debt for their sacrifice; how small, selfish, in your acts you often are. It’s motivating to know how much you can do, how uplifting it is when you realize how big the soul can be.

Today, then, or actually this week, I am getting to seeing how a man can reconcile what often appears irreconcilable elements. Today what I am feeling and thinking is how easy it is to reconcile feelings of exhaustion and energy when you put your whole life behind what you believe in.

Today I am feeling and thinking of the happiness of seeming opposites. That thinking and feeling are not necessarily negative contradictions. Acting and reflecting on our action nearly always lead to an auspicious synthesis.

Today, even as his body was lowered into his resting yesterday, and this morning raised up as a 9-metre bronze statue in the place up-to-then occupied by JB Hertzog, I realize that indeed there is much to learn from the leading embodiment of black conservative statesmanship and erstwhile revolutionary. One of the lessons that he exemplified is that there are no contradictions in these stances when you believe in your cause. I am learning even at this age that on some occasions conditions call one to become an Umkhonto we Sizwe terrorist and at others demand that you pursue reconciliation. I am learning that it is not necessarily a lie when at one time you act like a benevolent patriarch and yet at another like an advocate of women’s empowerment at the same time.

Above all, today, and over the last ten days, I’m getting ever more deeply to understand that you don’t have to run way from your tradition to become part of a larger world. Of course you can be part of a tradition and modernity. You can be Mosotho and South African. You can identify be South African and live out your being as part of this wide continent of Africa. You can be African and an internationalist. You can value the capability of tradition to nourish us yet recognise the benefits of modernisation.

Apparent opposites, like thought and feeling, can live very well together in one body and mind."

The passing of Mandela has ushered in a new era of politics and economics; social relations and people's reactions/actions; the ANC having to deal or rule without Mandela since they have been ruling without his presence, and they(The ANC) using that to not rule but be corrupt; this is going to be a time when the people of south Africa, again, are without a person like Mandela, and they are on the own again, and this time, no one to cry to for help.

The ANC Will Rule Until Jesus Comes" - Zuma

President Zuma

President Zuma

The ANC Is Scaring And Intimidating Voters: Why?

Now that this is 2014 and South Africa is headed for elections in a coupla months, it is interesting, post-Mandela's passing, that the ANC is beginning to show its true colors. The posts below are printed in this Hub in order to build up on and concretely affrim the the idea that the ANC has just lost their 'shield: Mandela. Now, they are beginning the new year having to rule without Mandela in the background or around somewhere their shenanigans. Now what do we see: so now we are hearing and reading some thinly veiled intimidations and rhetoric of a movement that knows that it is failing and falling-and it is now flailing.

In order for the ANC to remain relevant and sort of important to its polity, its leaders have gone into into a media blitz and are attempting to paint a positive picture of the ANC, from 2014 to an eternal imagined future. Maybe it is true, for I find that the people of South Africa wasn't to keep the ANC in place; but what I am learning from the masses is that they are trying to figure out ways to remove the present and corrupt cadre from their kingly perches, and replace them with people who will serve them, the army of the poor masses. This idea has not yet caught up in a massive way amongst the struggling masses, but the people are slowly coming to realize that as a possibility.

This tendency to intimidate and throw out some hostile rhetoric by the ANC began to rise to a crescendo we now see during the Mandela Memorial, at FNB, where the massive number or African mourners, booed Zuma when he appeared on the teleprompter/Huge TV Screen looming over the stadium. The ANC told the Booers that they are "embarrassing" them, in the African language, and went on to a media blitz that they know who the booers were and will be exposing them-something to that effect.

Now we are seeing the high tend ANC onslaught in its throwing everything that sticks into the media with the following(seemingly-sounding-arrogant Zuma retort, affirming the fact that ANC, in its baby-steps in having to begin to rule without hiding behind Mandela, and are stumbling and falling all over themselves. There is of course inn-fighting within the movement from very different perspectives and need-fo-change-voice against the traditionalists wo have been fattened by the "Gravy Train". SAPA-AFP posted this article below:


Johannesburg - President Jacob Zuma vowed on Wednesday that the ANC will rule South Africa “forever”, a media report stated.

“We will continue to run this government forever and ever. Whether they (detractors) like it or not,” Zuma was quoted as telling ANC supporters in Zulu.

He was speaking during an impromptu door-to-door campaign in a township in Mbombela, the capital of northwestern Mpumalanga province where the party will on Friday launch its election manifesto and kick off the polls campaign.

He urged his supporters to vote in numbers to ensure that the ANC garners 90 percent of votes in the province, already a stronghold.

Observers predict a fall in nationwide support for the ANC this year, to around 60 percent or less.

Repeated corruption scandals, increasing crime levels, poverty, high unemployment levels and internal bickering are hurting the ANC's popularity.

The country's largest labour union, the National Union of Metalworkers' of South Africa, decided last month to ditch the ANC and will not campaign for it nor support it financially in the upcoming polls.

But the ANC leader scoffed at suggestions that support for his party is waning.

“They are dreaming while they are awake. We are going to hammer them,” said Zuma in remarks quoted and translated by the City Press. “We are stronger than before”.

ANC spokesman Jackson Mthembu confirmed to AFP that Zuma had been quoted correctly.

The president's statement infuriated the opposition which accused him of using intimidating tactics.

“The ANC is resorting to scaring and intimidating voters,” said James Masango, DA chairman in the Mpumalanga province.

“These thinly veiled threats are symptoms of a party and a president that is feeling the heat,” added Masango in a statement.

Masango labelled Zuma's statement as “anti-democratic” and “unbecoming” of a president of a republic.

In 2008, Zuma also declared that his party would “rule until Jesus comes back”.

The painting depicts a kneeling miner with horns on his head. He is being attacked by a dog Zuma is holding on a leash

Marikana massacre depicted in South african Contemporary Art

Marikana massacre depicted in South african Contemporary Art

ANC Will Rule South Africa Forever" Zuma ~ Maybe So Not So

The assertions made above by Zuma, are not new, and they may just be coughed in different terms. The ANC loves to dabble with semantics and gerrymander the media to push its ideas and goals forth. Their use of the Media is managed and designed by American Public Relations professonals. There are many salient facts and realities that one can discern in the manner through which the ANC operates in these fields of the media nd public relations. It smacks of American consumer manipulation, set in an n South African scene, fraught with contradictions, and ill-fittng and unrealistic to the intended audience or target. What am I saying? Simple, the use of the media and Public Relations by the ANC, are not original to the rulers of the ANC, but outsourced jobs to international PR agencies, who act as advisors of the rulers in the ANC.

The ANC was only removed from the Terrorism list in the US by the 2000s, if one were to read the dealings and operations fo the NSA spying techniques and cyberwar, that, for them(the ANC) to really have a clear understanding of the American psyche and its machinations, they are really ignorant of the power of these PRs.

Now, with the looing 2014 elections, the ANC has been moving to make sure that what they have been doing for the past 20, should be carried on without any change, and the grease from the gravy is expected to drip down to the ANC followers, and that ensures a now new and existing culture of the powerful class of made-rich-by-the-government motley but substantial crews, and those that are benefiting fro the tenders, and the exacerbation of corruption, ineptness, and the whole bit all over over again. I found the article written below by Stephen Grootes, very relevant and spot on:

The More Thing Change, The More They Stay The Same - No Change

The article below by Stephen Grootes is very interesting because it is historical in a subtle way. This coming election period and its result, there will not be any change, because this is what the ANC does from election to election, put a spin on old and unworkable social changes, get elected and then carry-on business as usual-guarantee the investors stability and promise of further investment and cheaper non-taxed entities, and low wages/cheap labor-then one is set to go. We learn from Stephen Grootes's article:


What a difference five years in power can make. In 2009, the ANC unveiled its election manifesto in East London. Like this time around, it was folded into the ANC's annual January Eighth Statement. It was also in a large stadium. The one difference then was that then we didn't have World Cup stadiums, and so it was not quite as big, or as fancy, as the Mbombela Stadium in Nelspruit.

At the time, President Jacob Zuma was more of an unknown quantity, particularly when it came to policy. The Economist had described him as "policy-lite". The one big question was whether or not he would retain the policy of interest-rate targeting. In other words, would he be chucking out Thabo Mbeki's hard-won macro-economic policies or not? (There were other questions of course, like who would be appointed National Director of Public Prosecutions, and whether he would ever stand trial for corruption. But the answers to those have become way too depressing to repeat in detail here).

At the same time, it appeared that Zuma was in serious political debt to Cosatu and the SACP, the two organisations that had campaigned strongly for him at Polokwane.

About 24 hours before Zuma stood up to speak, I got a call from a currently disgraced ANC spin-doctor. He was very careful to say I should not quote him, but let's just say he doesn't work for the ANC anymore, and has a serious spending problem. But he rang me up to say "Stephen, you can say that you have been told by the ANC, this is a radical jump to the Left".

Being younger, thinner, and less grey, I swallowed it. It was the lead line of my radio story the next morning.

After the manifesto was released, a slightly wiser journalist came up to me, and said he'd just got off the phone with Professor Steven Friedman who had pointed out that there was no such thing as a "jump to the Left" in the entire document. Instead, it was simply spin.

Of course, Friedman was right.

Which is why it's so interesting that already ANC Secretary General Gwede Mantashe is telling people not to expect surprises in this year's election manifesto. It looks likely that it's going to be a "more of the same" or "steady as she goes" document.

This tells us many things about the ANC, and about Zuma's particular place in it. Firstly, it's a real indication of the lack of any influence whatsoever that Cosatu and the SACP actually have on ANC policy right now. While the fact the SACP has no influence over policy won't come as a surprise to anyone who who's followed the red-shirts, it does make an interesting point about what is going on in Cosatu at the moment.

It shows that Zuma clearly isn't going to do what Cosatu demanded he do at its last conference. This is the conference in 2012 that saw Zwelinzima Vavi and S'dumo Dlamini re-elected unopposed to their positions as general secretary and president of the federation. While Vavi has since been suspended, it may allow him to now ask Dlamini, in public, why on earth he is still supporting Zuma, when the ANC is not going to follow the policies Cosatu workers demanded it follow at its conference. In other words, this could be quite useful for Vavi, and difficult for Dlamini.

But then we also have the fact that it does now appear the ANC is not going to make any major changes.

From an economic point of view, that may well be good news. It means inflation targeting is going to stay. And that there will not be radical change to the status quo. In other words, capitalists like stability, and therefore no change is a "very good thing".

However the political playing field has changed over the last five years. In 2009, the ANC was basically facing two opponents. The DA and Cope. Now there is Malema's Economic Freedom Fighters and, err, Agang (if anyone cares). It seems that Luthuli House is not that worried so far about Julius Malema. If it were, it would be contemplating some changes. If it's not, it's not worried. And I tend to agree.

It does appear that the ANC believes it has policies that can't really be improved upon. To look at the policies of many of our other parties, you might have to actually agree. The DA has recently shifted some of its policies, particularly on Black Economic Empowerment and employment equity closer to those of the ANC. Cope, of course, has been rather too busy to draw up its own policies, and the IFP is still pursuing the core policy of being led by Mangosuthu Buthelezi until Jesus comes.

The policies the ANC has now are far better than during Mbeki's age. But when it comes to corruption, the very real problems. Any of its leaders who claim they are doing everything they can to fight this cancer are going to be faced with the word "Nkandla". The party already knows this, as it has already prepared election leaflets for its volunteers with answers to questions around that particular residence. Which essentially means that the fight against corruption will get a mention on Saturday, but that's it.

Still, as we all know rather well by now, it's pretty easy to draw up an election manifesto. Anyone with a word processor can put words on paper. It's the implementation of that policy that really matters. And of course the ANC has fallen down rather heavily here. The fact we've seen so many "service delivery" protests is proof of that. So the real question then is whether this election manifesto will spell out how to better implement these policies. How will jobs be created? How will education be improved? How will the police become less scary and violent? How will health system actually save people's lives?

Don't hold your breath about getting any answers.

Poverty Reigns Supreme: Poverty Being Exploited To Get The Vote Going

South Africa must be one of very few countries in the world where having a political science degree might hamper your chances of understanding politics. Fortunately, one does not need a degree to predict that the ANC will comfortably win this year’s

South Africa must be one of very few countries in the world where having a political science degree might hamper your chances of understanding politics. Fortunately, one does not need a degree to predict that the ANC will comfortably win this year’s

The Manifesto To Present The Preserve Corrupt Order In Mzantsi

On Saturday, the ANC will unveil its manifesto for elections that are claimed to be the party's toughest ever. Manifestos are supposed to set out policies that a party will implement once in power. In other words, they're the view of the future, the

On Saturday, the ANC will unveil its manifesto for elections that are claimed to be the party's toughest ever. Manifestos are supposed to set out policies that a party will implement once in power. In other words, they're the view of the future, the

Exploiting Mass Poverty And Using It As A voter Getter

One of the things that ANC is exploiting is the poverty that the people of South Africa, different ethnic groups, are mired in. Whilst on the one hand they are exploiting the poverty of the poor, they are, on the other hand, enabling and benefitting a select few, making them more richer and much more powerful. The picture that emerges is that the ANC are the guardians and and enablers of White wealth,and guarantors of African famine. It seems that the ANC is confident that this state of affairs will continue indefinitely, as indicated above. The even come up with fake and lame manifestos just so that they preserve the existing order of business, even if the whole shindig is above their heads and minds to grasp.

i have pointed out above that the ANC expects it same old game to succeed to work this time in the elections of 2014. What and how they do it is in various and a myriad ways. One of these ways is in exploiting the poverty of the masses, and maintaining and retaining white wealth and economic empowerment. Fikile-Ntsikilelo Moya elucidates this reality thusly:

"South Africa must be one of very few countries in the world where having a political science degree might hamper your chances of understanding politics.

Fortunately, one does not need a degree to predict that the ANC will comfortably win this year’s elections.

South African politics do not always follow a logical pattern.

For example, the ANC government’s most strident critics – the black middle class and whites – are the biggest beneficiaries of the post-1994 state.

Statistics show that as a group, whites have become wealthier under ANC rule. Forget the attention-seeking white conservatives who complain about the still relatively small number of poor whites – it has never been a better time to be white in South Africa.

Traditionally white-owned businesses have been able to trade profitably in countries where the South Africans usually arrived to search for and kill “terrorists” or to flee the terrorist state that pre-1994 South Africa was.


It has also never been so good to be black and middle class. The gap between rich and poor has not only widened since 1994 but the gap between black poor and black rich is itself the size of the Grand Canyon.

It is no exaggeration to say the poor have become poorer and more degraded.

Those who have the least to show for being part of what some call the new South Africa – the landless peasants and the urban unworking class (the rate of unemployment in this cohort does not allow for me to call them a working class) – will ensure that President Jacob Zuma is at the helm for another five years.

They will do so despite the reality that the state does not offer protection when they are thrown off the farm they had lived and worked on for generations, or when the ANC chooses to ignore the concerns of its own alliance partner Cosatu with regards to youth wage subsidies, labour brokers and e-tolls, to say nothing of the more radical voices from those further left of the ANC.

The unworking class will vote the ANC into power despite their own children being the ones who are affected by the state dragging its feet in establishing the basic norms and standards that would make school a place that has what it takes to offer effective learning that could prove an escape from transgenerational poverty.


It is because of these reasons that one must congratulate the National Union of Metalworkers of SA (Numsa) for having the courage of their conviction in resolving to stop subsidising the ANC or mobilising for the party in the forthcoming elections.

Numsa must know that its decoupling from the ANC will not prevent the party from winning the election.

Even Numsa’s critics know that the union has a valid point. To say, as Cosatu says at each election season, that the ANC is the best vehicle for realising working class aspirations is a half truth – which also makes it a half lie.

The ANC has become to the labour movement something similar to an erstwhile charming and romantic lover who in marriage has become abusive.

The trade union plays the role of the battered spouse who hangs on to the possibility that her man might change and be the sweetheart she fell in love with.

Twenty years on, the partner becomes more indifferent knowing that he is loved.

Numsa’s opponents within the tripartite alliance know this. That is why the best they can do is to tell the union to “fork off” – whatever that means.


The ANC knows that where it has attempted to respond to the needs of the class that keeps it in power, it has cynically used the social security net as a vote catcher rather than the catalyst for positive change among the poorest.

The ANC tends to cast those who question the sustainability of ever-increasing social grants as conservatives who are anti-poor and racist.

They can wag their fingers as hard as they want but they too know that what the poor want is the dignity that comes with earning their own living and not having to stand in long queues to collect the pittance the state gives them.

It is a shame and nothing to be proud of that the state has increased the number of those who depend on hand-outs for their sustenance.

To truly reduce poverty is to reduce the numbers of those who must take a begging bowl to the state.

To use people’s poverty and hunger as a bargaining chip when you have the wherewithal of eliminating both evils, is the worst form of dehumanising them.

Having reached 20 years of democracy, we cannot afford to beat about the bush.

The ANC must decide which side it is on. The answer will not be what it says on its manifesto. It will be how it uses the popular power it wields. "

This is part of Our Reality and Existence

The PR Pros need to Come and Live here a bit. Caught between the promise of prosperity that natural gas extraction in the Karoo Basin might bring and concerns about environmental and health impacts, citizen resistance to fracking is growing in the Re

The PR Pros need to Come and Live here a bit. Caught between the promise of prosperity that natural gas extraction in the Karoo Basin might bring and concerns about environmental and health impacts, citizen resistance to fracking is growing in the Re

Propagandizing The People The American Public Relations People Know Nothing About

There are many views about South Africa, and most of these critical views are people who really do not know nor experience of being African and poor/made-ignorant oppressed masses. I have addressed the booing of Zuma in my Hub about Mandela, published here. I will reiterate my point which I made in the Hub mf Mandela mentioned above, that, an African perspective to some of the goings-on between the ANC and the masses, and those that are going in inside the ANC itself, also need to be told from African-centered perspective, and that will balance, somewhat, our understanding of the real-politik in south Africa. the view of White writers is devoid of African understanding of the topic they might be talking about. On some level, their point of view is import, but not the whole perspective, if it lacks the African-centered view.

If one were to look at all the articles that have since come up condemning the booing of the President, none of them are talking from a people's point of view of not being heard, ignored, disregard, discounted and considered non-existant and not important, that we can and should talk about the booing from those people's perspective. Whether it was the the people within the ANC, who have gotten used to, or as it is the case now, Helen Zille, who has been booed, some think there should be dialogue than booing, but why is there no dialogue to begin with that we should have booing? This is but one question of the many that can be asked.

This was the response of the ANC in the DailyNews:

"The party was reacting to questions following the booing of President Jacob Zuma by a group of people – many of whom were believed to be ANC members – at the national memorial service at the FNB stadium, Gauteng, on Tuesday.

"Former police commissioner and ANC NEC member Bheki Cele, who intervened and tried to calm the unruly elements at the stadium, said he believed many of those who had booed might have been ANC members, although there were members of other parties.

“But of course there was no identification, so we do not know who they are. We just went up to them and told them that booing the president on that occasion was the same as booing oneself and booing the ANC,” Cele said.

"He said his message to those booing was that structures of the ANC existed that could be used to air internally whatever dissatisfaction they had.

“It was just a minority. What is not being reported is that when the president spoke, there was a very stable situation at the stadium.”

"He said he did not know what the booers were unhappy with.

“They would just say they are angry and not say why.”

He said no people had been removed from the stadium.

Analysis of South Africa, today, must necessarily begin with the perspective of the Masses. What the masses are saying that they are experiencing, should be written about and monitored closely. What the minority and well-off Whites, since the coming of the ANC have to say, is far from the realities and decrepit conditions that the /African masses are subjected to, coping and existing in. The comfort and false confidence that the ANC is welling in, has some ominous signs emerging in the horizon, in that, the masses are becoming hip to their shenanigans, and the ANc is ignoring and not listening to them, instead, we begin to see its bullying, intimidating and harsh reprimands to its polity. Their arrogance and mien is such that it knows no bounds.

Ruling in the absence of Mandela is one of the big stories and realities for the ANC in 2014. They can no longer hide behind Mandela, but have carefully planted and are now reaping and sowing from their White counterparts, locally and internationally. The have managed to convince the Foreign investor and local potentates a guaranteed business setting and lucrative profits to made form lowered or non-existential taxes, cheap labor and lessened and utilities to be subsidized by the poor who are charged exorbitant fees for water and money. This is the basis and fulcrum of the modus operandi of the ANC and its Master partners.Up above in the Hub I have pointed out to the influence of American PR's who are the advisors of government in plying the media with ANC-friendly memes and zines.

The problem of the ANC and its handlers dabbling on the semantics and metaphors that are being used in America is part of the false confidence that these words will resonate with the African people. The are exploiting the presence and aggressive American cultural imperialism and its chocking linguistic domination inside South Africa that they even apply the term "Hustle" as a propaganda tool to put people into action-getting the vote. The choice of the words to talk to and mobilize the people, is showing plainly that the ANC is being controlled remotely verbatim or otherwise.

It has begun to look ridiculous and its like fitting a square into a triangle and both into a circle. Hustling has a diffrent meaning in sthe South African lingua franca, and this article below addresses that too. The role played by the Americans in trying to transplant the whole American zeitgeist into South Africa, is coming up dishellved and amorphous-devoid of meaning and contest-wrong context and perceptions in the final analysis. People know that to them it means 'struggling'. So, what is the ANC trying to say or achieve. It is not that they are out of touch only with the masses, but their handlers do not know nor understand the Africans here in Mzatnsi and their manner of speak and speaech.

Is The ANC Serious? "Step Up Your Hustle?"

The ANC makes it too easy for its critics sometimes.

The ANC makes it too easy for its critics sometimes.

ANC Tells Their Voters To "Step Up Their Hustle"

What I have just partially touched-upon above, has been written about by the SAPA as follows:

"Mbombela - The meaning of the word “hustle” is under the spotlight after the ANC put up posters in Mpumalanga encouraging the youth to register for the upcoming elections.

The African National Congress posters read: “Step up for your hustle, register now to vote,” a Sapa correspondent reported.

Democratic Alliance Mpumalanga leader Anthony Benadie questioned the ruling party's message.

“Instead of being funky and fun as they might have wanted it to sound, (the poster is) encouraging young people to get things either forcefully or illegally,” he claimed.

“I have been consulting a number of dictionaries about the meaning of the word. It's clear the ANC has lost it,” said Benadie.

Political analyst Prince Mashele said the message was vague because the word “hustle” had a broad meaning.

“The dictionary says to 'hustle' is to engage in prostitution, or to swindle, or to obtain by forceful action, or to hurry, or to jostle, etc. I don’t know which meaning the ANC has chosen. My sense is that the party means 'to obtain by forceful action',” said Mashele.

Mashele added that young people in townships often talked of hustling when referring to working hard to survive.

“Maybe this is the message the ANC is trying to convey. Politically, semantics don't generally affect parties that much, unless used by opponents to punch holes.

“Frankly, this is a storm in a teacup, with little implications in the bigger political scheme, of the Guptas, of Nkandla, and (their) many scandals,” said Mashele.

Independent political commentator in the province Zweli Mncube said the ANC might have meant well, but chose a controversial word.

“The language is fine if used in the correct context. However, having such a word from a political party might mean something else, while it says the other.

“We first have to know what the ANC meant about this word, but it sounds like the ANC is saying 'Step up your way of getting money',” Mncube said.

ANC spokesman Jackson Mthembu defended the organisation's phrasing, saying the word's meaning was not taken from an Oxford dictionary but from the streets, where young people were familiar with the word.

