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Blaming the Victims: Colonized Information,technology, and Technique in Service of Neo-Apartheid Against Africans

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Sacrificing Poor Africans For Cash Nexus

The ANC leaders are like a group of children playing with a hand grenade. One day one of them will figure out how to pull out the pin and everyone will be killed.

The ANC leaders are like a group of children playing with a hand grenade. One day one of them will figure out how to pull out the pin and everyone will be killed.

In the Matatu Conference some offered a meditation on the concept of time and reality in Africa; bemoaning the short investment span of companies investing in Africa, typically looking to get a return after 4-5 years.

In the Matatu Conference some offered a meditation on the concept of time and reality in Africa; bemoaning the short investment span of companies investing in Africa, typically looking to get a return after 4-5 years.

Technology reaches far and wide, and yet, still, it is serving the interest of big business and not those of Poor Africans

Technology reaches far and wide, and yet, still, it is serving the interest of big business and not those of Poor Africans

This caption adequately captures the end result of colonized information which is a closed mind, and unless opened through access, it will not function...

This caption adequately captures the end result of colonized information which is a closed mind, and unless opened through access, it will not function...

Technology, through mobile phones is giving Africans access to the the new technological access and participation

Technology, through mobile phones is giving Africans access to the the new technological access and participation

Poor Kids are at loss as to how to effectively use the new technologies and relate them to their communities and societies because of the apartheidized nature of access to the internet and other hidden costs

Poor Kids are at loss as to how to effectively use the new technologies and relate them to their communities and societies because of the apartheidized nature of access to the internet and other hidden costs

Boat owner  uses his phone to settle bills and pay local traders

Boat owner uses his phone to settle bills and pay local traders

Mobile phones in uganda's Capital, Kampala: 10 million people across the country own a phone

Mobile phones in uganda's Capital, Kampala: 10 million people across the country own a phone

In the Democratic Republic o f Congo, Madagascar, Malawi, Sierra Leon and Uganda, for example, the International Finance corp. (an arm of the World bank) finance and upgraded Celt's mobile networks for US$320

In the Democratic Republic o f Congo, Madagascar, Malawi, Sierra Leon and Uganda, for example, the International Finance corp. (an arm of the World bank) finance and upgraded Celt's mobile networks for US$320

With these resources, Africa needs to combine telecommunications and information to create partnerships among African and non-African firms, government, and non-governmental organizations to realize succeess

With these resources, Africa needs to combine telecommunications and information to create partnerships among African and non-African firms, government, and non-governmental organizations to realize succeess

Is the Mobile phone revolution' in Africa really for Everybody

Is the Mobile phone revolution' in Africa really for Everybody

Here are the Personal Apps one can load on ones phone and below they are broken down and given a little bit of explanation. All these Apps below can be used with Blackberry, Android or IPhone

Here are the Personal Apps one can load on ones phone and below they are broken down and given a little bit of explanation. All these Apps below can be used with Blackberry, Android or IPhone

Evernote is a great App to capture meeting notes, text, photos and Web Pages using your mobile device

Evernote is a great App to capture meeting notes, text, photos and Web Pages using your mobile device

Drop box is an App that allows you to sync and share files online. It enables businesses with multi-member teams to access files real time

Drop box is an App that allows you to sync and share files online. It enables businesses with multi-member teams to access files real time

DocstoGo (iPhone/BlackBerry/Android-Documents to Go  is a clooud file suppor App that allows you to view, import, and export Microsoft. Apple iWorks, PDF and other files. Decuments to Go also supports other online cloud services: Google Docs, Box.net

DocstoGo (iPhone/BlackBerry/Android-Documents to Go is a clooud file suppor App that allows you to view, import, and export Microsoft. Apple iWorks, PDF and other files. Decuments to Go also supports other online cloud services: Google Docs, Box.net

Square is an App that allows you you to accept credit card payements anywhere from your mobile device without having a credit card merchant acount. You'll have to plug in free square credit card reader in to the headphone jack or type credit card #

Square is an App that allows you you to accept credit card payements anywhere from your mobile device without having a credit card merchant acount. You'll have to plug in free square credit card reader in to the headphone jack or type credit card #

WebEx App allows you to access WebEx meetings on your mobile device, wherever you are. Tis App also gives you full meeting experience with simultaneous data and audio