“There are many words used in the campaign to encourage youth to register and vote. These posters are all around the country. However, the words 'Step up for your hustle' are not targeted at older people but (at) the youth.

“Some young people like using it when they say, 'I'm hustling', meaning struggling for a living',” said Mthembu.

When asked if he knew the dictionary meaning of the word, Mthembu said the ANC would never encourage anyone to use illicit means to accumulate wealth.

“We didn't mean that, and seriously, the youth knows what we mean about that word. If you are not young you won't understand the word; it's a slang word used by the youth... even artists say 'I’m hustling',” said Mthembu."

Others gave the response like the one from Verashni Pillay"

"I know what the Songezo Mjongiles of this world say: how we, the neo-liberal, fascist what-what media, have always had it in for the ruling party, and God help the planning minster who says otherwise

And so I tried to keep quiet as long as I could about their latest boo-boo. But the fact is that it is there for everyone to see, on posters and billboards across the country.

In the party's economic heartland of Johannesburg, it hits you as you curve up on the Queen Elizabeth bridge, the less attractive cousin of the Nelson Mandela bridge that connects the CBD with the rest of the city. Emblazoned across building fronts as you cross the bridge are large versions of the party's "step up" campaign, clearly designed to reach that elusive young voting market everyone and Julius Malema are after.

You'll find the posters everywhere across the country, particularly on street poles. It features a series of young South Africans whose black and white head shots are set against the ANC's distinctive yellow along with a slogan beginning with the phrase: "Step up".

A bald woman tells you to step up for your individuality. One with a loose afro tells you to step up for your diversity. Another in a Muslim head scarf tells you to step up for your beliefs. So far, so typecast. Then it happens. Forget the white guy in a collared shirt telling you to step up for your views, my eyes are always riveted by the black guy in a hoodie telling me to "step up for your hustle".

Really, ANC?

I don't know about you, but everything I know about hustling I learned from Miami rapper Rick Ross. In his 2006 song Hustlin', Ross talks about the cocaine traffic network built up by his namesake, notorious convicted drug trafficker "Freeway" Rick Ross. The song references a number of other well-known drug dealers for good measure around its distinctive chorus featuring the line: "Every day I'm hustlin'."

Think that's just one man's opinion about the term? The Oxford English dictionary has the traditional definition of hustle as to "push roughly" or "jostle". It also includes a secondary informal definition: to "obtain illicitly or by forceful action".

No wonder the music group LMFAO changed the lyric to "Every day I'm shufflin'" when they incorporated Ross's line into their 2011 songParty Rock Anthem.

The ANC, however, opted to use a dubious term associated with young South Africans: the very group every investor is worried about as their employment levels plummet and their drop-out rates from tertiary education rises. When we talk about a ticking bomb of discontent among this group, we're not kidding

They're also the group that are tempted by a glamorous hip-hop culture that often tells them hard work and toeing the line is for pussies, and making it big means breaking the rules. And they are the same group that must look to an increasingly morally impoverished political leadership for influence.

What exactly does "stepping up for your hustle" mean in this context? We have a president who is increasingly defined by the scandal surrounding the use of up to R206-million of public funds on "security upgrades" at his private residence, with such outrageous items as what appears to be a swimming pool recast as a fire-fighting tool to justify its existence on a security budget. Is this an example of hustling? Twisting the truth, cheating the system and trampling those at the bottom to come out on top?

It's no secret that increasingly the ANC, once a strong liberation movement, is being dragged down by opportunists whose primary pursuit of power in the party is to access government positions, and thus illicit self-enrichment opportunities. Of course, not all leaders in the party are like this, but there are too many who end up being tempted that way.

There is also the worrying issue of racial type-casting in the campaign. The use of identity in all the posters has some connection to the slogan, the most obvious of which is the Muslim woman and the theme of belief. The choice of a young black man in a hoodie for the theme of hustling is then no coincidence, and is a little stomach-churning. Is this what our government thinks young black men in our country aspire to? Hacking their way through life and taking short-cuts at best, or breaking the law at worst? And are they actually encouraging that behaviour?

Because something tells me that they're hardly using the original definition of that word. Because stepping up to push others out the way is nearly as bad."

After Madela Passes, The ANC Faces Growing Risk Of Losing Power In South Africa

A statue of former South African president Nelson Mandela is unveiled at the Union Buildings in Pretoria on Dec. 16.

A statue of former South African president Nelson Mandela is unveiled at the Union Buildings in Pretoria on Dec. 16.

Post Mandela ANC Faces An Uncertain Future

The ANC is going to be going around, door to door of the poor people encouraging, inquiring(Intimidating), bribing and wooing the poor people for the vote so that they can go back to business as usual for the next 4 to five years. I have written about this manner of gathering votes and ruling over the same poor masses by the ANC for twenty years now, that now the ANC itself is no longer feeling as they did in the first two years, and have their inept rule continue, and they planning the same thing after the 2014 votes, to do business as usual, if not worse, they have lost their credibility with their own people, they reckon.

The article below by Steven Mufson and Sudarsan Raghavan, published on January 2, has this to say:

"CAPE TOWN, South Africa — With the death of Nelson Mandela, the political party and broad coalition he helped to bind together are coming apart at the seams.

The African National Congress remains in power, holding nearly two-thirds of the seats in Parliament, but it is losing popularity even among its staunchest supporters. To many South Africans, the ANC looks less and less like a party of legendary anti-apartheid leaders and more like a grouping of crony capitalists and dispensers of patronage.

The list of complaints against the ANC is long. Crime is rampant in South Africa, and HIV/AIDS, drug dealing and violence against women are widespread. Many businesses are unhappy with the premium the government places on “black economic empowerment,” while the powerful unions want higher wages. The economy remains sluggish; about half of young adults cannot find jobs.

Above all, people are angry at President Jacob Zuma, who is embroiled in a controversy over the spending of $20 million on his personal home in Nkandla to add security upgrades, a swimming pool and room for his four wives and the 20 children he has fathered with six women.

“Should we not ask that President Zuma resign in the interest of the poorest of the poor of our people?” asked Andrew Chirwa, who heads the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, at a recent labor conference. After Mandela’s burial, Chirwa declared that his union, with about 338,000 members, would no longer back the ANC.

With national elections scheduled for this year, the ANC is still likely to hang on to a diminished majority, most analysts say. But the awkward evolution of the ANC from liberation movement into governing party is entering a new phase. Even though Mandela did not play a political role in his final years, his death served as a reminder of the distance between his reputation and the diminished stature of the party’s leaders.

“We are going to see a drastic change,” said Vusi Mathodlana, 56, an official at an Anglican church in the town of Alexandra who was involved in anti-apartheid uprisings in the 1970s. “Within the black elite, there have been people sitting on the fence, thinking you can’t jump the fence because you owe your allegiance to ‘the old man.’ Now the old man is gone, and you see things in a different light.”

“I have been ANC at heart since the 1970s,” said Logan Naidu, a financial consultant who was chairman of a local anti-apartheid group in the mid-1980s, and who arranged six months of rent-free office space for the ANC after a ban on the group was lifted. But, he said, “if President Zuma does not resign or be recalled, my conscience will not allow me to vote for the ANC in the 2014 elections.”

The ANC’s problems could grow more acute if the economy falters. If benchmark U.S. Treasury interest rates rise, as is likely, so will South Africa’s borrowing costs. The price of commodities, which make up more than half of the nation’s exports, could also drop. Gold has already slipped from its historic highs.

If Zuma stepped down, his most likely successor would be ANC Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, who is widely respected for his experience as general secretary of the mineworkers’ union in the 1980s. But Ramaphosa’s business activities, which turned him into a wealthy man during a 10-year hiatus from ANC duties, could complicate his political future.

In particular, Ramaphosa was a member of the board of Lonmin, which owns a platinum mine called Marikana where 34 striking workers were killed by police in August 2012. A letter Ramaphosa wrote to the company’s managers before the massacre encouraged a tough stance.

“There are many on the left who feel, even if Ramaphosa was not complicit, that it is not good to have a billionaire run a party that claims to represent the poor,” said Adam Habib, vice chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand.

Shifting ‘to the right’

The left wing of the ANC coalition is already splintering. Former ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema, who backed Zuma in the last election and was later expelled from the party over corruption charges, is rallying followers to his new Economic Freedom Fighters party.

He hopes to attract poor and alienated ANC supporters by aligning himself with the ANC’s more radical 1956 Freedom Charter. Malema’s own party manifesto advocates the nationalization of mines and banks and the expropriation of land without compensation. Claiming inspiration from the “broad Marxist-Leninist tradition,” it says that “political power without economic emancipation is meaningless.”

“The ANC by its nature is a broad church. It has always been able to maintain its right and left wings and the center,” said Dali Mpofu, a prominent lawyer who quit the ANC to join Malema’s party. He said the ANC “has now shifted so far to the right that those of us on the left have been left homeless.” Mpofu is representing the families of the miners killed at Marikana.

The ANC is also losing ground among the mainstream young voters known as “born frees.”

“I honestly feel no loyalty for the ANC,” said Deyendran Lalaram, 20. “When you hear about all the allegations of corruption, you wonder if they [ANC officials] are somebody that Mandela wanted to look after his people. For that’s what we are. We are Mandela’s people.”

Lalaram said she might vote for the moderate Democratic Alliance, the nation’s second-largest party, which dominates the Western Cape. The group is led by Helen Zille, the popular white premier of the Western Cape, who speaks English, Afrikaans and Xhosa, one of the major South African languages. The party is hoping to win local elections in Johannesburg and capture the populous Eastern Cape, a former ANC stronghold. Its slate there features the former ANC premier of the province.

“The next election will be fought over jobs,” said Jonathan Moakes, the party’s campaign manager.

Still, there probably won’t be enough young voters to oust the ANC until the 2019 elections, he says. “A lot of people are looking for a new political home, but it is very difficult to break away,” Moakes said.

Despite the furor over his lavish spending, Zuma might hang on. He is popular in the KwaZulu- Natal province, where he doled out patronage jobs and brought peace to warring black factions. Delegates from that region hold about a quarter of the votes in the ANC’s National Executive Committee. Zuma’s opponents would have to marshal two of every three remaining votes to oust him.

“People underestimate Zuma,” said one South African political veteran, who asked for anonymity to protect his government relationships. “He can count.” Even if Zuma steps aside, his strength might give him veto power within the ANC. That has demoralized many of the ANC faithful.

“I’m born and grew up in ANC. The traditions of the ANC are gone with Mandela,” said Mavi Panyane, a founder of the Soweto Civic Association, who added that after hearing the news about Mandela’s death, he went to bed and woke up crying.

“The ANC is now a conveyor belt for elections. You get a message from the head of the ANC, and it is conveyed to us. But when we raise our issues, they do not even listen to us,” he said.

One wild card in South Africa is political spending. There are no limits on campaign contributions and no disclosure requirements. That suits both the ANC and the Democratic Alliance, whose backers don’t want to risk antagonizing the governing ANC. “If we were to publish who was supporting us, our funding would dry up,” said Moakes.

During the last election, the ANC spent more on T-shirts than the Democratic Alliance did altogether, one opposition official said. The party hopes to triple its campaign spending this time.

As with earlier campaigns, the ANC is planning to send people door to door, and church to church, to rally its supporters. But one figure it won’t be able to put on display this time around: Nelson Mandela.

Public Protector Thuli Madonsela

Public Protector Thuli Madonsela. (South Africa)

Public Protector Thuli Madonsela. (South Africa)

The Lull Before the Storm? We'll See

The ruling government of South Africa speaks down to the people. The issue orders, and hurl admonishments and cast a tight ring of intimidation and fear, and always looking for those who are against the ANC and quashes them one way or another. The manner of getting votes is premised upon the American model of infusion cash into the voting drive, and not be accountable as to how much the party has used.

Mandela was a perfect cover for many as already read by some respondents above. From the time the ANC came into power 20 years ago, they did not have to rule South Africa without Mandela passing away as he just did. Now we are headed for the elections which the ACNC will will. But there is already trouble with the voters, and the members and insiders within the ANC. They know that they are not governing sufficiently, but the allure of material wealth inhibits them from trying to implement some meaningful changes for the people, and they prefer to go the same way they have been doing for the past 20 years. If it is not broken, why fix it, is their mantra into and post 2014 elections. Time will tell.

Thuli Madonsela: Press conference

Updating Delusions Of Grandeur

So, nationalisation will be debated — big deal. When Mandela was released from jail 20 years ago, one of the first PR gaffes to be associated immediately with his name was the claim that the ANC was going to nationalise anything that moves. Typically none of that happened because you cannot take at face value anything a politician says, even if it is Mandela. So he was called aside quickly to be told: “Tata, actually this is not really what we are going to do … lest the markets punish us.”

So to be frank, Julius Malema’s noise is not new. The ANC has not adopted the nationalisation of mines as a policy 20 years on — no prizes for guessing why. The recent chance they had to do this saw them simply postpone the debate to 2012 where, frankly, it will be summarily quashed. They have cynically given permission for the debate to continue so the minister of minerals can again say: “It is not a policy of government — this nationalisation.” She can say this until 2012, whether Julius and his cronies like it or not. It would be foolhardy not to learn a simple lesson: those who attempted to be bigger than the organisation have never succeeded — especially in the ANC. The ANC storybook is full of examples of people like that, people who thought that shooting from the hip would get them somewhere, but I digress.

Nationalising the mines is a lazy and foolish idea that will cause us to go the way of all African countries that forgot the place of the state in a budding economy. All you have to do is glance at the dilapidated African capitals that last got a facelift from the colonial masters before independence. The common denominator of them all was attempted shortcuts to economic recovery. This is what we are being invited to. There is frankly nothing magical about putting something under the state’s control and hoping that this will automatically achieve efficiency and redistribution. Frankly this is banal.

You don’t even have to cross the border to look at collapsing parastatals that have bled the taxpayer dry. How about making the only mine under the state function first before running amok with profitable enterprises. Some children still study under trees and 80% of our schools don’t have libraries and laboratories 16 years after democratic rule. There is no youth league campaign to stop the bleeding parastatals whose CEOs earn more than their counterparts in listed companies. How about getting some of these basics right first fellows?

The ANC youth league is calling for the chaos that often results from fixing that which is not broken. There is the accusation — curiously coming from the communist party — that nationalisation will bankroll failed BEE deals in the mining sector. I do not advise that you hold your breath for a sensible post-matric answer from the youth league about how that is going to be avoided. In 2003, the then minister of minerals and energy suggested that 50% of SA’s mines be owned by blacks and that the royalties be revised at some point to achieve this. Overnight, billions of capital flight from our stock exchange resulted from that ill-timed pronouncement alone, made before any kind of engagement could be concluded with the mining sector.

Today the law requires mining moguls to only give up 26% in 10 years. This pittance of equity is unlikely to be achieved in this lifetime. It simply won’t happen. There is no example in recent history of an insurrection, because that is the only way you can achieve what can only be described as a belated economic revolution. Yes, yes indeed it is a time bomb, but you need a trigger event like a famine or a war to even have something like nationalisation make it to the agenda of any sensible government’s economic framework.

It’s the stuff that the collapsed Soviet Union was made of. The ANC has never pronounced itself a socialist organisation. That is the fight that the youth league must go and have with its mother body, not through misguided nit-pickings … why not banks? Why not farms? Why not forests? What is so magical about mines? The debate over socialism actually is the elephant in the room.

Now this straight talk is what the ANC’s national general council should have told its youth league instead of egg dancing with what the whole world already knows. Nevertheless one must commend President Zuma for lambasting the youth league for being a bad example. He implied that the naked bum chaos at its conferences cannot possibly produce anything worthy of consideration by the mother body and that they will never be taken seriously until they take themselves a tad more seriously. All those who have had a decent matric pass would have heard the sentiments loud and clear … nationalisation — it ain’t gonna happen in our lifetime.

What Democratic Voting In south Africa Has Come to Mean

...Opponents charge the South African government, and the electorate who continue to return the ruling party to power, with the decline of commercial farming in South Africa, the country’s declining food security situation, the sidelining and scapego

...Opponents charge the South African government, and the electorate who continue to return the ruling party to power, with the decline of commercial farming in South Africa, the country’s declining food security situation, the sidelining and scapego

Why The ANC Will Win The 2014 Election-Grass Roots View

The reason why the ANC will win has been hit spot on by Sydney Ainsworth Majoko. In his article, he is telling us some of the reasons why the ANC will and how the people, especially African people who have a recent history with Apartheid, always remember. One thing that the other parties, especially the DA of Hellen is commiting is peeling off the scabs of the wounds of the past, and they do not seem to be able to stave clear of that controversy. This and many other reason that the DA is not considering aobut the African voting polity is costing them rule. So that, for now, the article of Sydney touches upon those issues which many other ethnic groups do not think that Africans in Mzantsi think and talk about. We learn from Sydney in an Article he wrote below:

Dont' Like The ANC, Vote For Someone Else. But Who?"

The advent of democracy in South Africa should have brought with it a level of freedom not experienced before. One of the most difficult things one can face in a liberal democracy is having the right to vote but also a feeling of “damned if I vote this way and damned if I vote that way”. It shouldn’t be so but that’s the territory I find myself in. For the purposes of this piece I will come out of the political closet for you. I have voted one way since our first election in 1994, and I’m proud to say that my first vote contributed to bringing Nelson Mandela into power that year.

Increasingly I have become uncomfortable with casting my vote that way. I am one of many citizens who have come to the conclusion that the ruling party is rendering itself ineffective in its mandate in the fight against poverty due to its inability to transform itself into an effective unit due to leadership wrangles inside the party. I hear you say if you are unhappy with the way they are leading why don’t you simply vote them out, vote for another party. In other words DA, Agang or God forbid, the EFF!

I know it’s quite rich to say a vote for anything other than the ANC or DA is a wasted vote but that’s how I see it. Just tell me one significant thing that has come from any of the minority parties since we attained democracy. Even Patricia de Lille, with a significant voter base saw the futility of having seven seats in Parliament and threw in her lot with the DA years ago.

The DA has its roots in the former Democratic Party, the official opposition in the then whites-only apartheid parliament. When I’m asked why I cannot see the DA as a political alternative my unspoken answer is that I find it difficult to cast my vote into the same basket as the majority of the people who voted for years to keep me disenfranchised.

That’s a little harsh you might say: DA leader Helen Zille and her predecessor Tony Leon did so much to transform the party. Look, they even won in the Western Cape, the only province where they are in power, out of nine provinces. It’s also noteworthy that the Western Cape is the only province whose demographics have black Africans not in majority. In other words most of the people who vote DA in that province are the same people that kept me disenfranchised. The DA has chosen that province to be their flagship province, with party leader Helen Zille as premier.

My interests and the interests of the majority of the people in the Western Cape cannot be the same if they are voting for a party that could in 2009 find it acceptable to place in power a male-only provincial cabinet with their party leader as premier. Just as laughable as suggestions that no suitable female candidate exists to lead the ANC! Really?

One question that is on people’s minds but everybody is afraid to ask out loud is why is it so difficult for the DA to attract leaders with tested “struggle credentials”? Leaders who have become disillusioned with the ruling party? There have been three significant breakaways from the ruling party in the last 20 years. Bantu Holomisa and his United Democratic Movement, Mosiuoa Lekota and his Congress of the People and recently the Economic Freedom Fighters. Add to the list the respected struggle veteran, academic and businesswoman Mamphela Ramphele and her Agang party that’s four major political formations that have all failed to find common ground with the Democratic Alliance. And you expect me to vote for them?

The DA’s biggest failure has its reluctance to make a clean break with the past.

At the height of his political career then DA-leader Tony Leon led a campaign titled “Fight Back”, urging voters to “fight back” against an ANC two-thirds majority in Parliament. Political satirists had a field day insinuating that the actual slogan was “Fight Black”, since their opposition was the predominantly black ANC. Beneath the satire though lay a real concern by people who genuinely thought the DA had something to offer but were now worried that their party was waging a campaign based on the fact that there was something to fear in a “black” two-thirds majority in Parliament. That, dear Zille is what you ought to play away from if you are to gain some credibility in the majority of this country.

Recently, the DA has joined the continued persecution of Robert McBride. I know of no other person who has been hounded for his role in the struggle as much as McBride has, but he has fought back and managed to survive. In my eyes, and in the eyes of many people who were oppressed, McBride remains a hero, not for killing civilians, but for having nearly given his life for the cause of our liberation.

Now, when he gets nominated to lead a police watchdog unit and the DA leads the chorus of the people who are opposed to his appointment I get very disturbed. To the level of asking myself: Is the DA so bitter about McBride’s role in the struggle against apartheid that it would spend so much of its time fighting alongside those who wish McBride had been hanged for fighting for our liberation?

A man dubbed Dr Death, Wouter Basson, has miraculously escaped conviction for his role in the apartheid army, where, by his own admission he produced chemical weapons some of which were used against MK and Namibian freedom fighters. This man, because the National Prosecuting Authority bungled his prosecution, continues to practice medicine as though nothing has happened. The families of his victims have not had the privilege of hearing him apologise for his role in the atrocities that killed their loved ones.

The DA has been dead silent on the issue. Not even a word in support of the families of victims who are now only wishing that he can be struck off the roll of medical practitioners as consolation for his atrocities. Nothing from the DA. My question to the DA is: Why the silence?

I need to apologise to McBride for the juxtaposition above because no matter how many people make the comparison: his actions were for a righteous cause and Dr Death’s actions were in protecting a system that the United Nations had dubbed a crime against humanity.

As long as the DA keeps on appearing to side with former oppressors, those that were oppressed will continue to view them as not worthy of their vote. And please, don’t get me wrong, advancing my reasons for not wanting to vote DA does not in any way mean I will vote ANC. I’m about to drive under two e-toll gantries on my way home, brought to me by the ANC, need I say more?


Apartheid Is Leading South Africa From Behind

In 1996, the office of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) was quietly closed down, marking the end of the ANC's "solemn pledge" and "unbreakable promise" to put the majority first. Two years later, the United Nations Development Progr

In 1996, the office of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) was quietly closed down, marking the end of the ANC's "solemn pledge" and "unbreakable promise" to put the majority first. Two years later, the United Nations Development Progr

Racism In South africa Has Morphed And Shifted Its Semantics And Jargon

It is important nowadays to listen to the voices and ideas of Africans who are neglected by their leaders and their former oppressors. Dumbing down people is one thing, but totally disregarding their concerns is another. Listening to the ballble on the Web and in many new and information outlets, you hear or read most comments coming from Whites as to what must happen in south Africa, as far as they are concerned,. But as to what the African people are saying, the present government and the former oppressors, none is listening, in fact, they are dismissive of anything Africans have to say.

I found the article by Gillian Schutte up in the alley about what I am palavering about above. Many of the comments to her article were castigating her for her observation, but I found them interesting and very close to what I am talking about in the intro to this part of the Hub. Schutte writes:

Non-racism In A Racist South Africa - The Opiate Of The Chattering Class

"In Racism without Racists, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva writes: “Nowadays, except for members of white supremacist organisations, few whites (in the United States) will claim to be racist. Most whites will claim that they don’t see colour — just people; that although the ugly face of discrimination is still with us, it is no longer the central factor determining minorities life chances; and finally, like Martin Luther King, they aspire to live in a society where people are ‘judged by the content of their character – not by the colour of their skin’.”

This is the new non-racist discourse that contains implicit racism but never once admits to it.

In an increasingly globalised world where neoliberalism has taken hold, this new discourse of “non-racism” exists in a system that pays lip service to multiculturalism, diversity and equality. But this “non-racism” is clearly not a global reality, as incidents such as the Trayvon Martin case exemplify.

As understood from Bonilla-Silva’s writings and bringing this into the South African context, the contemporary discursive trend appears to be to downplay the race element in the master narrative and rid the public discourse of the possibility that racism is still the problem. It is now all about race denialism and it is very clear how the discourses of power, social discourses and media discourses seek to soften, circumvent and even ignore the issue of racism in contemporary societal narratives.

But the thing about racism is that it will not vanish simply because some people insist that in a rainbow nation it does not exist … other than over there on the lunatic fringe of course. Racism is like a terminal virus and it will continuously erupt even when society insists it is in remission.

Like any viral disease it is tenacious and has the ability to replicate and proliferate into new neo-colonial neo-liberal strains, much as it did in a post-independence South Africa. In a transitional South Africa when it dawned on the moderate white population that it was inappropriate to speak of black people in explicitly racist terms — whites that harboured racist feelings soon learned a new language that no longer made use of apartheid labels or used distasteful descriptions about racial groups … at least not in public.

What replaced this though, was coded, implicit language that somehow still “evoked” offensive racial stereotyping, but that disturbingly omitted “the possibility of modern-day discrimination” as Bonilla-Silva puts it in relation to contemporary America.

This has become the new form of non-racist yet racist discourse of whiteness. Neo-racist language is now a colour-blind rainbow nation discourse that has a friendly ring to it though it is possibly even more insidious and harmful because it is very difficult to prove that racism resides within it.

Liberal discourse has, however, become synonymous with racism that wears a polite smiling façade. I’ve heard it and witnessed its affect, often facilitated by the most well-meaning people. In fact it is so normalised in our “rainbow nation” that sometimes the recipient will accept it as verbatim kindness. The bearer of this discourse is most often unaware of the implicit racism inherent in their delivery as it is learned but not reflected upon and contains an invisible privilege that is deeply embedded in his/her being. This becomes the mirror for unconscious racism that is inherent in the language and recognised by the recipient but not recognised by the purveyor.

But it is this discourse that is eruptive and disturbing to the recipients who recognise it — as it is felt but often not named. It becomes an uncomfortable and unresolved space that forces the recipient into a state of denialism as it allows no room for questioning. It is brutal in that it is a form of passive aggressive abuse that leaves the recipient feeling destabilised and unsure of their intuitions. This is liberal fascism and it raises its ugly head when it plays out in spontaneous racist social spectacles that many whites do not recognise as racism.

One such example is the attack on the one in nine protested the gay parade in 2012. Here one of the organisers shouts out to the protestors, “this is my route”. The inference is that she has ownership of the streets and the black lesbian bodies do not have the right to be there. The racial implications here are enormous but these organisers to this day insist that race had nothing to do with it — even though the words “go back to your location” rung out loud and clear.

The thing about the whiteness discourse of this neoliberal epoch is that it is expedient. It can accuse black people of being racist and deny its own racism. It is couched in liberalist terms of individualism and contains within it the refusal to acknowledge systemic damage of current and historical white supremacy. This new form of insidious “liberal” racism is perhaps even more oppressive to non-white citizens of the world than outright racism. It shows itself in what white people choose to get publicly outraged by and what they choose to ignore. It often implicitly blames all the ills of the country on black leadership and only admits to this in public outcry over “black racism” or “corruption” or an “utterance” that is perceived as a slight to white “integrity”.

It is the type of racism denialism that has well-meaning white people talk about how Red October, “gives them the chance to distance themselves from right-wing racism and that we should be grateful to them for this”. As if the act of distancing has any impact on anyone and does anything useful in deconstructing or challenging racism. As if the heinous racist hate-speech of the right wing is about us, the white population, and now we can use it to make ourselves look and feel good since we are “not like them”.

This is the anti-racism “activism” of the chattering white class and it is impotent and self-involved.

Surely anti-racism is about on-going activism that seeks not only to challenge, but to dismantle, obliterate and rid our society of a toxic discourse by feeding into an alternative discourse that refuses to let this patriarchal whiteness narrative dominate. Surely this is done through actions and interventions and full-frontal challenge and not through mere “distancing”. It is about never accepting the false construct of the whiteness narrative, whether insidious or right wing, and reflecting on how the two discourses feed into each other.

It is about recognising the aftermath of a white upbringing and constantly being reflexive about how much of ourselves is reflected back to us in racist disruptions, in media narratives, in representations in our schools, universities and institutions. It is about never missing an opportunity to call out racism no matter what guise it wears. In my view unless you are attacking, challenging or agitating against the systemic viral and violent nature of global white supremacy, an entire system that seeks to dominate and destroy all that falls outside of its race-based ethos, I fail to see how you can claim to be anti-racist.

Being anti-racist is not simply distancing yourself from the “lunatic fringe” — or looking for approval from black friends — or showing your “appreciation” for diversity. Anti-racism is about never accepting the status quo — the western patriarchal system of capitalism that seeks to dominate and destroy some “races” and plays out in the corporate hold over governments of developing countries. As feminist activist and author Vandana Shivahas said: “The multiple wars against the earth, through the economy, through greed, through capitalist, patriarchal domination, must end, and we have to recognise we are part of the earth.” That means all of us.

Being anti-racist is being consistent in calling out the supporting discourses that uphold and feed into this capitalist construct, which is one that relies on racialised and gendered divisions and the false construct of whiteness for its survival and proliferation.

White supremacy is not about the right or the left wing in the end. It is about an entire system of domination by one race over others — a system that has been in the making for over 500 years, and it lives in all of us who are born into this construct. We cannot distance ourselves from that — we can only hope to recognise it and abolish this outmoded yet enduring system that was built on falsities to begin with. We can only stand in opposition to all the cogs in this system that seek to uphold racist and sexist forms of oppression, and this means looking way beyond your group of interracial friends or black lovers or biracial children as proof of your “non-racist” views.

In the words of writer Junot Diaz:

“How can you change something if you won’t even acknowledge its existence, or if you down play its significance? White supremacy is the great silence of our world, and in it is embedded much of what ails us as a planet. The silence around white supremacy is like the silence around Sauron in The Lord of the Rings or the Voldemort name, which must never be uttered in the Harry Potter novels. And yet here’s the rub: If a critique of white supremacy doesn’t first flow through you, doesn’t first implicate you, then you have missed the mark; you have, in fact, almost guaranteed its survival and reproduction. There’s that old saying: The devil’s greatest trick is that he convinced people that he doesn’t exist. Well, white supremacy’s greatest trick is that it has convinced people that, if it exists at all, it exists always in other people, never in us.”

What Is Africa To You?

Bongani Madonsela Says: We need news ways of looking at Africa. Not even the third way, no. Just a complex, simple and accepting way of looking at Africa the way you would look at all continents, even then is hardly ever employed…people don’t look at

Bongani Madonsela Says: We need news ways of looking at Africa. Not even the third way, no. Just a complex, simple and accepting way of looking at Africa the way you would look at all continents, even then is hardly ever employed…people don’t look at

We, The African People, Matter In South Africa

Change does not happen because people only talk about, but it is also what people decide to do about it and make it manifest. Apartheid never went away, it just morphed in the background and operated the very essence of its existence, the economic front which they are enjoying fully under the ANC.

The other stuff about how the South African nation is real, is just one way of highlighting the existing racial beliefs and divide. The reality in the South Africa of today is that the existence of Africans as being the mainstay of South Africa is going to have to be acknowledged for there to be any type of change. The more the indigenous are shoved aside in all aspects of South African life, everybody will remain in their Apartheidized stations in life, and play couch coach about politics and everything that is on the South African talking points.

The article by Schutte above is one such open minded observation of the realities that are a set back to better race relations. She manages to pin down, in a conversational tone, all the intricacies of of this fake Rainbow society we are all supposedly living under-yet, racism is still the order and reality that exists more perniciously in South Africa. Knowing and understanding that Africans have to be listened to and respected, that will be the first step in building a new South Africa

South African Vote Quotes: South Afric Elections 2014-So not Vote For An Idiot

Elections In South Africa - 2014

Elections In South Africa - 2014

The More Things Change, The More They Stay The Same

Now that we are in 2014 and headed toward the national elections in south Africa, I would like to post a piece that was written in November 3, 2014 by Sudarsan Raghavab.

"Khutsong, South Africa — The party that ended apartheid has begun to lose its appeal among black South Africans, many of whom have grown frustrated waiting for the “better life for all” promised when the African National Congress won historic multi­racial elections 18 years ago.

The disenchantment with the ANC, to be sure, has been gradually building over the years. But it has intensified in recent weeks amid ongoing, and often violent, labor unrest that has spread across the nation since "police killed 34 strikers at a platinum mine in August, the deadliest police action in post-apartheid South Africa.

In newspaper columns, on radio talk shows, blogs and social media, the ANC is facing a public outcry, accused of being corrupt, ineffective, wasteful and out of touch with the hardships faced by South Africa’s impoverished masses. Even prominent anti-apartheid figures are publicly disparaging the ANC leadership, calling its credibility into question. Meanwhile, other critics, including senior ANC leaders, say the party is divided and facing a crisis of leadership, as President Jacob Zuma battles allegations of misuse of public funds to renovate his private residence.

“Now, the honeymoon is pretty much over,” said Robert Schrire, a political analyst at the University of Cape Town. “What we are seeing is that the average black South African is no longer blindly loyal to the ANC. That person feels angry and betrayed.”

When Nelson Mandela was elected South Africa’s first black president in 1994, there was a burst of hope that a new era of equality was on the horizon. The ANC promised sweeping social change to redress the inequalities forged under apartheid, which oppressed non-whites through a system of racial separation enforced by harsh laws and police brutality to ensure the supremacy of South Africa’s whites.

But for many black South Africans, the initial excitement has fizzled into disappointment as they struggle with high unemployment and a lack of housing, education, clean water and other services.

ANC officials say the party has improved the lives of millions and describe any divisions as a normal occurrence in such a large and diverse institution. “There is no leadership vacuum or paralysis within the ANC,” said Keith Khoza, a senior party spokesman.“The ANC has no crisis of leadership.”

Despite its problems, no one is suggesting that the ANC will lose its dominance over South Africa’s political landscape anytime soon. But the anger and disillusionment, if they continue to grow, could trigger more protests and violence, potentially destabilizing the continent’s largest economy. Already, the number of violent protests this year, mostly over land, inadequate housing and poor services, has grown dramatically from previous years.

As many as 80,000 miners, or 16 percent of the mining sector’s workforce, are believed to be on strike, demanding better pay and benefits. Thousands more have already been fired. Meanwhile, thousands of truckers have also staged strikes, threatening supplies of fuel and food. South Africa’s credit rating has been downgraded, mining stocks have plunged, and its currency, the rand, has weakened. Foreign investors are apprehensive.

In Khutsong, a black township surrounded by gold mines 56 miles west of Johannesburg, many residents live in shack settlements, where electricity must be illegally procured and water hauled from outdoor taps shared by many families.

Public toilets placed on unpaved streets are so filthy that some residents prefer buckets or holes. Many have been waiting more than a decade for government housing.

Bafana Mashata grew up worshiping the leaders of the ANC. In school, he learned how Mandela, Oliver Tambo and other anti-apartheid stalwarts ended white rule. But Mashata deplores the ANC leaders who now run his nation.

“Mandela and our other heroes fought for our freedom,” said Mashata, 17, standing outside his uncle’s tin shack that had no electricity or running water. “But our black leaders now sitting on top of the chair don’t care about us. They care only about themselves.”

ANC officials said their policies have significantly eradicated poverty, but that 18 years later, they are still facing obstacles created by the nation’s apartheid and colonial past. “In terms of giving access to basic services, we have done well,” Khoza said. “At the same we acknowledge the task of reversing an apartheid and colonialist legacy that spanned over 300 years is not going to happen overnight.”

Limited progress

There has been progress. The black middle class, fueled by affirmative-action policies and other efforts to empower blacks, has grown in this nation of more than 50 million.

In a report released in September, the South African Institute of Race Relations found that those with access to electricity reached 11.9 million in 2010, up from 5.2 million in 1996. Over the same period, the number of families with proper housing nearly doubled to 11 million and those with access to piped water increased to 12.7 million from 7.2 million, according to the report.

Still, government figures show that about a quarter of South Africans lack proper housing, nearly a quarter are without electricity and nearly a fifth are without proper sanitation facilities. The government, its critics say, has a pitiful record in providing education, leading to shortages of skills; today, a quarter of the population is unemployed, up from 20 percent in 1994.

Meanwhile, the gap between the rich and the poor has widened since 1994, creating one of the world’s most unequal societies, according to World Bank data. Today, whites still largely control South Africa’s economy, and they earn six more than Blacks, according to South African census data released last week.

At the polls, the frustration has started to chip away at the ANC’s dominance. In local elections last year, the party’s share of the vote slid to 62 percent from 65.9 percent in the 2009 national election, according to the country’s Independent Electoral Commission. The Democratic Alliance, the main opposition party, won 23.9 percent of the vote, up from 16.6 percent in 2009, as it attracted support from many mixed-race South Africans, as well as whites and blacks who left the ANC.

The anger in the streets started mounting long before the miners’ strikes. In the first seven months of the year, residents of black townships staged dozens of demonstrations, protesting poor sanitation, a lack of housing and other services, according to Municipal IQ, an independent research group that focuses on local government. The protests were more than any year since 2004, when the group started monitoring the protests.

“The fact is that there is a deep and growing mistrust of leaders in our country, and the expanding underclass feels it has no voice through legitimate formal structures,” Jay Naidoo, a former general secretary of the Congress of South African Trade Unions and senior ANC leader, wrote on his blog. “Violence becomes the only viable language.”

South Africa’s leaders, he added, are failing those who sacrificed their lives to end apartheid.

Presidential scandals

When Zuma was elected in 2009, many thought his populist zeal would translate into more help for South Africa’s poor. But he quickly became entangled in scandal after scandal. Today, he is facing an official investigation and public rage over plans to upgrade his private rural homestead in Nkandla, KwaZulu-Natal province, at a cost of $27 million to taxpayers. The renovations reportedly include a helipad, underground parking, playgrounds, even a medical clinic.

According to local news reports, the cost dwarfs the amounts spent on the residences of previous presidents Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and F.W. de Klerk. Zuma’s aides insist he is personally responsible for paying for many of the upgrades.

Nevertheless, “Nkandlagate,” as it is has been dubbed here, has further eroded the credibility of Zuma and the ANC, critics say. Now, Zuma, 70, is facing a pitched battle for reelection as ANC president in December.

Other ANC leaders are also viewed as out of touch, and some have been criticized for having ties to mining companies, driving luxury cars and using their political influence to become extremely wealthy.

Still, the party’s problems have provided an opening for Julius Malema, a controversial former ANC youth leader, who was charged in September with fraud and money laundering. Publicly attacking Zuma, he has seized advantage of the outrage over the miners’ killings in an effort to rebuild popularity since his expulsion from the ANC earlier this year for hate speech, including calls to kill whites.

Some anti-apartheid stalwarts say the ANC has yet to make the transition from leading freedom fighters to leading a democratic nation.

“We believe that because we had a liberation movement that we loved and respected so much, we thought that alone would fix the problems,” said Mamphela Ramphele, a prominent anti-apartheid activist and partner of Steve Biko, the black consciousness leader who was brutally killed in police custody in 1977. “The biggest failure of the ANC is it not understanding that you cannot govern a modern democracy with 1950s ideas.”

Biko, she said, “would be disappointed” at today’s South Africa. “I think we need to find a way of rediscovering the dreams that drove all of us to sacrifice so much,” added Ramphele.

‘We need change’

A recent visit to Khutsong illustrates the challenges facing the ANC. In 2005, residents took the streets to protest a decision by the ANC-led government to transfer the township from wealthy Guateng province to poor North-West province. Most residents boycotted the 2006 local elections.

In 2009, ahead of the presidential election, the ANC returned the township to Gauteng, in an apparent bid to win votes. It worked. The township, including its poorest residents, overwhelmingly voted for the ANC.

But today, residents say little has changed.

Sikhulu Ndwandwe, 33, a social worker, and his family have been waiting for 16 years for a house, and they don’t expect to get one soon. Their only source of electricity is an illegal hookup.

“How can I vote for a party that is corrupt?” said Ndwandwe, as his friends and father nodded in agreement. “We need change.”

At the same time, though, Ndwandwe knows there are few alternatives. Since 1994, the ANC has overwhelmingly won every election and now controls two-thirds of the seats in Parliament. The Democratic Alliance is still largely perceived as too white, and many blacks remain loyal to the ANC, despite its failings, because it brought them freedom.

“The ANC is good. It liberated us,” Ndwandwe said. “What’s killing us is our leadership. If we change them, things will go smooth.”

But other residents said they are so frustrated that they will vote against the ANC.

Mbongiseni Dlamini, a 29-year-old miner who has participated in the strikes, lives in a green shack with no electricity or running water. Open sewage runs nearby. At night, he uses candles and paraffin lamps to read and cook.

Dlamini, who voted for the ANC in the last elections, said he now plans to vote for the Democratic Alliance.

“The DA is not just for white people,” he said. “We want a party that will bring change, and the ANC has failed us.”

For now, though, many people say there’s a single way to force action from the government — and the ANC. “In South Africa,” Ndwandwe said, “if you want to be heard, you have to go to the streets.”

The Changing Of The Guard Has Begun To Set In

The ANC is set for what could prove to be a bitter leadership election

The ANC is set for what could prove to be a bitter leadership election

Power lost, Once Controlled, Is Harder to Recapture: The ANC's Gradual Fall

Things change in South Arica just to stay the same. The poor are more poorer and the rich are filthy rich. They're is general discontent and uneasiness that is enveloping the the country of South Africa. There are many signs that the present status quo will not hold. There is also denial from the ruling party that this is the case. the, the ANC, rebuke and rebut the accusations that are leveled their way, and insist that the changes they have implemented and wrought in South Africa have mad e it a better country in Africa.

This is far from the truth if one were to read the post above. It is also important to note that the poor are still ignored, suffer many injustices and subjected to high prices for their goods and services.The is a consistent abuse of the tax-payers money to try to anchor the present ANC corrupt rule. Despite all this, the ANC is still denying that there is trouble in the land. DeIn spite of the strikes, calls for combating corruption and restoring justice, fairness and order, there is still the reality that the ANC wants to keep business as usual. The BBC News Africa had this article by by Andrew Harding:

Is The ANC losing Its Grip On South Africa?

Stunning beaches, impoverished townships, vast potential and a persistent sense of crisis - welcome to Bitou, a place that seems to encapsulate many of South Africa's enduring contradictions.

But could this isolated, sun-drenched, struggling municipality also represent something more intriguing? Might it just be a weather vane for the nation's future political direction at a time of growing uncertainty?

Memory Booysens is rather hoping so.

Mr Booysens - a lean, nattily dressed 43 year-old - is the new mayor of Bitou, a township in Western Cape province, 530km (330 miles) from Cape Town.

He is also, in the colourful assessment of his former colleagues from the African National Congress - the party that has run South Africa since democracy prevailed 18 years ago and is poised to meet for a key five-yearly conference - "a perpetual liar, a traitor and a political prostitute".

Mr Booysens earned those insults by swapping sides. And winning.

He used to be a senior official in the local branch of the ANC. But he says he became horrified by, and outspoken about, the endemic corruption he believed had come to define the town's ANC-run administration.

He was expelled from the party, joined the opposition Democratic Alliance, and in short order became mayor when the ANC abruptly, and unexpectedly, lost its majority in the last local election 18 months ago.

"When we took over it was shocking. We hadn't realised the municipality was insolvent. It was corrupt from top to bottom - councillors were doing business with the municipality," said Mr Booysens, who is now bogged down in a series of legal battles against former employees and suspect tenders, in a forlorn effort to claw back some money.

The previous mayor, Lulama Mvimbi, told me the allegations of corruption were lies, deliberately spread in order to boost support for the DA.

Death threats

Mr Mvimbi earned some notoriety for leasing a top of the range BMW.

He said it was needed for security, and wasn't his personal choice. The car has since been returned, but it evidently touched a nerve among voters tired of seeing the ruling elites flaunt their new wealth.

"This was endemic - it was part of the fabric of how the ANC was running the town," said Mr Booysens, arguing that the councillors were simply emulating the corruption that they saw in the ruling party's national leadership.

Today, a bodyguard walked behind the mayor, as he set off into the narrow alleys of a local township - wooden shacks precariously balanced on a steep hillside. "I'm very fortunate to be alive," says Mr Booysens, who wore body armour for several months after his election, because of fears that his political rivals would try to kill him.

"He's lying," said Phakie Mbali, another local ANC official. "There is no police report to say he's been threatened."

He acknowledged that factionalism within the ANC had prompted some voters to "lose trust" with the party, but he said the DA had run "a campaign based on fear and intimidation". The ANC's councillors, he insisted, in an unintentionally ambiguous phrase, "are the custodians of corruption".

Mr Booysens pushed deeper into the township, and was quickly surrounded by a group of men who wanted to know when electricity would be installed. One local said it had been six years since they'd had power.

The mayor told them that a deal had just been reached with the local landowner and the power company, and the electricity would start flowing within a fortnight.

Another chance

"I was ANC last time, and I'm DA now," said Christina Nikisi, standing outside a new wooden house built by the local authorities after her old shack was destroyed in a fire. "I'm changing because the ANC is not doing well. Not enough. I think the mayor is going to do well," she said.

Christina Nikisi thinks the new mayor will change Bitou for the better

Mr Booysens said he still encountered some hostility from the public, but "that's changing, especially because people are sick and tired of the factional fights in the ANC".

"People see me as fair, because I don't ask them who they vote for. I treat them all as citizens."

But frustration with the status quo does not mean that South Africans are abandoning the ANC in a flood. It routinely wins almost two-thirds of the national vote.

"Our democracy is still 18 years old," said Kenneth Magaga, who works at a recycling initiative in Bitou. Like many people, he believes the ANC needs "a chance to work on those mistakes. I don't think there is any government that can fix what happened in South Africa in 18 years."

The fundamental question for the DA - which has steadily increased its share of the national vote with each election - remains this: are Memory Booysens and Bitou an anomaly, or are they a sign that the DA is now on track to seize power from the ANC across South Africa, perhaps before the end of the decade?

Mayor Booysens struggled to find an easy answer.

Democratic Alliance on the up

  • 1994: 2% of the vote - in national election
  • 1999: 10% - in national election, becomes official opposition
  • 2004: 12% - in national election
  • 2009: 17% - in national election; wins Western Cape province
  • 2011: 24% - in local election

Source: Independent Electoral Commission

"It's very difficult to break that loyalty [to the ANC]," he admitted frankly. "The reason is that a lot of us are uneducated and we don't base our vote on issues, we base it on sentimental things.

The ANC tells people to vote for the ANC to please Nelson Mandela. But people need to understand that the values of Mandela are alive within the DA. The ANC is just lip service. So the more uneducated people we have - the better for the ANC."

His rivals in the ANC bitterly reject that interpretation, pointing to a hillside covered with new homes built by the municipality. "We got awards for the best service delivery," said the former Mayor, Mr Mvimbi. "We built houses, created employment, built tar roads and infrastructure for the poor."

Later in the afternoon, the mayor walked down to the beach to chat with the lifeguards and a handful of foreign tourists.