WebEx App allows you to access WebEx meetings on your mobile device, wherever you are. Tis App also gives you full meeting experience with simultaneous data and audio

Dragon Dictation is an easy-to-use voice recognition App powered by Drago NaturallySpeaking that allows you to easily speak and instantly see your text, e-mailor social network updates on your mobile device

Dragon Dictation is an easy-to-use voice recognition App powered by Drago NaturallySpeaking that allows you to easily speak and instantly see your text, e-mailor social network updates on your mobile device

Hootsuite is a third party App that allows you to update the status of your social networks (Twitter, Facebook, etc.). Great for real-time engagement with your online communities

Hootsuite is a third party App that allows you to update the status of your social networks (Twitter, Facebook, etc.). Great for real-time engagement with your online communities

Growth of cellphone connections and users in South Africa (by WorldWideWorx, 2009)

Growth of cellphone connections and users in South Africa (by WorldWideWorx, 2009)

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This chart shows the unequal university distribution throughout the World. Check the column for Africa

This chart shows the unequal university distribution throughout the World. Check the column for Africa

Propagated Propaganda

Suppression and Propaganda

The advent of the Internet has finally given some racist White South Africans something to say which they have nave not been able to say for many decades. It is not like the South African Apartheid government did not use the media to defend its case against it s detractors overseas. There are ample examples of the how they did so.

They spent billions buying media conglomerates in the United States and Europe to present their case. It is worth noting that people say that they want the truth, but what they really want is a confirmation of what they already believe. People tend to define history through personal memories. There are some White folks in South Africa who believe that African history should be dealt in a positive light deemed right by them.

According to these White people, dwelling on the negative(meaning those that expose Whites and their blaming Africans for everything) only reinforces negative images of Africans among themselves and other races and also re-opens the "blame" wound that makes Whites uneasy That is some logic there! Perhaps the most important factor in public uneasiness is the knowledge gap.

Most people's images of Apartheid in South Africa and elsewhere is what the Radio, newspapers,TV and the Internet tells them it is or should or could be. Some define history in a political context, based on propaganda. Still others define history through mythos, a collection of interpretations of the past carried in expressive media such as songs, dances, movies, words-of-mouth and the internet.

But then, there is real history, the one which is analytical and it is also done through academic research. History will always be critical of mythos and memory because they have little to do with standards of evidence. It is this gap between how the average person perceives Apartheid - a simplistic White oppressor, Black Victim Story - and the much more complex historical record that poses a dilemma for many people. A lot of people, African and White, are afraid of a greater analytical view of these very problematic things of the past because it will not conform to their strongly held mythos.

So, what they do is conflate the feelings that they have today with what they imagine people felt during Apartheid. Most whites who are busy attacking Africans and African history of South Africa on the Net do not understand how difficult survival was and is-Spiritually emotionally and physically, for Africans - and that, that survival was strength and is still strength for Africans, today. And in this mix, one can begin to add the new ANC-led government, and its history will be dealt with below that of the one on Apartheid.

In Defense of the 'Vaderland' and the 'Volk' in the Media

Historical Perspective and Academic Analysis of Apartheid Media

In order for us to understand the Media Propaganda flourishing on the Internet by many Racist and unapologetic detractors of African people, we will be better served if we really put Apartheid Media into a proper Historical Perspective. To understand the present vitriol on the Web against African people in South Africa by White people, we will delve into some research in order to paint a much clearer picture.

Today it is very easy for White bloggers and Internet users in South Africa to assail African people from every angle conceivable. It is true that of the 45% of Internet users in South Africa, fewer than 3% are African users. This is due to imposed poverty, ignorance and many other shenanigans applied by those who still uphold the values and life-style of Apartheid and will not let it go.

In order for South African Africans to understand this concentrated and vicious effort against them it is important to put the history of the South African press into a propers perspective; African people were not included nor consulted on their opinions or points of view by the colonial government of the day. When the Afrikaners undertook their "Great Africa," they did so with the hope that will create Republics conducted to their own liking.