Plettenberg Bay is one of South Africa's most stunning chunks of coastline, and the town was bracing itself for the arrival of thousands of students who come each December for the "Plett Rage" - a riot of post-exams music and excess.

'Blind loyalty'

The DA has been through numerous re-branding exercises since its origins in the anti-apartheid movement of the 1970s and 80s, but in the eyes of some people it remains a "white" party, led by a white woman, Helen Zille, and somehow out of touch with the core values of black South Africans.

"It was difficult for my family to accept it at first," said Mr Booysens, sitting on the beach. "We tend to believe that there is no political life for blacks outside the ANC, which is not true," he added.

Mr Booysens warned that time was running out for South Africans to abandon the ANC before it plundered the state, wrecked the judiciary and constitution, and drove the nation towards "dictatorship".

The ANC is set for what could prove to be a bitter leadership election

Such alarmism may be compelling to some - and it's a logical, self-serving narrative for an opposition party looking to pick up more votes.

But in Bitou the truth is that, despite some threats and more than a hint of violence, the ANC has surrendered power. It's an experience that the party is slowly becoming familiar with in municipalities across the country.

"We are democratic people. We accept the will of the people. We must now go back to the drawing board," said the ANC's regional chairman Putco Mapitiza.

As for Mr Booysens - he insists he has no regrets.

"This is the most diverse party in South Africa. I'm kicking myself for taking so long to leave the ANC. I was loyal. Blind loyalty," he said wistfully, as his bodyguard stood behind him, watching the surf.

The Struggle Continues: Aluta Kontinua

It is Still A Worse And Uphill Struggle For Africans Of South Africa

It is Still A Worse And Uphill Struggle For Africans Of South Africa

[The ANC In]South Africa Losing a Grip on Its Promise

Different reports and analysis of the inept governance of the ANC is being also reported word-wide by different outlets, as pointed out in the BBC report above. The New York Times Alan Cowell writes"

"This resort town on the Indian Ocean coastline might seem an unlikely spot from which to muse on an entire nation, a pocket of privilege sometimes nicknamed Johannesburg-by-the-Sea.

It is a place where some of the land’s wealthiest white families maintain vacation homes comparable to those of Martha’s Vineyard or the French Riviera; where predominantly white vacationers in this Southern Hemisphere summer seem to compete for the newest German or Japanese S.U.V.’s towing the smartest powerboat.

Given South Africa’s vast inequalities — its crime, its corruption, its unemployment, its struggle with AIDS, the unhealed scars of the apartheid era — the year-end frenzy of parties, boats and beaches here might seem irrelevant to the prevailing national debate, defined by a gathering this month of the dominant ANC at which President Jacob Zuma sought to buttress his campaign for a second term in 2014 by embracing as his party deputy Cyril Ramaphosa, a fabulously wealthy former labor organizer beloved of the business elite and of others who hope he will curb the A.N.C.’s rampant self-enrichment.

But, obliquely, this premier vacation retreat does shine a kind of sidelight: In all of the hundreds of thousands of printed, verbalized and digitized words devoted to scrutinizing the A.N.C’s twice-a-decade elective conference at Bloemfontein, the country’s onetime obsession with race seemed conspicuously absent.

For a vacationer and onetime South Africa-based correspondent watching motorboats carve pristine wakes across the expanse of the Keurbooms River lagoon, it almost seemed as if the white minority has been given a free pass to a future once defined by its leaders as a looming apocalypse.

Of course, nothing here is that simple. South Africa’s struggle was never written in such racial monotones as its stereotypes suggested. The bloodlust for racial warfare was limited to the extreme fringes and may not have been fully diluted: At a recent court hearing, four white men were accused of plotting to kill Mr. Zuma and others at the A.N.C. conference.

By contrast, white civic and business leaders here — as elsewhere — maintain that they contribute the bulk of local taxes and charitable support to leaven the inequality with the black majority in this onetime whaling station. South Africa may claim to be a post-apartheid rainbow nation, but that dream, for some, is still a work in progress at best.

This has always been a land whose self-image is woven with contradictions. At the end of the recent conference, A.N.C. leaders toasted their avowed “unity” with Champagne, which, as one broadcaster, Hajra Omarjee, put it, was “hardly the most politically correct gesture” for a party claiming to champion the dispossessed in a land where most have never dreamed of tasting fancy French wines.

It is a nation that has long seen itself as exceptional, punching above its weight in literature, athletics, sports and business, its dreams sustained by a wealth of minerals.

Apartheid set South Africa apart, not just among its own people but across a world that condemned as pariahs its white leaders and their racial tunnel vision.

With the first free elections in 1994, a new order under Nelson Mandela forged a new moral template, built during 27 years of imprisonment and a post-liberation commitment to a future without vengeance.

But the superlatives have shifted under his successors. Statistically, South Africa is the world’s most unequal society, not simply in the glaring contrasts of black and white wealth, but also in the skewed balance between the bulk of South Africans and an emergent black superclass, including entrepreneurs and investors like Mr. Ramaphosa.

“Economic inequality is the Achilles’ heel of the South African economy,” said Adam Habib, the newly named head of the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg.

Mr. Mandela, aged 94 and in poor health, spent the holidays in the hospital to be treated for a lung infection and the removal of gallstones. After almost three weeks, he was discharged Wednesday and will be treated at his home in Johannesburg, his physicians said.

Such medical bulletins make headline news: Mr. Mandela’s survival still functions as a source of reassurance, a reminder of a moral aspiration that sometimes seems to have been eclipsed by a far less dignified scramble for the spoils of his legacy through fraudulent contracts, tenders and paybacks. The democratic credential has frayed.

At the A.N.C. conference, Mr. Habib said, some votes for power blocs and slates of candidates could “only be described as an example of match-fixing.”

In some ways, thus, exceptionalism is giving way to practices that are far from the exception elsewhere in Africa.

“Ordinary men, women and children are now left out of the promise of freedom and democracy,” Mamphela Ramphele, head of Citizens Movement for Social Change, wrote in The Sunday Independent. “We must now reflect on how we should shape the future of our country to revive the dream that powered us into the freedom which we now enjoy and which is at great risk.”

Not telling and ignoring the poor and it's voting polity's concern and gripes, the ANC is charting a road towards its own downfall. Just because they have to serve the wishes and needs of their handlers, the ANC chooses to side with the exploiters of South African African on behest of the Imperial Capitalist. This is becoming more much more clearer to the poor, who are now cognizant of the fact that that their leaders are abusing and lying to them. One wonders how long this treachery will last.

"Stricken Household"

Wallowing in poverty, ignorance, alcoholism, drug addiction and death-is seemingly and certainly our fate we Africans of Mzantsi, Today

Wallowing in poverty, ignorance, alcoholism, drug addiction and death-is seemingly and certainly our fate we Africans of Mzantsi, Today

Poverty And Bankruptcy Of Ideas, Morals. Ethics and Accountability...

Telling It Like It Is...

I hated and disliked Apartheid for its use of religious preachings and prattles that I stayed away from religious discourses or whatever, and kept my own beliefs limited to talking with my ancestors on my Mtundu. I have always thought that the Afrikaners were true hypocrites, because they invoked the scripture and Jesus Christ as their pacifier of the oppressed, and committed genocide on their colonized African subjects, and those that survived these killings, were relegated to slave labor camps and Concentration Camps called Townships with their curfews and inhuman living conditions and draconian laws implemented to control and oppress them.

I have always thought that if then there's a God, he must be one unfair deity. He had chosen people(His Afrikaner children) and those that he acknowledged should be enslaved and murdered (the African children of Ham?!)... Myth.....
This was very disconcerting because the very victims of this genocide, the African people, had by now bought hook-and-sink into this idea of Church, Religion and ministers, cabinet ministers, and the whole gaggle and garrison of Afrikaner followers and believers who were too hapless to even resist the wave of religious justifications and hankering they were receiving from all quarters: headed by the Broederbond. One needs to seriously study the operations of the Broederbond and who made up the pantheon of the leadership of fanatics in it, then this will help us talk about the ANC in the Same vein, today.

The ANC is not the first government in power to invoke Jesus and speak in confusing religious parlances, uttering, paraded as new ideas that we begin to see the unravelling of the ANC, and the futility and lack of ideas that it has embraced as we approach the 2014 South African 'national' and supposedly "Democratic" elections. So much for the talking points, but beyond the veneer of self-righteousness, and exploiting the blind faith of their polity, who are dissected by their religious faiths, from Europe, to the East, and every type of so-called religious faith, in between-the ANC has gone form revolutionary rhetoric to religious zealotry - What a paradigm shift.... Now that Mandela has passed, we are beginning to see the real 'opportunistic' and very 'vindictive' ANC come to the fore.

I was of the mind that the Afrikaners were not fit to rule, and had no ideas, but their own selfish and ethnic narcissistic concept of themselves as a superior race and deserved it. I think that this is a kind of madness and being off the rails type of thing that happens to people marooned in some land(the Boers) and the Africans, never having ruled themselves since the Xhosa, Zulu, and other nations wars against the Afrikaners and the English.., has itself left us lacking in ideas of how to to build our own nation in our image, and how to use our culture to rule the African peoples of Mzantsi.

We are now crazy unfree slaves of our own self-pity and wanting short-cuts to meet and fill this void. We are, most of us, pining to be in the seat, house, position, life and beingness of our Masters, and have hastily disappeared our culture, history and are living in a world of our own imagination, but not our own and original reality. This is also a conundrum that holds us back and we never seem to move forward. We are trapped in a no man's land existence, and we are like crabs in a barrel who when one of them tries to climb out, the rest pull it down. This is what is happening here with us where our leaders ensure we stay trapped in the barrel we now live and exist in.

Now that we are all frying in the crucible, lacking in ideas because our structures of government and civil service are dysfunctional and very inept and incompetent to be the rulers in power, we come to a cull de sac, mentally, physically, intellectually or whichever way one wants to frame this social malaise and existential miasma. This is so when one now begins to see coming out of the woodwork, a government, embracing religious exhortations, and are taking half a page out of their Masters(Apartheidizers) playbook to rule South Africa. This is abhorrent and very dangerous indeed. From revolutionary talk to religious mealy-mouthed mutterings/stuttering and utterings, this should tell us that we are now really in trouble with the handkerchief-heads that lord over us.

A miasma of archaic ideas and ethical/ideological bankruptcy of the soul/intellect and decrepit morals hangs like a pall over our our entire lived realities and coping existence. We are now listening to our leaders, who kow-tow to International capital and ideological influence, now prattling condemnations of 'Satanism amongst the people', 'We will rule Till Jesus comes', 'It's cold outside the ANC', the ANC is 100+ years, so is more in control and knows all that should and will benefit its 'people'. They also say that prayer will fix all'.. Balderdash... This is a con game of people who do not know how to rule, but are very efficient in being corrupt and destroying their own base. This is a very big con job, and we are being dumbed-down and made slaves-in a word, genocide is being carried out in plain sight.

I do not write these articles thinking I am important or something. No, I do what many people in other ethnic groups do: write about themselves, their history and everything that goes with and within it. Our problem in South Africa in the 21st century is the ANC/its handlers and their shenanigans are hurting us big time. If one reads the article posted below, then it is becoming clear that we are entering a very Dark period. Meaning, Apartheid, The ANC Way.

I really do not care who says what, but we are being put under lock-down of a different type. And so long as we do not raise and demand that these pertinent issues be fully and seriously addressed, we are going to be living in a virtual and physical prison of which there will be no escape-and this is/and has been engineered by our elected leaders, on us-their electoral base.

Right now the ANC is assailing the constitution, by clamping down on non-existent rights/which are supposed to be enshrined in the constitution) of its citizens in many ways. Memos are running all over the place announcing draconian measures taken on Africans of Mzantsi, who are, in any case, last considered and never heard/totally ignored.

The whole thing about it is that none of this is in the media here in Mzantsi, and those who dare raise such issues, especially in the media and in the general public, are threatened of being sued billions by the government ministers and their cabals; or the nonentities are intimated, if not killed.

Today in Mzantsi it like being corralled into a some big church and being preached to until one is forcibly converted to these religious appeals and exhortations from the government and its cronies/cabals. Church and State Are Being Merged into one thing here in Mzantsi-I suppose that's a Good and New Idea?!.... Wrong.... It would be interesting to read-up on the Constitution as to what it has to say about "Church and State" being one'....

Sipho Kings Wrote:

Satanic Panic: God Votes ANC - The Rest Can Go To Hell..

"President Jacob Zuma has gone biblical in his forecasts of power for the ANC, in a semantic shift in the way the party speaks of itself and opposers.

"Empires throughout history have set impressive time periods for their planned longevity, and the ANC has gone biblical with its own forecast, saying that it will rule until Jesus comes back. This is part of a semantic shift in the way the party talks about itself and those who oppose it.

"Even God expects us to rule this country because we are the only organisation which was blessed by pastors when it was formed," said President Jacob Zuma at a rally in January. "This is why we will rule until Jesus comes back."

"Previously, he said that by voting for the party, people would secure their place in heaven.

"ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe has likened the tripartite alliance to the Holy Trinity.

"Last week Sports Minister Fikile Mbalula said those who oppose his party or its leader are forces for evil. In this case, it was football fans at the FNB Stadium who had booed Zuma following Bafana Bafana's 5-0 drubbing by Brazil.

Evil plans

"An agitated Mbalula, speaking the next day, said: "All of their plans, infused by Satanism at best, will never succeed in the future because their plans are nothing else but filled with evil."

"This type of language has started appearing in communiqués from the ANC, a party that once prided itself on being secular. In a response to the alleged racism at the North-West University campus in Potchefstroom, the party this week sent out an email titled "Racism is Satanism".

"Last year, Nono Maloyi, the MEC for human settlements and public safety in North West, blamed the devil for violence in the province. "Satanism is the only wicked force that leads wives to kill their husbands and their children, and for men to rape their own children."

"Angie Motshekga, minister of basic education, asked for prayers for matric students in Mpumalanga last year. "We believe nothing can defeat prayer," she said.

"We will make sure that the kids are delivered from evil spirits and believe we will get the best results this year."

Thanks be to God

"Mcebisi Skwatsha, a member of the ANC's national executive committee, told delegates at a list conference in the Northern Cape last year that, thanks to God, the party would win the elections: "We will not fear any weapons formed against us ahead of the 2014 general elections because God is with us."

"At the same conference, Sindiso Mfenya, a provincial ANC member, went further and said former leader OR Tambo had told him that "the ANC had its own God" – that was why those who attack the party would be destroyed.

"Piet Naudé, professor of ethics at the Nelson Mandela University, said politicians using God to gain political credibility was as old as humanity itself.

"We should not be surprised or even shocked when ANC leaders resort to Christian imagery to promote their cause."

"But people should be wary of this kind of association, he said. "As a rule of thumb, one should rarely trust a politicians using God for election purposes. It is a transgression of the second commandment." [What does the Constitution have to say about this issue?]

National Party flavour

The language and iconography used is not unlike that of the Nat­ional Party. Apartheid was the will of God – a narrative reinforced by the Dutch Reformed Church. Afrikaners were chosen by God to bring light to what was they saw as the "dark continent".

"When the apartheid regime came under pressure, the association was cranked up. In its darkest hours of the 1980s, the apartheid government used its favourite bogeyman, the communist rooi gevaar (red danger), [and Swaart Gevaar, to us the Africans here in Mzantsi] as the embodiment of the devil.

"The ultimate expression of evil became a pervasive image in white culture, said Nicky Falkof. A lecturer at the University of the Witwatersrand, she has written extensively about South Africa's "satanic panic" and the race element that underpins it.

"The belief in satanic conspiracy maintained apartheid's work of racial separation and kept black and white youth in their place," she said. The devil was seen as a "legitimate and real threat to white South Africa", she said.

"The fearmongering also led to the foundation of the police's occult crimes unit. Its founder, Kobus Jonker, gained a fearful reputation. Known as "Donker Jonker", he is a hard man to track down these days but, in a 2010 interview with the American magazine Vice, he said the devil was often used as an easy excuse by people.

'Devil behind every bush'

"People jump on bandwagons and see the devil behind every bush," he said. "It can be very dangerous."

"But, he said, he had encountered many cases of "people being possessed" by the devil. He gave an example of a "girl who had ants crawling out of her breasts".

"The police say there has been a steady increase in the number of crimes related to satanic rituals in recent times.

"But South African courts try people according to the crimes committed and do not accept evidence based on the supernatural: claiming that your opponents are possessed by a satanic force holds no sway, except in the court of public or political opinion."

The Religious Struggles Of Africans and Colonizers in Mzatnsi

Many people should be made aware that they should now begin to study, read, understand and know the constitution because a lot is going on, and majority of the people know nothing about. It is clear that, after 20 years of ANC rule, there is more confusion, apprehension and uncertainty as to what's coming next. The passing of Tata has exposed the lack of ideas and know-how of governance on the part of our present government.

Yes, there are those who defend the government, as did some motley crew of preachers who attacked Madonsela, but refused to name/divulge their denominations-along with the new rich tycoons and potentates within the African enclave, who like their status quo for now-and they really defend it in many ways.

Well, I have seen this picture before, but it was under Apartheid, where the church ministers were in lockstep with the parliamentarians and even belonging to the Borederbond created civic association in order to validate and propagate their religious zealotry and firmly keep the 'darkie in his place'. Also, an Apartheid African petty bourgeoisie was created during this time.

Yes, this movie we are now seeing and reading about and noting and living it above, is nothing but a poor trailer and weak/shoddy rehash of the glory days of apartheid and religion, and their designing their draconic laws to enslave us-but this time, by our elected and soon to re-elected leaders.

Well, the one that is now in their place, our African elected officials, are only too keen and rushing pell-mell to impress the master that they can do it much better and please their masters and investors. This is Mzantsi realpolitik. Many people recall(this includes Africans in the Diaspora and those Africans that have been colonized elsewhere), that in situation of white cops and African cops accosting an African or colonized victim, it is also worth noting how the African cop will beat the living daylights out of victim, so's to be recognized and accepted by their masters as being one with their masters-carrying out "law and order'.. The present gendarme government ruling us, is working assiduously hard to impress its investor friends and foreign capital and governments that they are good slave-drivers, and assure them of business as usual here in South Africa.

Meanwhile, on the home front(The Poor and dumbed-down masses) things are becoming hopeless and regrettably degraded. The reality is that there is a breakdown of the African family and society, and this is taking place in many ways. We are told not to see this apparent reality-for the ANC is the best thing that has ever happened for us and to us; they are up to speed in service delivery, yadi-yada; blah-blah.

And that's all what it is-hot air; and meanwhile we are expected to vote for a 'Stricken Household' as captured by Dumile below. And by voting for such an existence and reality, we will be better of under the present government, as if the past 20 years have been anything, but, as we shall see, after the elections of 2014, back to the vinegar bottle for all the poor people-business is going to be the same as usual, without their consent in the land of birth.

We are in a bad shape, and the sooner we seriously work at rebuilding and anchoring the African rule into and through the poor masses, there is no change that is in the foreseeable future.. But steady/rapid genocide... Our leaders have brought into the idea that oppressing and denying all human rights to one's subject is a sure way into the graces of deeper capital pockets and large capital infusion from the West. Now they are waxing Religious.. Duh!

Articles such as this one only trying to curb a perspective out of the monotonous media tone that is the staple feed for the poor and those who do not own the media or control its content. The government today is assisted by these Madison Avenue and Wall Street Public Relations (types) people, and we are now ruled and controlled like a mini-pseudo Americana clientele semi-liberated African puny state.

Bantu Biko long ago addressed this issue of religion in his book, "I write What I Like":

"I am aware that today I am addressing myself to a group of people with whom I differ in two respects:

"Firstly, I am a layman talking to a group of religious ministers. Secondly, I am a young man talking to fairly elderly people.

"These are perhaps the two aspects that brought me here. An attempt to close the generation gap is always fundamental in the re-examination of any hitherto orthodox situation which seems to fast becoming obsolete in the minds of young people. Also important, is the need to make common the concept of religion, especially Christianity, understanding of which is fast becoming the monopoly of so-called theologians.
"For this reason I am going to deal with the topic in lay fashion.

"To my mind, religion can be defined as an attempt by man to relate to a supreme being or force to which he ascribes all creation. Our particular model at this moment is Christianity. It is not quite clear just how important it is for the various regions that exist in this world to be uniform. One thing is certain though, that all regions have got similar characteristics. ...

"... Each religion is highly ritualistic. Through years of experience, the religion develops a certain pattern and procedure that in later years become inseparable from the central message of that religion.

"If one takes religion as nothing else but what it is - i.e., a social institution attempting to explain what cannot be scientifically known about the origin and destiny of man, then from the beginning we can see the necessity of religion.
All societies and indeed all individuals, ancient or modern, young or old, identify themselves with a particular religion and when none is existent, they develop one.

"On most cases religion is intricately intertwined with the rest of cultural traits of society. In a sense, this makes the religion part and parcel of the behavioral pattern of that society and makes the people bound by the limits of that religion through a strong identification with it.

"Where people are subjected to a religion that is removed from their cultural make-up, then elements of disgruntlement begin to be noted and sometimes open is soon displayed. Hence, one can make the claim that most religions are specific and where they fail to observe the requirements of specificity, then they must be sufficiently adaptable to convey relevant messages to different people in different situations. For indeed, each religion has a message for the people amongst whom it is operative."

"Whereas Christianity had gone through rigorous cultural adaptation from ancient Judea through Rome, Through London, through Brussels and Lisbon, somehow when it landed on the Cape, it was made to look fairly rigid. Christianity was made the central point of a culture which brought with it new styles of clothing, new customs, new forms of etiquette, new medical approaches, and perhaps new armaments. The people amongst whom Christianity was spread had to cast away their indigenous clothing, their customs, their beliefs which were all described as being pagan and barbaric."

I could go on citing Biko, but suffice for now, because, his last observation is what I am scrutinizing about the article and the ANC's religious talking points to get the vote. There are many points that Bantu makes, but will save that for another article in time. But above, it means then we are perfect appendages and poor copies of our masters when we try our hardest to ape his norms and values.

It should then be noted that the splurge about religion becoming talking points priorities for the ANC, we are seeing a change which does not bode well for the indigenous. They are trumpeting religious homilies and jabberwocky as if there are a chosen few(literally) and that God is on their side-that they will rule till Jesus comes.. This are egregious, erroneous and dangerous prattles of an immature phase of being ruled, 20 years later-the Gravy keeps on dripping....

In order to get our House(Nation) in Order, we shall have to interrogate these religious Ideas and see if knowing our history and culture/customs/traditions just as well, and how our culture conforms or has been rebelling against these beliefs and religiosity imposed/foisted on us, and whether these religious ideas respect and conform to our culture. What Zuma and his ilk are doing, is nothing more than adding confusion to this dysfunctional and decrepit state that we exist in. There's so much to be done,, and we have barely started...

I still hold on to the belief and idea that we are far much more better than this...

African Historian Djali

African History Master Teacher: Dr. Clarke

African History Master Teacher: Dr. Clarke

The Community Has A way Of Expressing Itself...

This might be regarded as "Graffitti Crime", Well, the silenced masses usually have unusual ways of expressing their perceptions and feelings-precilsy, too...

This might be regarded as "Graffitti Crime", Well, the silenced masses usually have unusual ways of expressing their perceptions and feelings-precilsy, too...

Throwing the Money-wrench into the Whole "..ish": Things Changing to Remain The Same....

Although I am going to post the article below, I would like to point out some historical fact that the writer seems to be oblivious to. Mcebisi Ndletyana seems not to know that the English names of the people he has just named above, "April" for Mbalulal; Chabane's English name is, "Ohm"; Thulas Nxesi is "Waltermade"; and Zizi Kodwa was given a Christian name, as we came to call it, of "Goodenough".

Well, it sounds joyful enough, but he is ignorant of the reason why these people were given "pussycat" names, that are so "uncool". Ignorance of one's history is no more an excuse, and some of our writers should be called out even if they are trying to say something. These "Christian" names were required by the British and Apartheid regime. So that, on one's birth certificate, you had to have an English/European or foreign name either than the one your father and mother will giver you. so that, our original names became our middle names(MiddleInitials) and our "Christian names were our First names. This was the logic of Apartheid and the whole concept of segregating, dividing and conquering of peoples that they had colonized and Apartheidized.

It is also good to sound of and be erudite in showing off ones mastery of the English language, but it is another thing to flaunt one's ignorance of the reasons why we have the situation where the leaders of the ANC have names that sounded unreal, because that was the inititial intention of Apartheid, to disappear the African personality and reality about oneself as an Africa, as the sorry statement that vague below from Ndletyana:

"This is not just a compilation of names of prospective MPs and MPLs. It is the face of the organisation. You can tell a lot about an organisation from what it chooses to tell you about itself. The lists yield multiple meanings and insights, from reassuring to self-contradictory and downright unflattering."

I find this 'uncool' and very amateurish. This has nothing to do with the article and to be honest, makes no real sense. If this is journalism, then I am the owner of Newspapers. I am not crazy about the ANC, but I am for the facts and truth that help inform the poor and the unrepresented here on the Web-millions are absent from the medium in South Africa. Now, with such Journalists, who thinks we will ever get anywhere in our struggles that are so multifold and diverse? Makes me wonder why we always fall under.

After reading through the article posted by Mcebisi Ndletyana, although I would lie to poke holes into the ANC's ineptness, I just felt the article is more of a gossip column than a serious writing about how "The ANC's Morality On The Line", which is the topic of his article, one can find on theSunday Independent News online-and this is supposed to be the best of South African literature-that the article really does not make a clear point of what is the anomie part of the ANc, and how doe this relate to their voting polity.. In the article I have made scant reference to, the contents of the article are gibberish and longwinded and all over the place narratively, and a very baad and boring read. Tis is the article below:

"I would never have guessed that Fikile Mbalula’s middle name was April. You don’t associate a fiery foot soldier of the Battle of Polokwane and a Razzmatazz man with the name April. It’s so pussycat, so un-cool.

But just when I thought the names on the ANC election list couldn’t get any funnier, they became downright hilarious. Collins Chabane also goes by the name Ohm and Thulas Nxesi is Waltermade. Just so he wasn’t left out, Zizi Kodwa had to reveal that he’s also known as Goodenough.

It’s like a contest for the funniest name award. I suppose some parents have a sense of humour. Or is it a penchant for the exotic?

On reading the rest of the ANC lists, I began to suspect that the initial line-up of names was a ploy to use humour to detract from the substance, the meaning of the lists.

This is not just a compilation of names of prospective MPs and MPLs. It is the face of the organisation. You can tell a lot about an organisation from what it chooses to tell you about itself. The lists yield multiple meanings and insights, from reassuring to self-contradictory and downright unflattering.

Mbalula’s placing at position six on the national list augurs well for the party. The man is energetic and has immense mobilisation skills. The ANC’s impressive 2009 campaign was largely due to his creativity and vigour. How Comrade April will perform this time around, against his former prodigy, Julius Malema, is something else.

His prominence on the list indicates the fluidity necessary for a party to remain robust. Contesting a position should not make one an enemy. Ostracising former opponents denies an organisation of talent. Mbalula’s prominence holds out the promise of life in the party.

Examined from a different perspective, Mbalula’s inclusion also represents faith in the youthful leaders of the ANC. He is one of many on the lists. A party needs youth to regenerate itself. Because they’re eager to make a name for themselves, youthful leaders more often go out to impress.

That’s the sense one gets particularly from the two former youth presidents, Malusi Gigaba (aka Knowledge) and Mbalula. They don’t just go through the motions, they go out of their way to make a good impression.

Appointment to Parliament, however, is not necessarily a reward for good performance.

Naledi Pandor, Lindiwe Sisulu, Chabane, Aaron Motsoaledi, Max Sisulu and many others deserve their top placings on the national list. They certainly do have a good story to tell about their performance. Others are just depressingly unimpressive. And they’re included on the lists.

Politics is not always driven by merit. Building alliances is also a key part of political life. Alliances are not always meritorious but make good political sense. Sometimes meritorious acts don’t make political sense. And so some undeserving inclusions on the list can be forgiven.

Other illogical decisions, however, amount to self-destruction.

The Gauteng provincial list, for one, has a potential to inflict self-destruction. Nomvula Mokonyane is clearly at loggerheads with the ANC provincial leadership. But Luthuli House isn’t in any hurry to place her in a different leadership position. She’s not on the nationalist list to Parliament, which her seniority in the ANC allows. Rather, she’s on the provincial list for the legislature. Not only that, she’s way down the list in 11th position.

David Makhura tops the list, making him the membership’s choice for premier.

But including Mokonyane on the provincial list suggests that she, too, may be considered for premier. Appointing her over Makhura, who is the provincial secretary, will clearly continue the stalemate between the Gauteng premiership and the provincial leadership.

And she may not want to serve as MEC under Premier Makhura either. Surely the stalemate won’t make for efficient government, as we’ve seen in the past five years. Their squabbles are even disrupting the current election campaign. So why not just resolve the problem?

Gauteng’s persistent power struggle is not the only puzzle about these lists. Even more bewildering is the inclusion of individuals who are facing criminal charges. The concept of innocence until proven guilty is a time-honoured one. But it’s a technical concept and applies only in a court of law. The old truism, politics is perception, remains valid at all times. The ANC already suffers from an image problem.

Having MPs who face criminal charges appearing in court is not good public relations. Even though they are charged in their personal capacity, they’re still ANC MPs and the public will see them as such. This places the ANC on trial. When the accused is convicted, people will say not that he is corrupt but that the ANC is corrupt. This is how popular imagination works. We all know that.

Missing out on a parliamentary appointment is obviously a huge inconvenience. For some it has implications for their livelihood. That’s partly the reason the leadership is reluctant to take a hard stance. Of what good is personal consideration, though, if it harms the image of the party? Isn’t it the case that the party is bigger than the individual?

Integrity committees were mooted specifically to protect the image of the party. This was an admission that individual misconduct harms the integrity of the party. The Gauteng ANC acted against Humphrey Mmemezi when its disciplinary process found him guilty of improper expenditure.

He was demoted from the executive to the legislature.

Even though that was demeaning to the legislature – suggesting it was suitable for members who lacked moral rectitude – at least a message was sent.

The party disapproves of impropriety.

In the case of current members facing criminal charges, integrity committees appear wholly ineffective. No doubt the image of the party is taking a knock.

But the integrity committees are silent. Instead they’ve deferred the decision to the courts. It may take a while for a court to reach a verdict. And convicts can appeal a guilty verdict, dragging the case on even longer. In the meantime, the ANC remains on trial for corruption, sustaining more knocks the longer a trial drags on.

Ultimately, everyone knows that accused people and convicts are not ideal candidates to represent a party in Parliament. It’s common sense.

But the politics of expediency is in the ascendant.

This creates a disjuncture between the moral entity the party seeks to become and what it actually is. It is survivalist politics. And Luthuli House can only offer meaningless answers when asked, which only invites ridicule.

Politics of expediency is not an investment into the life of the party but is sufficient to gather enough numbers to remain in power. It’s not about future growth, but about staying alive.

Growth is stunted by the party’s tolerance of impropriety. Service delivery is the only platform left on which to fight the election. Even this advantage does not yield optimal results, as the party is called upon, now and then, to explain why it expects voters to elect corrupt people to Parliament. What is meant to be a trump card – service delivery – is also diluted by the tolerance for misdemeanor.

A morally conscious, delivering ruling party would be unassailable. The leadership simply lacks the courage to do the right thing.

Ndletyana is head of the Political Economy Faculty at Mistra.

I am making the point above that we really should be talking about the bread and butter issues that are the concerns of the poor. Also, we should be informing everyone who reads a Hub such as this one of the important real issues that are relevant in South Africa. Because, at this rate, we end up with some incoherent pieces that take away from the struggles of the people that we are involved in this day and age.

Most of the bungling that is being done by many of these officials is well-known in the Concentration camps, because we are the one suffering from their irresponsible actions. The positioning of the ANC cadre within their ruling structure is what we know is dysfunctional and very'uncool'. But, where and how does the ANC suffer from an image problem? What was the image before and what is it like now? How has it affected those that it was intended to help?

Now, the ineptness of the rulers, and the damaging of the 'party', what has it got to do with the poor? What is it that the author wants us to really know about misbehavior and corruption of the government elected leaders? It seems to me the image of the party, in this part of the article above, is of concern here. Really? It would seem like this piece was written for the ANC's party, trying to feebly point out to the discrepancies which are now over two decades old.

The nature of 'real-politik' in South Africa is not the domain of the rulers to have carte blanche action on whatever, even if they are doing so, they really do not have that unbridled right, they are now displaying' to be as cocky as to assume power when it's not their role and duty to do so. Ndletyana writes:

"But the politics of expediency is in the ascendant.

This creates a disjuncture between the moral entity the party seeks to become and what it actually is. It is survivalist politics. And Luthuli House can only offer meaningless answers when asked, which only invites ridicule.

Politics of expediency is not an investment into the life of the party but is sufficient to gather enough numbers to remain in power. It’s not about future growth, but about staying alive."

If then this the party that is 'lording' over us, may the ancestors help us. Our being government then according to the author of the article, by the ANC, is not 'investing in the life of the party, but a people just barely clinging to power.. Then, we still need to have a government of men who know how to rule and listen to their people. Not fraudulent howlers who pretend to be what they are not. They are holding on to the material well-being-which is really determined by their handlers and masters: international governments and Conglomerate investment-so that, in that way, that is how they get their 'kick-backs' or what i call political payola', here in south Africa.

The last part of his post is really perplexing:

"Growth is stunted by the party’s tolerance of impropriety. Service delivery is the only platform left on which to fight the election. Even this advantage does not yield optimal results, as the party is called upon, now and then, to explain why it expects voters to elect corrupt people to Parliament. What is meant to be a trump card – service delivery – is also diluted by the tolerance for misdemeanor.A morally conscious, delivering ruling party would be unassailable. The leadership simply lacks the courage to do the right thing."

The party is corrupt. Service delivery is not the only platform left, but the whole leadership should be voted out.. If the author think that the platform of service delivery is an 'advantage', well then, how far do we still have to go to really have people helping the masses rule and they in tandem learn how to rule from that experience? None. We all know here in Mzantsi, that the ANC will win, and that is really not answering when will the ANC "explain why it expects voters to elect corrupt people to Parliament?"

The ANC uses many method to delude and obfuscate their intentions to their voters. They are now acting like they are fixing something, giving people some food, and temporary jobs and some tired tenders, saying it is for job creation. But, be that as it may, after the elections, we will back to the ANC doing what it has been doing for the past twenty years, and they are going to add more to their looting. There is no reason one sees as to why they are going change after two decades of doing the same thing. In a word, nothing is going to change, it will remain the same or worsen. That, is how I see it panning out. Things are going to change to remain the same.

Which brings me to the last sentence: "A morally conscious, delivering ruling party would be unassailable. The leadership simply lacks the courage to do the right thing." Well, wishing in politics might be acceptable, but unrealistic expectations and conclusions like this one, just shows us that there is nothing for the masses that comes of the article, except it will be so when the part does the right thing. I wonder when is that going to happen. So far, the ANC has been doing 'all the wrongthings' and it has no morality that is on the line. Their morality has been all the time in the Gravy Train. For now, they are all trying, again, to clamber aboard, and lick the left-overs from their masters and investors for the next five years. that to me has nothing to do with the ANC losing its morality or having it on the line.

The past 20 years are everything about corruption that we have seen emanating from the the ruling party. so that, the question should be then, when are the people going to purge the ANc of all the quislings, sell-outs, truncoats and scoundrels that are making their lives a toal hellish misery? That to me, is what as chroniclers and activists on the side of the people should be sowing and incaulcating into and to our poor and suffering people-the courage to do the right thing and take over power from the ANC, and the people should run and control the Future ANC. Maybe some semblance of change might emerge-a free, authentically autonomous rule and a liberated people.

I have written articles criticizing the ANC, but I do so with a mind of informing the people that they should not destroy the ANC as a structure or its history, but I think the people have to kick out all these lame crooks who are in office and elect their own people who will serve their interests using the ANC as a vehicle. The brand of the ANc has been tarnished by the NEC and its cable and cronnies. They are the one who set the table, and we can no longer allow them to sit on it. There's so much to be done, but the first order of any change, is to remove these Methuselah's who are suffocating and corrupting our young democracy.

Art Mimics Life - Life Is Art

Modimogadi wa nong... by Harry Moyaga - Nkoane Moyaga, like Fikile Magadlela, Leonard Matsoso (qv.) and Thami Mnyeli responded to the call of the Black Consciousness movement as articulated by Steve Biko: ‘… black consciousness has to be directed to

Modimogadi wa nong... by Harry Moyaga - Nkoane Moyaga, like Fikile Magadlela, Leonard Matsoso (qv.) and Thami Mnyeli responded to the call of the Black Consciousness movement as articulated by Steve Biko: ‘… black consciousness has to be directed to

The South African Zeitgeist: Who Is Fooling Who? The ANC And Its Voting Polity In Focus

This then must be desperation on our government to begin asking people to pray for the ANC... One thing the ANC is doing very much of is going door-to-door rallying to get the vote for its paarty-and the poor are telling them off-but I often wonder if it really does matter, for the very people they are canvassing, are going to vote for them, in the end.

But what is apparent to the underdogs(the poor of South Africa) the ANC is scared. This may not bey readily apparent to a casual viewer, but there is some desperation that is rearing its uncertain head from the ANC potentates.

This is a very serious and crucial time here in Mzantsi for the ANC and it adherents/followers/sympathizers, and just borderline observers(and the number of these is growing by day). The unravelling of the movement is heavily downplayed, and there is now more lies about how:

The ANC laid Foundation For South Africa's Success..

"The African National Congress has in the last 20 years laid a foundation for the country's future successes, party NEC member Thoko Didiza said on Monday.

“When we look back we can say yes, we have not completed the agenda of transformation, but have laid the foundation,” she said during an elections debate by leaders of various political parties at Unisa.

"South Africa's negotiation process before 1994 enabled everyone to engage with each other.

“History is very important when we reflect on this journey of 20 years...1994 saw South Africans agreeing on a broad agenda to take the country forward.”

"The Democratic Alliance, UDM, ACDP, and Cope agreed with Didiza that the country is a better place compared to pre-1994, but that more needed to be done.

“While others enjoy the fruits of democracy and freedom, the majority is still suffering,” said DA Gauteng premier candidate Mmusi Maimane.

Black people are landless and unemployment was growing.

UDM leader Bantu Holomisa said South Africa was becoming more of a welfare state than a developmental one.

“There is a heavy reliance on social grants...most South Africans do not have a good story to tell.”

Joan Downs, of the ACDP, said lack of access to education takes the country backwards.

“We acknowledge that the health system has improved, but access to education is still limited to a minority 1/8of 3/8 white people.”(Sapa)

Now, we really have to begin to read carefully what is happening or said by our leaders. This is really the problem, because the government throws out 'memes' and 'zines' at us, coughed in high-rigged PR-spin jargon.. but, in reality, it has begun to make our leaders look ridiculous and true hollow frauds.

Information amongst the poor is in the form of Newspapers and the radio stations/TV and CableTV, by those who can afford it; - the Internet - is still remote, but many people who can afford it, buy time to receive it, and this media angle is fraught with censorship and rigid control by the present government.

So the government is trying the PR technique that says that "If you tell a lie more often and long enough, it ends up being the truth." The repetitious format used in commercials is the modus operandi of the Media/Communication and its systems here in Mzantsi. The commercial spots on TV have begun to seduce the viewers subliminally. The news presentation and format take on that characteristic. The government and its PR advisors/along with the sponsors of the programming, are in cahoots in hoodwinking the Voter.

What I am onto here on this part, is educing the reality of our confounding and dumbfounding messages and messaging systems which are corralling us to a predetermined end. It is imperative for us to begin to "Understand The Media." We still can talk and discus all topics, but the new technologies and their emerging and merging techniques, need to be fully understood by many-a-lay-man- and be utilized for his emancipation and freedom.

Thoko Didiza is a cog in the machine. She matter-of-factly informs the readers that: "The African National Congress has in the last 20 years laid a foundation for the country's future successes,"
This a response from a reader on this article"

Moe khan:
"ANC laid foundation for SA's failures... Alternative headline... "

Someone who thinks they know how to manipulate their ANC puppets to parrot such senseless retorts really does not understand the relationship of the ANC and its people. Meaning, the PR puppet masters and propaganda spinners may have ANC under their control, but it is the people they are trying to apply propaganda to and attempting to put into action that are not really easily manipulable.

One of the prerequisites of propaganda for it to work is have an educated population. This government is countering this technique by Dumbing Down its populace, which is what universities prepares the next generation to be able to manipulate its own society. So that, the more educated you are, the less aware you are that you are a victim of propaganda and the more you are ready to spread your ideology to tother who will in turn reinforce you and be reinforced by you in a horizontal process.

Leaders are not telling telling you what to think (directly), you are being told by your peers what to think and you pass along this information to others to inform them what to think. Then when this ideology reaches a substantial portion of the population, and when you demand the leaders to comply, they reluctantly do so (which they had originally intended to, but they'd rather do something else that is lucrative and crooked than to let you know their good intentions).

This is what the article above tries to tell us and informs us to do. This is what the National Executive Committee of the ANC of the ANC wants us to know, through their mouth-piece, Thoko Didiza-that they have worked impeccably to develop South Africa. What is perplexing is the way the government uses the media towards its own ends. Whenever the media is not in lockstep with their ideology and objectives, it is the media that is accused of spreading all the malice about the ANC. But When it suits them, they use the very same media to propagate their intentions and policies, etc. So, We have a contradiction in terms here.

Repeating their lies often has this time around brought the ANC face to face with the people in its door-to-door voter campaigns, and I have hinted a bit about it above. The poor, when asked why they vote for the ANC, often say that there is no one else to vote for. My contention is that if then that be the case, the people will have to find a way of removing these cronies from power and replacing them with legit leaders appointed by and accountable to the people who put them in power-within the structure of the ANC(which for now is a pipe dream).

The problem is the creation of the ANC of an elite crew/class, which they falsely accuse of derailing its rule. They have managed to put in place people who have the same elitist ideas as they have, and when things are not going their way, they blame the very elite they created and are part of. Worse, when the people decry their state of existence and poverty, the ANC tells them to hassle very hard, and that the media and the elites are out to bring down the ANC.

The ANC responds to the people's poverty and suffering in the same elitist way, far flung from and oblivious to the people's realities of the Concentration camps; they have no concrete way of responding to the poor, and issue palliatives, homilies and vague answers that makes them seem aloof from these dreaded decrepit living conditions of their subjects. The following article by Babalo Ndenze, Lebogang Seale and Piet Rampedi, makes my point eloquently and in an erudite manner about the issues I have been discussing above:

Angry Citizens Confront ANC Leaders

The ANC’s charm offensive in the Eastern Cape and Free State was met with cheers, jeers and tough service delivery questions from disgruntled residents who complained about poor or inadequate services.

The party’s senior officials, including President Jacob Zuma, his deputy, Cyril Ramaphosa, treasurer-general Zweli Mkhize and secretary-general Gwede Mantashe got the message first-hand after the ANC dispatched them to Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape, and to the Free State areas of Mangaung, Sasolburg and Welkom.

The ANC’s top brass took the party’s campaign trail to the two provinces to sell the “good story”, and to rally support for the party ahead of the May 7 general elections.

While they were warmly received by some residents, others raised concerns about poor services and unfulfilled promises in the delivery of housing, water and jobs.

In Sasolburg, Mantashe met residents complaining about leaking, cracked and incomplete RDP houses.

In ward 13’s Iraq township, a woman grudgingly accepted the ANC’s T-shirt emblazoned with Zuma’s face.

“I don’t like this man sitting here,” said the woman, who did not want to be named, as she rolled out the folded T-shirt and pointed at Zuma’s picture.

A visibly embarrassed Mantashe tried to calm her down: “Don’t vote for him (Zuma), then – vote for the ANC.”

But the woman would have none of it, continuing with her protestations: “I only vote because of Mandela. This one sitting here (on the T-shirt) – he must go. He must give others (a) chance.”

Mantashe later defended Zuma’s leadership in an interview with The Sunday Independent. He said the woman’s statements were “not a representation” of other residents, and blamed the negativity around Zuma’s administration squarely on the media and sections of society.

“The media has been talking about the president negatively. The question of the president and Nkandla doesn’t come only during elections. It’s a preoccupation and obsession of the media and the elite,” said Mantashe.

Mantashe’s election trail in townships around wards 1 and 13 of the Metsimaholo Municipality at first got off to a good start, with residents chanting pro-ANC slogans.

His message to residents was unambiguous as he moved from house to house: “We are asking you to vote for the ANC on May 7.”

Many people grudgingly accepted his request, while complaining about the water seeping through their houses’ walls and floors.

Most residents grudgingly accepted Mantashe’s invitation.

“Yes, we will vote for the ANC, but my house is wet (waterlogged). The toilets don’t flush because there’s no sewerage (pipes). We are using pit toilets,” said Jane Ncwane, 49, who lives with her four children.

Mantashe said the protests in Bekkersdal, west of Joburg, which resulted in last Thursday’s violent clashes between angry residents and the party’s Gauteng provincial leadership, were born of anarchy, rather than genuine concerns.

“It wasn’t as if what happened in Bekkersdal couldn’t be expected. If you have concerns and don’t talk to people (ANC leaders), then there’s something more than a protest. It’s anarchy,” Mantashe said yesterday.

Gun-toting people believed to be bodyguards escorting Gauteng Housing MEC Ntombi Mekgwe and her entourage had to fire shots to disperse angry Bekkersdal residents who barricaded the streets with burning tyres, rocks and debris to stop the ANC leaders from conducting a door-to-door campaign in the area.

In Port Elizabeth, Zuma was greeted by loud cheers and jeers during his campaign in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality.

He was accompanied by provincial ANC chairman Phumulo Masualle, Gauteng Premier Nomvula Mokonyane, ANC Youth League national convenor Mzwandile Masina and chief whip Stone Sizani.

His whirlwind tour of the region saw him visiting a number of communities in Walmer, Jacksonville, Motherwell and Uitenhage.

Walmer residents told Zuma of their daily struggles with their poorly built government houses, which flood after rain. “The rain leaks while we’re sleeping. During the night, everything happens,” said Nowandile Mayekiso, 65.

Another resident, Pumezile Dumezweni, added: “We’ve been waiting for you (Zuma). Our beds are rotten from the rain. But we will definitely vote for the ANC. We are just mopping (because of the leaking roof) now.”

Dumezweni lives with two unemployed adult children.

However, Zuma got a different reception a few kilometres away in the coloured township of Jacksonville, a DA-controlled ward.

Police were forced to create a human chain to contain disgruntled residents.

One of the placards carried by residents read: “Where were you at the beginning of the (housing) project? You come and show your face now that it is election time.”