But the discovery of diamonds and gold brought about fortune seekers who began to intrude on how these new "Boer Republics " were run, and the intruders were backed-up by the Newspapers they brought along with them. In 1800, The Cape Times Gazette made its debut. It carried government notices and paragraphs of news. Within three months, the governor withdrew its printing monopoly and bought the press. Lord Somerset proceeded by sending the press to a remote 'frontier' village in Graff Reinett on the Western Cape Coast, where it was used to print government forms(Varley, 1962)

By then, Thomas Pringle and John Fairbairn, in January 7, 1824, ran the first issue of South Africa's first independent press, 'The South African Commercial Advertiser.' The Commercial Advertiser printed proceedings of a court case that dealt with allegations of corruption in Somersert's administration. By this time, the governor had just returned from leave in London. Before he left for England, the Governor had asked Pringle and his colleague to submit proof sheets to his office before publication.

The issue duly appeared under these conditions. Pringle was summoned before the governor,whom he found with the South African Journal lying open before him. Pringle wrote: "'So , sir,' he began, 'you are one of those who dare to insult me and oppose my government,' and he launched into a long tirade of abuse; 'scolding, upbraiding and taunting, with all the domineering arrogance of mien and sneering insolence of expression of which he was so great a master'(Pringle, Narrative. p. 89) Despite further difficulties, the press won when in April Somerset was recalled to London.

From then on, papers rapidly expanded into the interior. A list of newspapers listed in the Colonial office of Cape Town in 1891 included names of more than 125 assorted journals(Cory, 1913). In this part, one begins to see officialese arrogance and harsh attitude and stance being taken by individual people in power, and in the later years that spun into policy and then law.

The reaction of the Dutch Settlers and Colonists was to set up a journal to counteract Fairbairn's newspaper. De Zuid Afrikaans appeared in 1828 and according to an Afrikaner historian, was obliged from the outset not only to fight against "radicalism of the negrophilist philanthropists," but also frequently to defend the name of the Dutch residents against libel of the British in the Cape(Greig, 1963) and to fight and preserve the Boer Culture and the "Vaderland"(Fatherland) through the press. To the Dutch, the terms "free press" and "independent press" came to mean dominating African populations and the control of intellectual property and content and academic superiority and superior complexes over African people.

In 1858 Cape Town had eight newspapers of Which the Cape Argus, a commercial newspaper survived and spawned Africa's largest newspaper chain. Before long, The Argus was the only triweekly in the Cape and claimed the largest circulation. This newspaper printed a special supplement prepared by correspondents in London. In 1876, The Argus, together with the mining and commercial interests formed The Argus Printing and Publishing Company. The discovery of gold in 1872, in the eastern Transvaal and in 1886 in the Witwatersrand(the areas of what is today known as Johannesburg[or Gauteng]} brought about hundreds of prospectors and fortune seekers.

The diggers or "Uitlanders"[Foreigners], as the Boers called them, had little sympathy for the Boer government. Pro-digger newspapers like the Gold Fields Mercury and the Argus were very critical of the government, denouncing it as corrupt and inefficient(this theme , as will be seen, is recurring today against the ANC-led government in the South Africa press). In 1889, the Argus Printing and Publishing Co., limited was formed. It was a collusion of English newspapers in Johannesburg, Kimberley and London.

The Cape Argus was then called the Star, and changed from a triweekly to a daily newspaper(Neame, 1956; Rosenthal, 1970). The British and the Boers were on a collision course. The merging of big British capital and the British newspapers brought resentment from the Afrikaners, and this is what partly led to and culminated into the Anglo-Boer war at the turn of the century.

One of the key players in this war was Cecil John Rhodes. He was one of the richest men in South Africa at the time. In 1871, he opened diamond mines in Kimberley, known as the De Beer Consolidated Mines. As a private citizen, Rhodes also had gold mining interests in the Transvaal. Using that toehold, he developed a plan that he hoped would bring about British power to the Transvaal Boer Republic. He sent some of his Henchmen to stir up unrest amongst the "Uitlanders," getting them to agitate for voting and other rights. In 1895, acting on his orders, Rhodesian troops(today known as Zimbabwe) staged a raid on the Transvaal with the hope that it would set off a revolt which would finally oust he Boers from power.