“There’s gangsterism and selling of drugs. It’s always been a problem, especially the gangsterism here in the area. Since this morning, we knew our president was coming, so we prayed, because we just want peace among the people,” said resident Cindy Coetzee.

Another resident, Annie Lomberg, said the rectification that needed to be done on their houses had not been done.

While Ramaphosa was generally well received during his walkabout in the Bloemfontein central business district yesterday, with young and old posing for pictures with him, he was also confronted by disgruntled residents who demanded jobs and housing.

One of them, Vincent Kgoe, a 41-year-old street vendor, told Ramaphosa he had lived at the Phase 10 informal settlement for 10 years without his conditions improving. He said he needed basic services such as water, electricity and housing.

“I also want to live like other people. I am unemployed. I am hustling here at Central Park, selling cigarettes,” Kgoe said, who added he would still vote for the ANC.

Ramaphosa said the ANC-led government was on its way to improving Kgoe’s living conditions."

I had to insert this lengthy article from the authors above because that is what is happening throughout the country as the ANC canvasses and traverses the country for gathering the vote in order to reach a certain percentage and rule over the same people who made them aware about their grievances, and they(the poor) are going to get the same treatment, as it has been for the past 20 years-when the elections of 2014 are over. The people know this, but they resignedly and grudgingly vote for the ANC- as the article points out above. This is not a good sign for the ANC in the future

As for the DA and other fledgling parties on the ballot, they are just that: weak and really ineffective as to whether they will be able to untangle/tap into the type of vote that the ANC is receiving-that's not about to happen very soon. Hellen Zille seems not to understand the Africans of Mzantsi and their struggles. The others who are the African faces in their parties are just opportunistic and working to gain materially or otherwise from this system.

So, the media is used to keep us entrapped and ignorant as to what is going on in the world/our own world. I have pointed out above about the nature and structure of media feeds/access/information for Africans, and the Internet is still hard to come by, without one becoming bankrupt. So, the media really is controlled by those with big capital, and the rest of us(the poor and wretched masses) are there for their taking. Or are We?...

I paraphrase Jacque Ellul who writes that:

'Propaganda makes its victim believe that he/she is immune, hence easier to manipulate. What would universities be doing with these modern textbooks that claim education will prevent one from being victimized in propaganda? Well it seems that they prove Ellul correct. Ellul says that Nazi and Communist propaganda is the easiest form to withstand and modern scholars claim that we must be eternally vigilant from falling victim to such insidious forms of propaganda as we witnessed with the Nazi and Communist regimes.'

Yet modern advertising campaigns use short term techniques that no one bothers to condemn). So we focus on the vertical integration and pretend that the horizontal integration is non-existent, demonstrating propaganda at work in our society without opposition.

The same technique described above is what we are experiencing here in Mzantsi. The way the ANC has been carrying on in a carte blanche fashion, ignoring what the people are telling them, and seemingly have 'all' the answers, and pretend that the reality that they are canvassing in is what matters-but choose to focus of issues that have no relevance to basic needs of the people's empowerment, and ignore the poor's direct please and complaints-just pooh-pooing them away-is one of the realities and spirit of the past 20 years that we have been subjected to. It is this why we have to heed , Ellul's warnings, that this demonstrates propaganda at work in our present-day society in Mzantsi, without any opposition, because in reality, horizontal integration is non-existant', to echo Ellul

This then brings us to the sobering reality I had averred upon above: We Need To Understand The Media And All It Merging And Emerging Gizmos And Techniques. In the spirit of the times that is so filled with instability and dread, it is up to some of us to begin to dissemble the past distorted myths and begin to put in place positive and progressive media that embraces the peoples concerns and, lives, history and so forth by putting them in the fore-front. We need to control our Zeitgeist, much more expertly and with confidence

The Burden of Suffering and Pulling on the African Load

The People Make Change and Create A Nation

The People Make Change and Create A Nation

The African Peoples Struggle: Principles And Political Practice:

'The Struggle Of The People, By the People, for The People, Through The People'

"There can be no doubt that it is our people who wage our struggle, through their children as militants, leaders, combatants, militia, etc. The fundamental strength is our people, themselves. Our population, or rather the population linked to the work of our party, mobilized and organized by our Party, has from the beginning fed our struggle, borne sacrifices for our struggle, and so has been principal strength for of our struggle. It would have been impossible for us to wage the struggle, in the era of clandestinity, were it not that our people kept us alive among them like fish in water.

"The enemy know that it is our own people who share in the struggle, and so they make efforts to separate the part of our people who are Party and the part of our people who are population, to draw from us this principal strength in the liberation struggle, namely the support of the mass of the people. We might say that our struggle has more potential for victory, the more we can keep on our side the support of the mass of the people in our land. The Portuguese know this too, and so they are making every effort to take this support from us.

"Our struggle is for our people, because its objective, its purpose, is to satisfy the aspirations, dreams and desires of our people: to lead a decent and worthy life, as all the peoples in the world want, to have peace in order to build progress in their land, to build happiness for their children. We want everything we win in this struggle to belong to our people and we have to do our utmost to form an organization such that even if some want to divert the conquests of the struggle to their own advantage, our people will not let them. This is very important.

"Our people now do really feel that the struggle is theirs. Not only because it is their children who have the weapons in their hands. Not only because it is their children who study and are trained as cadres, nurses, doctors, engineers, technicians, etc. Not only because it is their children who lead. but also because even i the villages, the militiamen or civilian population take up what principally symbolized our struggle: weapons. It is not by chance, or for any other reason, that our party leadership has given weapons, and constantly gives more, to our population.

"It is precisely so that no one should take it into his head that only those who take up arms in the 'people's army' or in the 'guerilla forces are effectively struggling for results in this struggle. The more weapons there are for our supporters, the more certainty our population and our people will that the struggle is really tiers, and the fewer illusions there will be in the heads of our combatants and leaders that the struggle is their exclusive concern.

"We are struggling for the progress of our land. We must make all the sacrifices to succeed with progress for our land of Guine and Cape Verde. We must put an end to all injustices, miseries and suffering. We must guarantee for the children born in our land today and tomorrow a certainty that no barrier or wall should be put in their way. They must go forward, according to their capacities, to give their utmost.

"They must constantly improve the lot of our people and our land, serving not only our interests but also those of Africa and of all mankind. That is why from the start our Party set out out on the best course for this, namely, organization based on mobilizing our people, mobilizing the population of our land for the struggle against Portuguese colonialism.
"Our Party has trained the children of our land to mobilize the people of our land.

This work was no laughing matter.. Many of you here, young lads who are today responsible workers in the Party, cannot imagine how difficult this work was. Moreover, we have organized within the framework of our Party a large proportion of the population of our land. This was the "principal political strength" of our struggle, which provided the potential for our struggle to advance as well as it has advanced. We must train our people, we must train ourselves - leaders and militants of our Party, our combatants who are making the sacrifice today - to defend at all costs the conquests our people are making through their struggle.

"Today the people born in the bush, who yesterday could express no views on their lives and on their destiny, can express their views, can make decisions. They can decide issues in the Party committees and in the people's courts, where the descendants of our land have shown the ability to try errors, crimes and other wrong-doings committed by other descendants of our land. This is further clear evidence that "this struggle is of our people, by our people and for our people"

"But various Party comrades, with high or low responsibilities, and even ordinary combatants have not understood this very well. They have tried to turn the struggle a little to their advantage, after all they are the people, it would seem. The struggle of our people, by our people, but for them. This is one of the most serious mistakes that can be made in a struggle like ours.

"We cannot in the least allow our armed forces, our militants or our responsible workers forget for a single instant that the greatest consideration, respect and dedication is owed to the people of our land, to our population, above all in the liberated areas of our land. "Anyone who is ready to die from some bullet in this war but is able to show lack of respect for our people, the village folk, the population, will die without knowing why he is dying,or dies under a delusion.

"The more we an do in our land to raise the morale of our people, to give them greater courage and greater enthusiasm for the Party, the more it helps the present and the future of our people, helps our Party. Anything that is done to destroy the population's confidence in us, to bully the population, to show lack of consideration for them, to steal their good, to abuse their sons and daughters, is the worst crime that a combatant comrade or a responsible worker can commit.It is damages our Party, and damages the future and present of our land.

"It is better that we should be few in number but incapable of doing any injury to the population of our land than that we should be numerous but include folk capable of causing harm. For anyone among us who turns the population against our Party, to mistrust the Party, to lose confidence in the Party, is the best ally the Portuguese could have.

"You know - and what I am saying is not in my imagination - that there are comrades who behaved badly towards our population. fortunately the situation has become much better because the Party has been vigilant in this matter.

"So, at each moment of this great struggle we are waging, we must focus on two phases: one, against the colonialist capitalist ruling classes in Portugal and imperialism which want to dominate our land economically and spiritually(meaning ideas from the mind), which might arise against our people's progress on the path of liberty, independence and justice. These demand courageous struggle against imperialist agents. but in addition permanent and determined struggle against those who, even if they are militants, responsible workers or leaders of the Party, do anything which could prejudice our people's march to total conquest of their dignity, their liberty and their progress.

"One other important principle is that of "Independence in our thought and in our action." (Amilcar Cabral)

Amilcar Cabral

“Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children. . .”

“Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children. . .”

Eastern Cape: Tales from a fractured province

Malema: Economic Opportunist Thief- A Wannabe be Amin- The dumbest Leader To Come Out Of south Africa

You get two kinds of politicians: those who come from prison and those who must go to prison. Julius Malema belongs to the latter

You get two kinds of politicians: those who come from prison and those who must go to prison. Julius Malema belongs to the latter

Spirit Of The Times In Mzantsi: Let The Truth Be Told..

We live in the times when scoundrels, charlatans, sell outs, quislings, turn coats, cabals and security minions and spooks are reigning supreme over the land of our fathers. Then, there are the supporters and beneficiaries of the dreaded Grave Train. Many people here in south Africa(A paltry few, to be specific) have gained a lot by gaming the present system for the past twenty years. In fact, there are many people who will support and stand-by these thugs who pilfer and profit from the public funds and coffers. The person who wrote the article above is know to be a Thug.

When we grew up, we had thugs in our midst, and we also had both intelligent and dumb thus. Gayton is an intelligent thug and he is assailing a dumb, jim-comes-to-joburg thug who is is as opportunistic as they come. In his article below, I think it is worth posting, and in the process, we find a very well condensed and straight-forward truth about the scoundrel called dMalema. The rest the readers can make up their minds as to what happens when all the so-called leaders are busy telling the poor lies, so's to line up their pockets once in government.

Gayton McKenzie: How Stupid Do You Think We Are, Malema?

"Gayton McKenzie: How stupid do you think we are, Malema?

Dear Julius Malema,

I wronged people in this country two decades ago when I took part in heinous crimes. I have been trying to repay my debt to society for most of the years since. First, by successfully exposing corruption in jail then by speaking to millions of school kids across this country to dissuade them from a life of crime. I am now dedicating my life to the Patriotic Alliance, which puts ending gangsterism – but more importantly, the conditions that lead to gangsterism in communities – at the top of its agenda. We must get our young people into the mainstream economy.

I see this open letter as part of repaying my many debts to society. If I did not speak up to warn the people of South Africa, but especially our youth, against you, it would mean I have no love for this country.

Julius, you and I are not "revolutionaries". We both know that. We both shop at the same Louis Vuitton and Gucci shops. We both have watches worth hundreds of thousands. We wear more money on our wrists than a miner at Marikana will ever hold in his hands. This week you had the audacity to say that you wear Louis Vuitton to "inspire" the poor. But the poor get nothing out of you wearing flashy clothes.

For people like us to call ourselves revolutionaries is an insult to history's real revolutionaries. Patrice Lumumba is rolling in his grave. Thomas Sankara wants to get out of his grave and take back his words that have found their way onto your whisky-swilling tongue. If simply wearing a beret makes you a revolutionary, then my mum and all her friends have been revolutionaries for far longer than you.

You have spent more money at any of your own lavish parties than Kenny Kunene ever did. But Kenny never spent public money. It was his own money that he worked for openly. He never earned his money through misdirected tenders to shady companies that were hard to track. You bankrupted the ANC Youth League. You bankrupted Limpopo. You bankrupted yourself. Now you want to bankrupt what's left of South Africa.

The difference between you and me is that you use politics to take money from the poor. I give money to politics. I am not seeking a position through politics. My name is not even on any list. But you are trying to get to Parliament at all costs. Unlike what you may read about me, I never received any government money. I never received any tenders. I was never a beneficiary in any BEE deal. But you have never worked an honest day in your life to earn your own money. You don't know what that feels like. You don't know what it means.

When the doors of government's treasury were slammed in your face, you immediately went to the poor with your cap in hand; promising them the world, when you needed their money to pay for your tax problems. You are like a man who steals a cellphone and then goes back to his victim to ask for airtime. You exploit our people's genuine hunger for a better life.

You want to nationalise the mines, but that will take huge amounts of public money to sustain – with no guarantees of profit. You will have to take money that we need right now to build houses and schools for poor people and you will have to gamble with that money to build mines. Nationalisation is not woodwork.

Will you be the one to look our old women in the eyes and say that they can't have their houses today because you want to invest in mines that will perhaps give us profits in 10 years' time? Our minerals will not crawl out of the earth by themselves. And we know that any profits will first have to survive going through your sticky hands before they reach the rest of us.

Jacob Zuma's Nkandla upgrade was wrong on all fronts. But you also took taxpayers' money to demolish a R3-million house in order to build a R16-million house in Sandton. Your own Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) commissar Andile Mngxitama criticised you for this very thing three years ago. Does he think you are no longer that man? None of us should be that naive.

You have insulted so many of our people. You insulted MaMbeki. You insulted Baba Buthelezi. You insulted Naledi Pandor. You had to apologise to all of them. Now you have insulted MaKhumalo, Jacob Zuma's first wife. She is a grandmother and you thought it funny to sexualise her and ask us to imagine her in a bathing suit. Is the only old woman who you respect your own grandmother in Seshego? You speak to no one with respect. Anyone who disagrees with you must know that a choice insult is already on its way from you. When the public protector went for you, you had nothing good to say about her. When the same public protector went for Zuma and Pansy Tlakula, you hailed her work. How stupid do you think we are?

Most of your erstwhile comrades in the ANC remain too scared to say anything against you, because they know that they stole with you, right alongside you. You know all their secrets.

You get two kinds of politicians in this country: the ones who come from prison and those who must still go to prison. You belong to the latter. I may be an ex-thief, but you are a present-day thief. You, particularly you, cannot be calling all white people in this country thieves.

I have a serious problem with you telling our young people that they must take the mines and take the land. All you can think of in your choice of language is, "Take, take and destroy." You are inculcating an attitude of taking instead of contributing and working. Our youth do not need that. No one needs that. Our youth need to be empowered educationally and financially to grow this country.

You are the modern-day Nongqawuse. There was no one there in 1856 to warn our people against that false prophet. Somebody needs to have the courage to warn us against you. I'm not scared of you. But I am scared of what will happen to this country if our young people don't realise what you are before it is too late.

For most of my younger years I was surrounded by conmen and thieves. But you are the biggest thief I ever met. You, truly, are the Con-mander in Thief.

I wish Kenny would take South Africa into his confidence over the real reasons why he left EFF."

Yours truly,

Gayton McKenzie,

For me as a writer and historian, my Hub is about telling truth to power and bringing the awareness that those Mafioso in power should start telling the people the truth. Whatever the dynamics that are the part of the reality and spirit of the day(Vote Gathering), and Gayton, despite his past, has brought down the 'red beret country bumpkin' to the level below the knees of the poor.Readers can make their own judgement, but i think it is about time someone tells the truth to the people, as the article/letter above says, we need to make the youth and the rest of the voting polity aware/cognizant of the snakes that are groveling underground just so that they can bite/abuse/rob us some more once in power.

This Is One Important Right The People: The right to Know

This issue need to be covered past the 2014 elections: Teaching The Poor Their Rights As Enshrined in the Bill Of rights...

This issue need to be covered past the 2014 elections: Teaching The Poor Their Rights As Enshrined in the Bill Of rights...

The Nation Of Mzatnsi Need To be Told The Truth And Be Educated About Their Bill Of Rights

People's Right To Know It Is A Duty And Right For All South Africans To Clearly Know Their Bill Of Rights

I recently read a newspaper reportage in the Press that about 43% of African South African do not know anything about their Bill of Rights in their country. I have gone around and asked people at random what do they know about Their Bill Of Rights enshrined into their Constitution. Nearly all of the respondents to my unscientific (sic) probing, did not have a clue what I am talking about.

This empowers the present-day ANC government in many ways. This government, we all know is coming back into power, is more afraid of its collective being enlightened about these rights, than they are about the howling and charges allayed against them from their opposition. This securely assures them the opportunity and 'false' confidence that they can run roughshod over these rules knowing that their polity is unaware what are their Rights.
I think, therefore, it is about time we begin pasting these Constitutional beachheads like the Bill Of Rights of the people of South Africa. Maybe if we paste it on our sites and break it down/deconstruct this part of the Constitution, we might begin to contribute to the new struggles, new thinking and move away from the old modes of resistance and furbish and furnish the effort with new theoretical ideas and ideology.

As it is often mentioned, we all have to work in tandem with the masses in ways that address both the masses, and we can cull lessons from the masses, that, in that dialectic, we can embed what works for us, permanently and relevant to our cause. We cannot go about just sprouting and splurging mouthfuls about "Our Constitution" whereas many of us have not honestly and really taken time to read it and break it down.

The failures of the implementation of these rights goes hand in glove with the neglect of the education of the masses. There's a lot that the honchos in the Department of Education are not doing the educating of the people, that, this is now on the shoulders of the country's intelligentsia to rework the belief and reality that the masses need to be enlightened and helped with their educational preparedness and Rights.

If one is going to have fight the ANC, one is going to have to do things differently. We should work on implementing masses-friendly knowledge, beginning with us, the Edumacated, simplifying the whole government matrix.
When one looks more closely at the Constitution and its various parts, it will be important not only to know its design and contents, but to relate it to the day to day lives of the poor and unaware African voting polity: i.e., explaining the Bill of Rights, and making examples or pointing out to the day-to-day applications or non-applications of this social contract/protocol.

Awareness developed in this manner, will make possible that the poor people begin to see and work with these rights as written and as applied or not applied and acting as a check and balance on the state whenever they contravene these, as they are doing so now, arrogantly, with impunity, and a laisez faire carte blanche attitude and iron fist.

Breaking down the Bill rights is key to beginning to entrench new ways of approaching our struggle, because, if in the next four years we are still using the old old protestation maneuvers, this is playing into the hand of the ANC(crew) rule and their Local deep fiscal pockets and Imperial potentates, who are just having a field day in manipulating, exploiting and oppressing us.

We cannot ignore the ANC but we can begin to look closely at what is it that is in our Bill of Rights that we need to know and were not aware of.

A Bill of Rights for a New South Africa

Preliminary Revised Text, February 1993


In the light of a vast number of comments received in many forms on the Draft Bill of Rights prepared by the Constitutional Committee of the ANC, this new text has been prepared. The objective is to work out a preliminary revised text for presentation to the Policy Conference. This draft will therefore be finalised after comments have been received from the ANC membership.

NOTE: The words in bold are new, while words in brackets are to be deleted. The notes are intended to draw attention to controversial areas - they do not form part of the text.

Article 1 EQUALITY

(1) All South Africans are born free and equal in dignity and rights.

(2) No individual or group shall receive privileges or be subjected to discrimination, domination or abuse on the grounds of race, colour, language, gender, or creed, political or other opinion, birth or other status.

(3) All men and women shall have equal protection under the law.


The Right to Life

(1) Every person has the right to life.

(2) No-one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his or her life.

(3) Capital punishment is abolished and no further executions shall take place.

NOTE: The question has been raised as to whether the use of the phrase `right to life' indicates an anti-abortion position in the Constitution. In our view, the issue is left open in this clause. We feel the matter should be left open for legislative action after democratic discussion in future. The issue needs sensitive and informed debate with extensive participation by all interested parties and a respect for differing views. Uninformed debate could be extremely divisive and distract attention from the basic question of equal political rights. The Constitution should not in any way pre-empt proper debate. We regard the issue as of great importance and would recommend that it receive high priority as soon as democratic institutions are in place.

The Right to Dignity

(4) No-one shall be subjected to slavery, servitude or forced labour, provided that forced labour shall not include work normally required of someone carrying out a sentence of a court, nor military service or national service by a conscientious objector, nor services required in the case of calamity or serious emergency, nor any work which forms part of normal civil obligations.

(5) The dignity of all persons shall be respected.

(6) No-one shall be subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

(7) Everyone shall have the right to appropriate protection by law against violence, harassment or abuse, or the impairment of his or her dignity.

The Right to a Fair Trial

(8) No-one shall be deprived of his or her liberty except after due process of law, and the courts shall have the right to order the release of any person held without due legal authority.

(9) There shall be no detention without trial, banishment or house-arrest. Legislation may provide for legitimate restriction of movement in relation to illegal immigrants and persons of unsound mind.

(10) No persons shall be arrested or detained for any purpose other than that of bringing them to trial on a criminal charge.

(11) Arrest shall take place according to procedures laid down by law, and persons taken into custody shall immediately be informed of the charges against them, shall have access to a legal representative of their choice, and shall be brought before court within 48 hours or, where that would be a Sunday or a public holiday, on the first working day thereafter.

(12) Bail shall be granted to awaiting-trial persons unless a court rules that in the interests of justice they should be kept in custody.

(13) No-one shall be deprived of liberty or subjected to other punishment except after a fair trial by an independent court.

(14) Trials shall take place within a reasonable time.

(15) Everyone shall be presumed innocent until proved guilty.

(16) No conduct shall be punished if it was not a criminal offence at the time of its occurrence, and no penalty shall be increased retrospectively.

(17) No-one shall be tried or punished twice for the same offence.

(18) Accused persons shall be informed in writing of the nature of the allegations against them, and shall be given adequate time to prepare and conduct their defence.

(19) Everything that is reasonable shall be done to ensure that accused persons understand the nature and the import of the charges against them and of the proceedings, that they are not prejudiced through illiteracy or lack of understanding, and that they receive a fair trial.

(20) Accused persons shall have the right to challenge all evidence presented against them, to be defended by a legal practitioner of their choice, and if in custody, to have access to a legal practitioner at all reasonable times.

(21) If a person is unable to pay for legal representation, and the interests of justice so require, the State shall provide or pay for a competent defence.

(22) No persons shall be required to give evidence against themselves, nor, except in cases of domestic violence or abuse, shall persons be required to give evidence against their spouses, whether married by civil law or custom, their parents or their children.

(23) No evidence obtained through torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment shall be admissible in any proceedings.

(24) Juveniles shall be separated from adult offenders.

(25) Punishment imposed by any Court shall be humane and any term of imprisonment shall be reviewed periodically.


A casual perusal of Article 1: Equality, one begin to see what is put down on paper that is Our Rghts. From the assertion that All south African are born with equal Rights and Dignity to the protection of the privileges, protected from abuse based on all the listed prejudices(especially , one begins to see the good or bad of our rulers. It means, many people have a lot to say about that, not really against anybody, but for themselves, and their communities. This is the list of the abuses, the violation of the Constitutionally enshrined , today in our midst, we already have a sense of how and what to think about these issues as they pertain to us. I can go on this topics and break them, but I only what to highlight that reading the first three points, one already has contradiction and other issues that come to light.

I regard to the Article 2: Personal Rights-The Right to Life, The government says it is going to leave this to legislative bodies and Democratic discussion. so that, 'the Constitution should not 'pre-empt debate', according to the government, why has it not yet reached the masses and we see conscious and active participation it this aforesaid process? Either the legislative bodies stall and put it in the back-burner, and the masses do not know that they are entitled to discuss these matter before they are past into Law or the constititution, seems like there is a deliberate abortion by the government of the implementation and manifestation of these Individual Rights; or, the people need to read them below with a keen eye and try to understand what they mean or how they relate to them as individuals and as a community/society/Nation-realistically and constitutionally


The Right to Life

(1) Every person has the right to life.

(2) No-one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his or her life.

(3) Capital punishment is abolished and no further executions shall take place.

NOTE: The question has been raised as to whether the use of the phrase `right to life' indicates an anti-abortion position in the Constitution. In our view, the issue is left open in this clause. We feel the matter should be left open for legislative action after democratic discussion in future. The issue needs sensitive and informed debate with extensive participation by all interested parties and a respect for differing views. Uninformed debate could be extremely divisive and distract attention from the basic question of equal political rights. The Constitution should not in any way pre-empt proper debate. We regard the issue as of great importance and would recommend that it receive high priority as soon as democratic institutions are in place.

The Right to Dignity

(4) No-one shall be subjected to slavery, servitude or forced labour, provided that forced labour shall not include work normally required of someone carrying out a sentence of a court, nor military service or national service by a conscientious objector, nor services required in the case of calamity or serious emergency, nor any work which forms part of normal civil obligations.

(5) The dignity of all persons shall be respected.

(6) No-one shall be subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

(7) Everyone shall have the right to appropriate protection by law against violence, harassment or abuse, or the impairment of his or her dignity..

In our culture, Respect(Hlompho/Inhlonipho) undergirds our cultural core. We know that in our cultures of Mzantsi, Ubuntu has been broken down to personal rights(not in the Western sense of the meaning of the word) explaining it to the people, one must be cognizant of our culture(as a whole-not as broken up-becasuse it has the same tenets in all the 9(n) groups/nations of the Africans of Mzantsi. This will enable us to be able to teach the people about their Bill of Rights

I am a pedestrian in Constitutional matters. but I belong to the army of the poor that need to interpret and make meaningful these Rights. The most interesting thing is that they make me come face to face with our culture, customs, traditions, and other such matters that we live by.

No 4 is quite ambiguous, and it will do good to break down the whole sentence in another article. But for now, it is coughed in military jargon that it obfuscate/deflecting its covert-like operational tactics in the private sector in our country today. Like I said, the last sentence is not grounded in any meaningful sense, and needs further discussion.

Line 5 is very disingenuous-What it says, is not what is being affected on the ruled. There are many examples of which contradict this line, and there are egregious violations here, disregard for human rights, dignity and respect. Were it applied to the letter, there wouldn't be the hue and cry from the poor of the violation of these in their lives and communities.

As for Clause 6., well, need I say more-assasinations, intimations, political killings, ideological enforcement, cabals, cronyism, retributions on communities that do not tow the line, instilling fear and pretending to be the real Overlord(literally) and anointed leadership to carry out these dastardly deeds: "it's cold outside the ANC and such-like retorts.

That, the clause, as brief as it is, it is chockfull of contradictions, and serious dissatisfaction and disaffection feelings of the voting polity. I do not know what knowing it would change, but it is better than not even read, seen or being aware of it.

Reading line number seven, one is left saying, "Really"?. Some of these assertions really seem preposterous because everyone invokes the Constitution as this document that is protecting us against all the vicissitudes and wrangling of life, and reading it, it all seems so mundane and a Big Lie. It is not relevant to the decrepit reality experienced and loved by the poor.

Reading it to different people in the Kasie, it makes one sound like a fool and irrelevant, because they they ask, if this is so, why is it not so for me or us. And usually, the poor and supposedly 'untutored' people will continue from there and list all their grievance and points of view/affect on them by the contravened clause above. Good Question!. But helping them read it, and making them know and understand that working in tandem as a critical mass aware of this, is better than facing it as an individual--has a remedying effect on the mindset of the poor. There are no quick solutions to this method, but the journey one takes begins with the first step.

The next installment will be The right To A Fair Trial; The Right to Judicial review(which will be summed up because this is a very quirky and dicey area, and if one get to hear about the British coming to open jails in our country, we all know, seeing the evidence from YouTube and on the Web, we are in for a rough ride,. and our judicial rights, Fair Trial rights and Right to Judicial Review, has long been seriously compromised and are flawed to the hilt. Our rights have been set aside and ignored. These will be discussed in the upcoming posts.

We may all wax political and revolutionary, that is our democratic right. We can also put in the hard work that is need to recreate and fashion the struggle that it become a serious threat to any government that violates and does not respect Human rights, dignity, housing, families,societies, communities and by bringing the constitution to the people-by giving ourselves a chance to read and understand this document and simplify it. If we fail to this, we hare just blowing hot air, huffing and puffing to a government that knows that these acts/opposition is futile and we are not a threat to it. I do not prescribe to violent opposition as the only and final solution. I think. certain ways of thinking and seeing should be part and parcel of our thrusting towards ousting the calibre of leaders we have at present.

I think it is a big pull and dig to workout our situation because there are so many cooks on the stove. Well, there are too many ideas about "What Should Be Done" (a la Lenin?). Well, there are many who talk about weaning ourselves from dependency and be authentically free and Independent. Well those are the choices that we have available at present.

Anybody can disagree with my approach, but I think we need to clearly know what our struggle is about, requires and what other alternatives are there in executing it Post Y2K Apartheid and now present-day ANC(crew) rule.. I think we have laws and a Constitution, it is the people/crew that is running the country that should be check mated with bringing around and making the poor conscious/knowledgeable about the Constitution and how it works; how they, as being protected by their Bill Of right, could take these laws/rule, own them, apply them as they see fit, and see the results.

I know there have been demonstrations and strikes you name it.. Well I think it is about time all the elderly, the youth and the children begin to be tutored extensively and more forthrightly about things like, The Bill Of Rights enshrined in Their Constitution. It Is their "Right" to Know.

Hector Pietersen Museum in Soweto

We Owe those Passed to carry on the struggle to build a Nation for they gave their lives for that reeason

We Owe those Passed to carry on the struggle to build a Nation for they gave their lives for that reeason

How We lost A Concept Of Building A NAtion: Nation formation, Nation Managment

It is becoming evidently clear that learning and reading the Constitution, as I am citing a bit from the Bill of rights, will somehow alter our present mentality-which has been locked up for 500 year room by our colonizers. this means, we are going to have plough-in, inculcate into the minds and attitudes of our people what we lost: we lost our religion, our culture, the image of god as a deity looking like ourselves. We began to think that in order to succeed, we have become those things that are not ourselves. We have been bound into a psychological cage that has been erected for us. How and why are still depended on other fights; why do we compete for the hand-outs from Multicorporations, and pretend that those things do not exist, and that we need to change, but still we grease the machine of our oppression.

Our awareness will be awoken by our keen knowledge of our contitution. This is what the present government is not interested in bringing about: a nation of constitutionally aware and savvy people.

If we then look back into what we have just learned about the bit that has been cited thus about the Bill of Rights. Since the election is upon us, and the media-whipped euphoria and the armies of door-to-door cadre of the ANC and other organizations that are pacifying the masses in various, with all this happening, we should not loose sight to the fact that our knowing the Constitution, starting with the Bill of Rights, we become a much better prepared people working towards building a Nation that is astutely aware of the constitution and their bill of rights, both in theory and practice.. we should not stop fighting.. and Clarke below deals even more further in this movement of Africans towards Nation-building and freeing the undemocratized armies of the poor. Clarke deals even deals more further in the lecture below about South Africa After Apartheid. "The Nation's people have to be trained in all aspect of National Management(Clarke)...

Maladministration has been the operative term when the Nkandla fiasco was exposed by Madonsela, South Africa's Public Protector. It is going to be hard to raise the level of knowledge and awareness amongst the por whilst the ANC is in Power. But it is a task that worth doing and attenpting.

LUCKY DUBE - Mickey Mouse Freedom

Flunking How to rule Democratically: The People's Perspectives

Musings Beyond The 2014 Elections: An Elegy - But... This Is Not A Poem, But Our Lived Reality... People's Power...
In the neck of my hood/woods, the elections hunters have rallies taken on a circus race gathering and lawlessness of a people blowing steam. Constant TV haranguing, debates, bad vibes and many shenanigans on the ground, has us the residents in our area subjected to one helluva Bash called "Marikana". Later on this saga and shindig.
This was on the heels of a very well attended rally thrown by Zuma and his side-kicks. FNB was filled to the brim even outside of the stadium and the show was on. One of the highlights was Zuma's slide step-dance he performed to the howl of his followers. This had to be done to get the poor to say, with all the Nkdanlda thuggery, 'he is a man of the people." A man after the people's mind and hearts." Through his actions, he performs to win 'the hearts and minds of his followers and those on the fence, etc. As far as our media goes, this was successful.
Talk was cheap in this rally, action shouted and roared more louder- jump on the stage, you will have cut short a long and involved speech. The government is using the 'show and tell' technique, by being 'live' in their 'organized' events exhorting the vote. And Television and other social media and the rest, beam all to the expectant, troubled, but captured audiences. Some have seen a vision of a better ANC after these elections staged shows. A tinge closer to the Eurporia when the ANC ascended into power. Now, as we speak, they are pulling out all stops, and tactics to make sure they secure their rule.
Now, if you come to the Townships, the story of the ANC is something else. It is not only the ANC on the prowl for votes, but many 'strange' people tarry on the fringes on these ANC stronghold, and are not really getting traction. Many people around any corner, Tavern, household, street, Mall, funerals, talks with a certain amount of disdain for the opposition parties. When it comes to the ANC, they are more vicious. But come voting time like now, well.. "The Matter Of Fact Is That There Is some Changes We Can See..." Giving anyone a true sense of what's going to happen in the upcoming elections
But, now that votes are going to be needed, they are singing a different tune(Both the ANC and its voters), I guess it is because of the finality of the oncoming elections. Helicopters dronin incessantly in the skies over Soweto-are an irritation to the already hyped up voter core.
In one Instance, DA was reported by word of mouth, throughout the Kasi, that they are having a shindig in some part of the Hood. Some of the citizens, having imbibed some malt/hops, came to the gathering, and one of them, extremely inebriated, but said in the township colloquial:
"Who are you people? Why are you gathered in this Park? You don't even know anything about this park and yet ya'll congregating here.. This Park was built by the ANC for us here in Kasie. You then have the audacity to come here and tell us (expletive) about the ANC." Well, for 'ya'lls information, were it not for the ANC erecting this park, you would all be standing on a reedy marsh..."
Other views and different people in the Twonships talk about various and interesting points. Like a group of ladies and guys who were hanging our and having this Township logic palaver:
"The ANC has made our lives better with this "Mdende". Yes we know there are no jobs, and we are aware that not all of us, can be educated, as we are now.. "Let me tell you something," (a much more elderly lady began to speak).. "During the Apartheid day's, when my grandmother used to get her 'pension'. They received not more than Twenty Rands every other month", and another chirped-in, "It was what Ten Rand, what are you talking about?"One of their friends quipped in: "6 times a year". "Now you look and can say, the difference is huge." As they all nodded and concurred.
Whenever I am in our midst, I eavesdrop a lot, more so to listen and participate/observe 'us' in a social interactive mode and mindset - whilst taking-in at the views people espouse or utter in their state of frustration, elation, conviction, belief, self-assertion, and so on. These are the true markers, for me, of the thoughts people verbalize, especially regarding the matters of the present-day government with all its political gyrations. I think, within the Township people, one gets the rawness of how these issues impact them-and capturing the spirit of their delivery, is what is important. Capturing them in different settings is very hard because some points get lost in translation and writing. But it's worth trying.
My point is then at the point of the 'Bash' which I had begun to talk about in the beginning, and was dubbed "Marikana".. It was as Wild as events get in this corner of my hide-out. There was a throng of old and young bodies doing all sorts of illicit and nefarious, lewd acts that were really consecrating the Name of Marikana 'attached' to this boisterously noisy get-together. Liquor flowed and poured down the lips and gullets of the Youth shamelessly; All sorts of Drugs that were smoked there clogged the air space and a misty pungent form and smell settled on this cantankerous rowdy/bawdy and fierce-looking, seriously wild group.
Being there left one wondering about the lawlessness that was a feature of the this Bash thrown by these youth in the area I call my home.
The Music was disturbing, its tone, lyrics and repetitiveness..Add to this coming from more than 30 cars letting blare their fine custom-made stereos and speakers. The screaming, laughing, many groups going into a dance mode whilst wailing/screeching/barking and drunken-drugged singing-along pierced the night, and raising more and more and shouting at each steps-and tick of the clock.. right through the night .. with no respite. The Police? Where Were they? I had a gnawing feeling they had their feet kicked out next to their heaters, or car heaters.
The Bash was so loud and rowdy/noise from the youth, it somehow lulled us to sleep in the wee hours of the morning, and it was still going strong- with fight breakouts here and there-intermintently. This was a carry-over from the FNB stadium Rally where our leaders were prancing and sliding on the stage. Zuma stopped short of recreating Michael Jackson's Moonwalk. Really?
The Day after the elections, when the votes are in, and the 'winners' are announced, What Then? Having being given the election narrative as a dummy(Pacifier), like I have said somewhere, there's going to be a big downer, weaning ourselves from the present drug-like-intoxicating madness; and then, without any doubt or hesitation: Back Into The Vinegar Bottle, for All Of Us... Same old, Same old...
We are really facing some serious problems, and the future does not look that good. Perusing over some title headings in the press, the pundits lament: "Elections 2014: Everything And Nothing Remains The Same," "I am not Voting Against The ANC," "A Good Story To Tell, For Some," "Voting Is Not Enough: Beyond The 'Good Story/Bad Story' Debate,""A Personal Reflection On The election," KZN: Is The IFP Losing Ground?", "DA And ANC Youth Leaders Battle It Out," "Let The Youth Take Over The ANC," "How DA Rhetoric Propels Black Pathology Stereotypes," "Majority Still support The ANC,""Condemned To Obscurity: The State Of Our Population Register And The Right To Vote," "What Are '(post)Apartheid Conditions," "How The ANC's Gravity Defying Levitation Is Achieved," "On The Fall Of The ANC," which has been written by Siphokazi Magadla, I will cite a piece from her wherein she writeS:
“How did the ANC manage to dupe the people of South Africa?” ask Prince Mashele and Mzukisi Qobo, the authors of a new book, The Fall of the ANC: What next? The 20th anniversary of electoral democracy and the impending elections, all within weeks, force us to take seriously the place of time in the efforts to understand and diagnose the behaviour of the ruling party and thereby ease or feed our anxieties about the future.
"When placed across time, current events are exposed as unremarkable, unspectacular and temporary because time allows us to appreciate continuities and ruptures with the past. At the heart of Mashele and Qobo’s thesis is the view that, looking back, the ANC was not ready to govern and that “a great deal of what the party thought it would achieve was informed by an inflated sense of self and by sheer naivety”.
"For the authors, the end of apartheid caught the ANC by surprise. They posit that until the party started secret talks with the apartheid state in the late 1980s, the Freedom Charter of 1955 had remained the main point of reference of how the party envisioned itself in government until its adoption of the “Ready to Govern” policy document in 1992. It follows then that South Africans should not have been surprised at the drastic move by the governing party from the modest social democratic aspects of the redistributive Reconstruction and Development Programme to the far more distributively conservative Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy.
The ANC is accused of having been too preoccupied with painting itself as a “club of monks” whose outdated views of Marxism would carry the country into the ideal National Democratic Revolution. Time has thus exposed the party as both “naïve” about the requirements of governance and the bankrupt moral calibre of the party leadership, which has reduced it to the “Alleged National Criminal” (ANC) organisation.
"Furthermore, the authors argue that the ANC’s behaviour is no different to those of other national liberation movements in the continent because “the first two decades of democracy has unfolded very much in sync with the wave character of post-colonial Africa”. In this regard the party is placed within the same basket as Kenya under Daniel Arap Moi, Ghana under Kwame Nkrumah, and Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe.
"South Africans are accused of allowing the ANC to highjack the ownership of liberation history and to use it to hold them hostage against voting the “rotting” party out of power. Thus by revealing the party as having been unprepared to occupy the seat of power, South Africans ought to feel no guilt with removing it as their government.
"Besides cataloguing, in a highly colourful fashion, the failures of the ANC, this book does not offer the reader a substantive way forward. Part of the challenge of the book is that the South Africans who are the audience are spoken to, instead of being spoken with — the tone of the writing is similar to Mamphela Ramphele’s book, Conversations with My Sons and Daughters. The book, which is based entirely on secondary data in its reading of the ANC in governance, places the focus almost exclusively on the manoeuvres of the leadership of the party.
"Ordinary members of the party are thus presumed to be mere spectators in the theatre of “Big Men” and not co-producers of such a political culture within the party. The ordinary people who are being encouraged to take charge of their hard-worn constitutional rights are not placed at the centre of the analysis in a manner that would have given Mashele and Qobo fresh insights into how the ANC can be buried, as in indeed they suggest.
"According to the authors, our best bet is the formation of a new party as the current opposition parties are rendered illegitimate. This insight is of course not new. Neither is the insight that the liberation generation is dying out and that future political leadership belongs to those with no liberation credentials.
"The distinguished Tanzanian scholar Issa Shivji has warned the current generation of African intellectuals to be vigilant about how we study our societies in the midst of the supposed changing position of Africa in the global order — where Africa is said to be “rising” while the lives of most Africans are declining. Shivji insists that in order to understand forces of change in the lives of African people emphasis must be placed on examining the sources of agency within African communities. So ordinary South Africans may not be faulted in declaring impatiently to Mashele and Qobo — undixelela zonke izigigaba zika rhulumente ngoba ucinga ukuba bendilele yonke leminyaka? (You are telling me about all the failures of the government because you assume that I have been asleep all these years?). Even further I would venture to say, why don’t you ask me what I think should be done.
"In a recent article in the African Affairs journal on “Neo-patrimonial Politics in the ANC” (2014), Tom Lodge argues that “the degenerative changes that are observed within the ANC … appear to reflect a global trend in which mass parties are being replaced by electoral machines that depend less and less upon militant activism” and more on transactional exchanges between the electorate and the political elite. Amid these electoral limitations, what becomes the source of agency for ordinary people to instruct change in governance?
"There is utility in showing the ruling party that the people are watching and taking account of the multiple ways in which the ANC is betraying its promises and thereby facilitating its own demise. But that project cannot be done sufficiently if the voices and actions of the people are not placed at the centre of the analysis that shows the party the ways in which the people are thinking about their futures beyond the ANC.
"The authors themselves state that intellectuals failed to predict the uprisings in North Africa and elsewhere precisely because little attention was given to the organising and thinking of ordinary people while scholars were fixated on the escapades of the leaders Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak and Muammar Gaddafi.
"Using the lives and thinking of ordinary people as a lens through which we arrive at answering “what next” after the ANC, none of us including the ANC, will be caught by surprise when they are eventually willed out of power by the people. After all, it is just a matter of time."
For me, the Xhosa citation is the whole article. What I have been saying above is that it is better that we begin to have an approach to our people and listen to them talk, for as I have said, their raw answers are a colorful way the express their misgivings and destabilized life, but they know how to answer the curious, and inform those seeking to know and understand their perspective-not according to some well-off person seating on a computer and not having a face to face encounter with the real and living ordinary people.
I also pointed out above that we, the voters, are regarded as just a percentage(say 63% of the voters will insert ANC into Power again).. We are nothing but that. In matters of how our wealth and rights are dealt with in our land, we are never consulted, and we really know nothing about the mal-administration Thuli pointed, that some of us are saying, investigate and purge the whole government. The problems for our inability to solve the present social ill in our "Nation" is that, for example, the articles I cited above are written by White authors for a White reading public. The White people are known to always talk amongst themselves, and this is not new. That schism, enables and empowers the present government to divide and conquer. there are many other examples of this divisive technique employed
Their SABC saga, for some Media Communication/Technology/Internet nerds, The ANC is trying to control the Internet, TV and with the help of the American investors, Radio and newspapers. Bills have been proposed to this effect of Censorship. This topic can be an article on its own, but suffice for now I will make mention of it in passing. With such a spirit of the times(some would crisply say "Zeitgeist"), we have to begin to wrap our heads around it all and begin to put it into focus and perspective. The elections that are upon us are nothing but a pacifier, to ensure the crooks get back into power, and can fleece, pillage and empty the public coffers for the next five years.
It is a fait accompli that our government is in the Deep pockets of Foreign and Local big Capital. It is also clear that our leaders are the small fries of the World leaders, and our(The Leader's) role is to gawk at them and obey. That is the diplomatic relations between Mzantsi and the much more powerful countries. In many ways, our leaders are lackeys of the governments that helped them in Exile, and their 'new' American friends (who used to label the ANC a terrorist organization, are now in cahoots with our handkerchief heads leaders.)
These elections like the four or so before them, are a fiasco, farce and a time to remind us how powerless we are. Things are purported to Change so that they can remain that way and the same. Whether the ANC is still learning on the job(if any learning on their part is evident?!), the way they have desecrated the Bill of Rights of their constituencies, who really do not know or aware of their rights and are 44% of the voters, is what will always hold us back.
I still believe people have some modicum of intelligence, although, collectively, we are still divided by the way Apartheid divided us, and are busy dividing ourselves into a myriad bits of pieces of no significance-that in a word. We are Being Disappeared as the Indigenous of Mzantsi. So then, it is either they(Crooks in government) are removed or we are 'disappeared' as the indigenous of South Africa. It is the 'removing' part of the ANC from power that has not yet satisfied the voters as being a real reason, and how to go about it, that is the conundrum
Our hope, I still believe, lies with our own people. If we can Master that, We will be able to form a Nation and control Our Country, Culture, History, and all its resources. But the main resources, still untapped, but ready to go, is our own People of Mzantsi.. We should raise our awareness and know-how on how to harness the power of the people-the people's power... And, there are many ways for us to achieving and attaining this power Through and with our people of Mzantsi..

Amilcar Cabral


The Poor Got Learn And Know Their Rights And Power

The African Peoples Struggle: Principles And Political Practice:

'The Struggle Of The People, By the People, for The People, Through The People'

"There can be no doubt that it is our people who wage our struggle, through their children as militants, leaders, combatants, militia, etc. The fundamental strength is our people, themselves. Our population, or rather the population linked to the work of our party, mobilized and organized by our Party, has from the beginning fed our struggle, borne sacrifices for our struggle, and so has been principal strength for of our struggle. It would have been impossible for us to wage the struggle, in the era of clandestinity, were it not that our people kept us alive among them like fish in water.

"The enemy know that it is our own people who share in the struggle, and so they make efforts to separate the part of our people who are Party and the part of our people who are population, to draw from us this principal strength in the liberation struggle, namely the support of the mass of the people. We might say that our struggle has more potential for victory, the more we can keep on our side the support of the mass of the people in our land. The Portuguese know this too, and so they are making every effort to take this support from us.

"Our struggle is for our people, because its objective, its purpose, is to satisfy the aspirations, dreams and desires of our people: to lead a decent and worthy life, as all the peoples in the world want, to have peace in order to build progress in their land, to build happiness for their children. We want everything we win in this struggle to belong to our people and we have to do our utmost to form an organization such that even if some want to divert the conquests of the struggle to their own advantage, our people will not let them. This is very important.