This attack, which came to be known as the Jamieson Raid - because it was led by Jamieson, was botched, and Rhodes' plan failed(Caldwell, 1975; Le Seur, 1913). The Jamieson raid damaged relations between the Boers and the British beyond recall. The raid affected the press. In 1896 President Kruger passed a law requiring the press to disclose the names of printers and publishers. This law also gave the State President the right to ban the distribution of publications which were perceived to be breaking the law of the Transvaal Republic. Kruger took these moves to protect his government against the British press attacks.(van Jaarsveld, 1961)

The reasons for the Anglo-Boer War lay in a combination of strategic, political and economic factors. When the war started in 1899, the Kruger government shut down the British Press. On the other hand, the British arrested Afrikaner editors and shut down the circulation of Dutch newspapers in all British colonies. When the British defeated the Boers, they were sure that the press would never be anti-British again.

They put the press under the control of the Argus Company. (Pemberton, 1964) It is in this tradition of 'robust British-type press freedom,' established in the last century, and has come under pressure in the 20 Century, that the press found itself caught in conflicts of a deeply polarized society, to-date in the 21 century. It was a press caught between a divided English and Afrikaner public, and both the English and Afrikaners caught between African nationalism of the 20 century, and the new neocolonial, post-apartheid petit African bourgeoisies of the 21 century.

The Afrikaners emerged from the Anglo Boer War a defeated and impoverished nation. The war was a White man's war. But, rarely discussed, was the participation of Africans in the war- and that is for another topic in another Hub. Nonetheless, it has been recorded that Africans helped on both sides of the war — and thousands of them died in concentration camps, but their contributions as fighters was not and is still not yet acknowledged. Nor had any nations that were conquered by the Whites during the late sixteen hundreds had a chance to seize the moment of white division. British armies had crushed African resistance and black power structures and were also in a position to impose their will on the Afrikaners (Sol Plaatjie, 1974)

But two of the most successful Boer Guerrilla leaders, Smuts and his commander-in-chief,General Louis Botha, led a movement for conciliation. The liberals in London and the Afrikaner 'conciliators' revived the idea that they should amalgamate. They set about forming a united South Africa in which the English and the Dutch speaking people would bury their differences. Africans were not included nor invited to these talks. The others that were included were the gold mining companies and a growing class of Afrikaner large-scale farmers who needed a stable permanent settlement and a large cheap labor force.

To secure a government that would guarantee both, they formed an alliance of gold and maize. With the British looking on benignly and helping where they could, the leaders of South Africa assembled. They had many differences, but within a couple of years, Afrikaners and the British framers and mine owners from the interior, traders and plantation owners from the seaboard, agreed to merge — not as a mere federation, But a Union, with overriding powers given to central government (Le May 1965).

The Afrikaners were quick to mobilize their political power against the British Imperialist gestures. They refused to serve on the proposed legislative council, declaring that self-government alone would satisfy them. In fact, by 1904, several hundred Afrikaners in Pretoria established their first major political organization, "Het Volk." It focused on Afrikaner grievances over restrictions on their use of the Dutch language and over the administration of relief funds.(Davenport, 1966)

The devastation of the Anglo-Boer War had turned the Afrikaner in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State into an impoverished people. The landless poor whites had become a serious problem into he Transvaal even before the war. Many Boers were no longer self-sufficient and independent. Consequently, these barely literate indigent Whites began another Great Trek.

They moved from the rural outbacks into the burgeoning towns and cities. They arrived with essentially no better skills that the Africans who also left the rural areas to seek urban employment. In other words, Whites in South Africa were on equal footing with the Africans. Many of these poor, uneducated and unskilled Afrikaners gravitated towards the famous war veteran, General B. Hertzog.

He eloquently articulated their fear that their 'civilization' would be obliterated by the technologically superior civilization of the British Speakers. Hertzog crystalized the Afrikaner movement in 1914 with the formation of the 'National Party'. From that time to this day, the National Party has been the major vehicle for Afrikaner Nationalism(Vatcher, 1965) The movement was further boosted in 1915 with the founding of he newspaper, Die Burger in Cape Town, under the editorship of D.F. Malan.