"Our people now do really feel that the struggle is theirs. Not only because it is their children who have the weapons in their hands. Not only because it is their children who study and are trained as cadres, nurses, doctors, engineers, technicians, etc. Not only because it is their children who lead. but also because even i the villages, the militiamen or civilian population take up what principally symbolized our struggle: weapons. It is not by chance, or for any other reason, that our party leadership has given weapons, and constantly gives more, to our population.

"It is precisely so that no one should take it into his head that only those who take up arms in the 'people's army' or in the 'guerilla forces are effectively struggling for results in this struggle. The more weapons there are for our supporters, the more certainty our population and our people will that the struggle is really tiers, and the fewer illusions there will be in the heads of our combatants and leaders that the struggle is their exclusive concern.

"We are struggling for the progress of our land. We must make all the sacrifices to succeed with progress for our land of Guine and Cape Verde. We must put an end to all injustices, miseries and suffering. We must guarantee for the children born in our land today and tomorrow a certainty that no barrier or wall should be put in their way. They must go forward, according to their capacities, to give their utmost.

"They must constantly improve the lot of our people and our land, serving not only our interests but also those of Africa and of all mankind. That is why from the start our Party set out out on the best course for this, namely, organization based on mobilizing our people, mobilizing the population of our land for the struggle against Portuguese colonialism.
"Our Party has trained the children of our land to mobilize the people of our land.

This work was no laughing matter.. Many of you here, young lads who are today responsible workers in the Party, cannot imagine how difficult this work was. Moreover, we have organized within the framework of our Party a large proportion of the population of our land. This was the "principal political strength" of our struggle, which provided the potential for our struggle to advance as well as it has advanced. We must train our people, we must train ourselves - leaders and militants of our Party, our combatants who are making the sacrifice today - to defend at all costs the conquests our people are making through their struggle.

"Today the people born in the bush, who yesterday could express no views on their lives and on their destiny, can express their views, can make decisions. They can decide issues in the Party committees and in the people's courts, where the descendants of our land have shown the ability to try errors, crimes and other wrong-doings committed by other descendants of our land. This is further clear evidence that "this struggle is of our people, by our people and for our people"

"But various Party comrades, with high or low responsibilities, and even ordinary combatants have not understood this very well. They have tried to turn the struggle a little to their advantage, after all they are the people, it would seem. The struggle of our people, by our people, but for them. This is one of the most serious mistakes that can be made in a struggle like ours.

"We cannot in the least allow our armed forces, our militants or our responsible workers forget for a single instant that the greatest consideration, respect and dedication is owed to the people of our land, to our population, above all in the liberated areas of our land. "Anyone who is ready to die from some bullet in this war but is able to show lack of respect for our people, the village folk, the population, will die without knowing why he is dying,or dies under a delusion.

"The more we an do in our land to raise the morale of our people, to give them greater courage and greater enthusiasm for the Party, the more it helps the present and the future of our people, helps our Party. Anything that is done to destroy the population's confidence in us, to bully the population, to show lack of consideration for them, to steal their good, to abuse their sons and daughters, is the worst crime that a combatant comrade or a responsible worker can commit.It is damages our Party, and damages the future and present of our land.

"It is better that we should be few in number but incapable of doing any injury to the population of our land than that we should be numerous but include folk capable of causing harm. For anyone among us who turns the population against our Party, to mistrust the Party, to lose confidence in the Party, is the best ally the Portuguese could have.

"You know - and what I am saying is not in my imagination - that there are comrades who behaved badly towards our population. fortunately the situation has become much better because the Party has been vigilant in this matter.

"So, at each moment of this great struggle we are waging, we must focus on two phases: one, against the colonialist capitalist ruling classes in Portugal and imperialism which want to dominate our land economically and spiritually(meaning ideas from the mind), which might arise against our people's progress on the path of liberty, independence and justice. These demand courageous struggle against imperialist agents. but in addition permanent and determined struggle against those who, even if they are militants, responsible workers or leaders of the Party, do anything which could prejudice our people's march to total conquest of their dignity, their liberty and their progress.

"One other important principle is that of "Independence in our thought and in our action." (Amilcar Cabral)

A Win: But Will the Celebrating ANC Change: Time Will Tell

Despite support for the party dropping by more than 7% in Mpumalanga since the last general elections, the ANC has still recorded a resounding victory in the province, garnering more than three quarters of the vote. The counting of votes from Mpumala

Despite support for the party dropping by more than 7% in Mpumalanga since the last general elections, the ANC has still recorded a resounding victory in the province, garnering more than three quarters of the vote. The counting of votes from Mpumala

The ANC has seen a decline in support in the past two elections, with four of the eight provinces in which the party has won recording a decrease. In three provinces, support for the party increased by a small percentage.

This raises questions regarding party president Jacob Zuma’s assertion that the election results were evidence of how “deeply rooted the ANC is in the hearts and minds of the overwhelming majority of South Africans”.

At 62%, support for the ANC has subsided to where it was in 1994 after an increase to 66% and 68% under former president Thabo Mbeki.

From 25.4-million registered voters, 18-million cast their votes, and over 11.4-million voted for the ANC. About seven million voters chose to stay away.

Limpopo and Mpumalanga, which recorded the highest number of votes for the ruling party in 2009 - at 85% - have both now decreased to 78%. Support in the Free State dropped from 71% to 67% and in North West from 73% to 67%, while the support in Gauteng - the country’s economic heartland - fell by 11% from 64% to 53%.

Only the Northern Cape recorded an increase for the party from 60% in 2009 to 64%. KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape improved by a percentage point each, to 64% and 70% respectively.

In the Western Cape, the only province run by the opposition DA, the ANC only managed to increase its support by 1%, to 32%.

Strong showing

The big surprise was the DA’s strong showing in Zuma’s home province KwaZulu-Natal, where the party is now occupying the official opposition spot with 10 seats. In the North West, the Economic Freedom Fighters became the official opposition with 13% of the vote, giving the party five seats in the provincial legislature.

This downward spiral has raised concern within the ANC about the local government elections in 2016, with big metropolitan cities also seeing a decline in votes.

A Very Precarious/Unstable Democracy

Shamocracy/Democracy Of the Wolves negotiating with the Sheep

Shamocracy/Democracy Of the Wolves negotiating with the Sheep

Ekurhuleni Metro recorded an 11% decline, with the ANC receiving 56% from 67% in 2009. The DA received 26% - a 6% increase from 2009 - while the EFF received 10% of the metro’s vote. For the first time since 1994, the ANC registered less than 50% - coming in at 49% - in Nelson Mandela Bay Metro. If this trend continues in the 2016 municipal elections, the ANC will have a fight on its hands to retain all the metros it controls.

Zuma however glossed over the negatives and focused on the party’s victory.

During his speech after the election results were announced he said the victory reaffirmed that the party “remains the only true hope for the majority of our people, particularly the poor and the working class”.

“We will use this victory to continue delivering water, electricity, roads, schools, clinics, good schools and all amenities that enable our people to live in decent human settlements, in both urban and rural areas,” said Zuma.

According to Statistics South Africa, 32.6-million South Africans were eligible to vote, but many did not register. At 11.4-million votes, those that went to the ANC represent 35% of the voting age population.

10 facts about the elections

1. 7.2-million: The number of people added to the voters roll since 1999 – more than two-million people every election.

2. 2.4-million: (34%) of those voters went to the polls on May 7.

3. 835 591: The number of votes the ANC has gained since the 1999 election.

4. 2.6-million: The number of votes the DA has gained since the 1999 election. That is 1.7-million more than the ANC added.

5. 1.17-million: The number of votes the EFF won in this year’s election.

6. 1.19-million: The number of votes Cope lost in this election.

7. 16: The drop in voter turnout since 1999 in percentage points. 89.3% (1999); 76.7% (2004); 77.3% (2009); 73.5% (2014)

8. 250 000: The approximate number of spoilt votes in the past four elections. 1999: 251 320 (1.5%); 2004: 250 887 (1.6%); 2009: 239 237 (1.3%); 2014: 252 274 (1.4%)

9. 8: Of the 13 parties on the new national assembly, eight got seats with less votes than the spoilt votes. They are the Freedom Front Plus, the Pan Africanist Congress, the African Christian Democratic Party, the United Democratic Movement, the Congress of the People, the African People’s Convention, Agang and the African Independent Congress.

10. 6: The number of political parties that have won a million votes or more in South Africa’s democratic elections. They are the ANC, the DA, Cope, the Inkatha Freedom Party, the Economic Freedom Fighters and the National Party.

Abahlali baseMjondolo Show of Force, Numbers and Unity

In the first major action since the movement was attacked by a state backed militia last year, Abahlali baseMjondolo, a militant shack dwellers’ movement, has occupied part of downtown Durban in a massive show of force and in defiance of a court orde

In the first major action since the movement was attacked by a state backed militia last year, Abahlali baseMjondolo, a militant shack dwellers’ movement, has occupied part of downtown Durban in a massive show of force and in defiance of a court orde

Things Only Change so that They Remain The Same: The Poor Of Mzantsi and Their Grievances Against The ANC

The same issues that have been listed below by the Abahlali, are still and were still the points of contention of the Shack-dwellers going to and after the most recent May 7th 2014 south African election that just concluded-with an ANC win. The same promises that they(The ANC) had promised, prior to the past four/nine years, are those things that they never fulfilled and are still the main problems facing the poor of South Africa. It is worth giving these issues a second look, now that we have just finished electing the ANC into power. The very problems that the Abahlali were decrying, are the very same issues that the ANC, four years ago, and in fact, for the past 20 years said they would deal to, attend to and make things better. Apparently, going into the 2014 May 7th elections, these were still the burning issues of the day. Thus the topic that that this hub has on the top.. It is about time the ANC critiqued itself and begun telling the people the truth. This is what the Abahlali were saying nine years ago, and this is still what is are the chronic problems that the ANC has never really dealt with

A Memorandum of Demands to Jacob Zuma
Monday, 22 March 2010 14, 2005

We, members and supporters of Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Rural Network in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, are democrats committed to the flourishing of this country. We speak for ourselves and direct our own struggles. We have no hidden agendas. We have been mobilised by our suffering and our hopes for a better life. We believe that it is time to take seriously the fact that South Africa belongs to all who live in it.

We come from the townships of Inanda, KwaMashu and Lamontville. We come from the farms in eNkwalini, New Hanover, Howick, KwaNjobokazi, Melmoth, Utrecht, Babanango and eShowe. We come from the flats of Hillary, Portview, Ridge View (Cato Manor), Wentworth and New Dunbar. We come from the shacks of Joe Slovo, Foreman Road, Clare Estate, Palmiet Road, Quarry Road, Motala Heights, Siyanda, Umkhumbane, New eMmaus, Pemary Ridge, Arnett Drive, Lindelani, Richmond Farm and, yes, Kennedy Road. We come from the transit camps of Richmond Farm, eNsimbini, Ridge View (Transact Camp), Cato Manor and New Dunbar.

We are all agreed that there is a serious crisis in our country. The poor are being pushed out of any meaningful access to citizenship. We are becoming poorer. We are being forced off our land and out of our cities. The councillor system has become a form of top down political control. It does not take our voices upwards. The democracy that we won in 1994 is turning into a new system of oppression for the poor.

We are all agreed that this country is rich because of the theft of our land and because of our work in the farms, mines, factories, kitchens and laundries of the rich. That wealth is therefore also our wealth. We are all agreed that the democratic gains that were won in 1994 were won by the struggles of the people and that we, the poor, are part of the people. Those victories are therefore also our victories. We are all agreed that we can not and will not continue to suffer in the way that we do. We are all agreed that we can not and will not give up our hopes for a better life and a fair world.

We have had meetings in all of our areas to discuss this march. Each area has developed its own set of demands which we are presenting to you. We have also taken all the demands that are common to many areas and put them together into this statement of our collective demands. We offer it to you as a statement of our demands. We also proclaim it to ourselves and to the world as a charter for the next phase of our struggle.

For too long we have been subject to evictions from our homes, be they in shack settlements or farms. These evictions are often unlawful, they are often violent and they often leave the poor destitute. Therefore we demand an immediate end to all evictions so that we can live in peace and with security.

For too long our communities have survived in substandard and informal housing. Therefore, we demand decent housing so that we can live in safety, health and dignity.

For too long those of us living in shacks have suffered without enough water and without toilets, electricity, refuse collection and drainage. Therefore we demand decent social services in all our communities so that we can live in safety, health and dignity.

For too long many of those of us who are formally connected to water and electricity have not been able to afford the costs of these services and face disconnection. Therefore we demand that these services be made free for the poor.

For too long the promise of housing has been downgraded to forced removal to a transit camp. These transit camps are more like prisons than homes. If they are ‘delivery’ then they are the delivery of the people into oppression. Therefore we demand an immediate and permanent end to all transit camps so that the dignity of the people that have been taken to the camps can be immediately restored.

For too long the housing that has been built has been built in human dumping grounds far outside of the cities and far from work, schools, clinics and libraries. Therefore we demand immediate action to release well located land for public housing. Where necessary land must be expropriated for this purpose. The social value of urban land must be put before its commercial value.

For too long people that are already languishing in human dumping grounds have been unable to access the cities. Therefore we demand the immediate provision of safe and reliable subsidised public transport to these areas.

For too long there has been rampant corruption in the construction and allocation of housing in transit camps, RDP housing and social housing. Therefore we demand complete transparency in the construction and allocation of all housing and an immediate end to corruption. We demand, in particular, a full and transparent audit into all the activities of the social housing company SOCHO – including its CEO, general manager and board of directors. We demand a similar audit into all the activities of Nandi Mandela and her associates.

For too long poor flat dwellers have suffered from unaffordable and exploitative rents. Therefore we demand the writing off of all arrears and the institution of an affordable flat rate for all.

For too long the poor have been forced to sign exploitative rental agreements under duress and threat of eviction. Therefore we demand the cancellation and collective renegotiation of all rental agreements signed under duress.

For too long farm dwellers have suffered the impoundment of their cattle, demolition of their homes, the denial of the right to burry their loved ones on the land, the denial of basic service and brutality, and sometimes even murder, at the hands of some farmers. The bias that the justice system has towards the rich has meant that it has systematically undermined farm dwellers. Therefore we demand immediate and practical action to secure the rights of farm dwellers.

For too long a fair distribution and use of rural land has been made impossible by the fact that land –a gift from God – has been turned into a commodity. Therefore we demand immediate steps to put the social value of rural land before its commercial value.

For too long the attack on our movement, its leaders and well known members, their family members and its offices in the Kennedy Road settlement in September last year has received the full backing of the local party and government structures. Therefore we demand

• a serious, comprehensive and credible investigation into the attack and its subsequent handling by the local party and government structures. This must include a full investigation into the role of the South African Police Services.
• the right to return for all the victims of the attack, including the Kennedy Road Development Committee and all its sub-committees. This right must be backed up with high level protection for the security of all the residents of the settlement.
• full compensation for everyone who lost their homes, possessions and livelihoods in the attack.
• a full and public apology by Willies Mchunu for the attack and its subsequent handling.
• the immediate release of those members of the Kennedy 13 who are still being held in detention.
• that immediate steps be taken to ensure that Willies Mchunu, Nigel Gumede and Yakoob Baig are not allowed to interfere in any police or judicial processes resulting from the attack.

For too long our communities have been ravaged by the cruelest forms of poverty. Therefore we demand the creation of well-paying and dignified jobs.

For too long the right to education has been reserved for the rich. Therefore we demand free education for the poor.

For too long we have not been safe from criminals and violence. We are especially concerned about the lack of safety for women in our communities. Therefore we demand immediate practical action to secure the safety of everyone and, in particular, the safety of women.

For too long the poor have been turned against the poor. Therefore we demand an immediate end to all forms of discrimination against isiXhosa speaking people (amamPondo) and people born in other countries.

For too long the legal system has been biased against the poor. Therefore we demand serious practical action to ensure that access to justice is no longer distorted by access to money.

For too long the councillor system has been used to control the people from above and to stifle their voices. Therefore we demand the immediate recognition of the right of all people to, if they so wish, organise themselves outside of party structures in freedom and safety.

Furthermore, just as people from around the city, the province and the country are uniting in support of our struggle we express our support for our comrades elsewhere. We have stood with, and will continue to stand with our comrades in Wentworth, our comrades in the Poor People’s Alliance and struggling communities and movements across the country. We thank everyone who has demonstrated solidarity with our struggle including church leaders, students and our comrades in other countries. We will do our best to offer the same support to your struggles."

20years of ANC rule, it is true we can see a government that is Full of Empty Promises. There does not seem to be going to be any changes in the way the ANC ruled ANC, and will rule ANC in the next four from the 2024 election, onwards.

African-Self Image


Looking Into The Mirror And Seeing What's Looking Back...

Mzantsi: Let's Talk Sharp with One Another...

Why Have We Come To Hate Ourselves? Well, Let's talk

I usually post a lot of music, which I suppose are positive vibes, and at times write or post articles originally written of taken from some writers to upgrade our knowledge and consciousness. As a media enthusiast, I have been viewing several Wall on FB that portend to carry out the struggle. What these are, critically looking them, are just bellicose knee-jerk reactions and rants on our part, pretending to be caring and talking about our problems and plights. Well, in so far as the diatribes are concerned, it seems like a conscious people are engaged in a positive palaver, but that would be far from the truth. Our cream of the crop is rushing pell-mellinto being accepted and seen as being European, and not Africa.. This is a fact, and i can argue with anyone contrary point of view on this matter... Wilson in the video below addresses why this is the case with us, in Mzantsi and and in the US and Other parts of the African Diaspora..

In all earnestness, we have lost our bearings, moorings and campus in life. We are under great and grand delusions of grandeur, that if one were to accumulate more money, and sacrifice ones soul and human beingness(Culture, Customs, etc), that does not matter, but money does. We have dug ourselves, we Africans of South Africa, into a a hole that we cannot climb out of. We glorify, cherish, and work very hard to be a poor copies of other cultures and are strung-up on material wealth and technological gadgets and nothing more.

We have become adept at scoffing and dismissing our cultural, linguistic, musical and other heritages that make us Africans of South Africa, and have become lackeys of other peoples around the world. We are a confused, scared and dumbed-down peoples. We of Mzantsi, have no sense nor direction of what is happening. We are all filled with uncertainties, distrust, and have to live with an irresponsible petty bourgeoisie which is very opportunistic. They have a tendency to enquire as to ones status in our meetings in any situation, what kind of car one drives, where does one live, or was edumacated, wear western contemporary fashion, smudge ourselves with foreign perfumes, jewelry(which we now put on our teeth, too), live in shameless opulence, and strive hard to maintain that type of status quo and wealth acquirement to our dissatisfaction-and desire to be be accepted as Europeans, not African.

Today, because we have become very good at rejecting our culture, we have become an illiterate nation, with a miseducated youth and totally blank adult population. The matric results are one indicator of this charge. We are becoming sick nowadays, most of us suffering from flues, pneumonia, dysentery, diarrhea, in the middle and heat of the summer. We do not control our water (by we, I mean the army of consumers of this drinking water). We are inept in all what we do. We depend on nepotism, cronyism, which has been shepherded by a cabal of a motley crew of thugs posing as our government and leaders.

The people that are supposedly being put in position of national social responsibilities are ignorant, inept, dysfunctional, unknowing, arrogant, and pilfering upon the public coffers; corruption is rampant; rape and murder are chronic in our communities; Alcoholism is a pandemic disease; drug abuse and proliferation has becoming the new normal in our midst; churches are fleecing their parishioners; the much touted and oft abused concept of Ubuntu is no more existent in our divided and shattered African collectives; our children do not even know our part history, custom, cultures, traditions languages and other sacred rites and their practices, and we, the present elderly, are not even helping them, nor we ourselves are functionally capable of capturing our culture, customs, traditions and the whole bit.

People are scared of critiquing the ANC; the ANC has arrogantly abrogated to itself all powers and is distorting and making its own polity ignorant and uneducated so's to rule over us effectively. They, the present government, wants us to accept that all these social malaise are because we are now experiencing a new democracy, newly found freedoms, in the face of all that they, our present leaders are doing that is wrong. No one wants to be told that we are a failure and being wiped out of the face of our land in all aspects of our decrepit existential reality.
Reading up on Wilson is an eye opener for us, if we will ever have the gall and guts to face our weakened state of being. Wilson writes:

".. the way we think, the way we behave, helps to create the kinds of victimization from which we suffer. The oppressive configuration the White man has assumed in relationship to the African man is in good part the result of the fact that we have permitted ourselves to remain in complementary subordinate configuration conducive to his oppressive designs. "The White man Cannot Be What He Is unless We Are What We Are As A People".
"And one way of transforming the White man is through 'self-transformation'. "He cannot be what he is if we are not what we are".

"Therefore, we must take responsibility for that part of our personality, that part of our community, and that part of ourselves over which we have control, and change that part. And if we change those parts of ourselves and our community, we shall change this man. Who gives a damn about changing him anyway? It does not matter!

One of our major problems is that African leadership has been involved in converting Whites. That misleads us time and time again. Give it up! One of the major steps in the rehabilitation of the African man/Woman/Child, etc, is to give up the White man and forget about him!"

This is one helluva tough thing for the African elite in Mzantsi to wrap their heads and thin skins around. Why should they give up their stolen and ill-beggoten loot? Why should they give up their income, life-styles, power, importance, and standard of living for the sake of the good for all Africans. Why should they? This is the conundrum that that stops anyone of these 'latter-day' South african millionaires are faced with. Why should they not hobnob with the celebrities and persons of power? Give up golfing? Have no "helpers' in their house? Are they not providing job creation, they wonder? Why should they not imbibe the accoutrements of the world of wealth and modernity? Why should they be bothered with paying obeisance and respect to an ancient and decrepit useless African culture, customs, etc, when the world is modern and moving along in the 21st century. Yes, these people who ask these questions and more are part of us, they are us.
We have to learn how to critique ourselves and accept our shortcomings and over-inflated sense grandeur. We should get rid of our confusion as to who we are as African People. We neither American nor European, nor will we ever be. We shall never be accepted as those people, instead, they would respect us more if we were our selves, without trying to ape others. Our culture should guide our thinking. Our custom condition our behavior; our tradition determine ourselves as a people and nation. we cannot afford to be hoodwinked by television, and other western cultural imperial artifacts and gadgets. We should know these, but use them to suit ourselves. We cannot think like we are of European origin in our psyche and other distorted cultural unrealities we so apt to adopt,at the expense of our own indigenous cultures, traditions, customs and so forth
'Madness(Mental Illness) And Rage'
The African community must examine itself and see to what degree it has contributed to is own madness, demise, oppression and powerlessness.
When one looks around our own communities, there's an exaggerated reality of madness and mental health. We learn from Wilson that"
"A part of the problem of mental illness in not what people do to each other, and not what mama, daddy, or somebody else does to a child. A part of it is also how what mama does is reacted to on the part of the child. It is not so much that the European were are inferior, and that we this and that, and that the European maligns our character, et cetera: It is the reaction of anger, as Cobbs and Price point out, "the reaction of rage." Yes, we are going to find rage in teenagers, and rage i people that destroy and prey on the community; and it is the this reaction that distorts reality, distorts the individual's creativity, distorts the necessary unity and distorts the very mechanism that can get the individual out of his/her behavior," writes Wilson.
II was talking to one drug addict who was outlining the regular thin