This was the first daily Afrikaans-language paper in South Africa. It was complemented in 1938 by the Transvaaler, edited by Hendrick Verwoerd. Die Burger began in less than promising circumstances. The country was under martial law and Die Burger was suspected of pro-German leanings. During the First World War, Die Burger was cautious to avoid suppression. Its readership was predominantly rural people or city dwellers of modest means who had little purchasing power to attract advertisers. However, it developed and propagated the policy of the National Party in its news and editorial columns. Malan made Die Burger the shield and sword of Afrikanerdom (Sachs, 1975; Scholtz, 1974)

During the second World War, Jan Smuts, as Prime Minister, decided through a series of informal arrangements and committees to seek the cooperation of newspapers in critical war effort matters. Although the Afrikaans newspapers were hostile to the war efforts, they knuckled down to the informal arrangements because they felt that these were preferable to full scale censorship.

Meanwhile, the attitude of The Transvaaler was even more ambivalent. On one hand it attacked those who openly sided with the Nazis of Germany. But on its columns it sounded ore like the Nazi Radio (Neame, pg. 41; Herzstein, 1987) Dr. Verwoerd was a big Nazi sympathizer and he even studied in Germany. But the British established a pattern of internalized control and self censorship that became a corrosive feature of the South African press.

The issue that divided the British and the Boers, and the newspapers that represented them, was centered on the external policies of the government. The Afrikaans press realized that it was more profitable to focus on internal policies and specifically on the questions of race. This is what the Afrikaners/English press is doing to the ANC-led government today. One now becomes aware as to where all this press hullaballoo of the proposed media tribunal historically originates from.

The English press, with its close links with a wider Anglo-American social reality, reflected the West's growing revolution against Nazi racism and "authoritarianism," pressed for more liberal policies in South Africa. In 1942, a government commission recommended important reforms in the educational, social and health conditions of urban African. Although the Smuts government had taken the country to war on the side of the allied forces, and also introduced some reforms in South Africa, it was far form liberal in its approach to race relations.

The difference between its attitude to the country's traditional segregationists policies and that of the nationalist was one of degree, not kind. However, the country's booming wartime economy, spurred by industrial development to produce arms and munitions, had drawn an increasing number of Africans into the labor market.

Apartheid Media and White Supremacy

When the Afrikaner Nationalist Party came into power in 1948, it was bent on implementing apartheid and entrenching White supremacy in government. The attitude of the government towards the press was not rooted in the Pringle-Fairbairn tradition, but rather in filial relationship between the Afrikaans press and the Afrikaner nationalist movement, or the "Het Volk".

The Afrikaans newspaper had arisen as part of the 'volk' movement, and as instruments in the ethnic mobilization of the Afrikaners. Although they were allowed a measure of freedom to criticize the political leadership and test reactions to new ideas, it was expected that their criticism would be temperately phrased and essentially constructive in approach.

The essence of the relationship was that the newspapers would at all times be loyal to the movement; not harm the government with embarrassing reports, and would as an instrument of communication between the movement's leadership and its followers. At election times,the Afrikaans press sounded the trumpet call to rally the 'volk' to the Party's support.

In short, it was a 'patriotic' press in the narrow context of the ethnic political movement it served. When the Nationalist government came into power, the press was still expected to be loyal and patriotic when it came to larger 'national interests'. This included reports on the implementation of Apartheid and the international reactions to it; the press was expected to be loyal and patriotic at all times. Under traditional authoritarianism, the press operated outside of the government and was permitted to gather and publish news, but it had to function for the 'good of the state'.

The government usually left the press alone if it did not criticize authority or challenge the leadership in any way. If the press attacked or embarrassed the government. Then the political authority intervened, imposed censorship or even closing down publication and jailing editors. The government arrived at this logic at a position where it was apparent that the dissemination of information, ideas and opinions among members of the community necessarily had a negative effect towards the government. Sometimes, as we shall later see, this effect was immediate, and at other times 'remote' also, we'll see this play itself out in the same manner under the ANC-led government. In fact, what the media restrictions limited most was the ability of its receivers to know the full story of events that lay behind newspaper editorials.


Other Apartheid's Myriad and Media Laws

The Nationalist Apartheid government immediately began to implement racial segregation or Apartheid through a series of laws. The Prohibition or Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 made intermarriages between races illegal the population Registration Act allocated every South African to a specific racial group. The immorality Act made sex across color lines illegal. The English press reflected the human suffering wrought by Apartheid legislation on the society.

This made for sensational headlines: prominent people committing suicide after being arrested under the immorality Act; families split under the Population Registration Act; Arrests and banning under the Suppression of the Communism Act. The English press through this type of reportage, continued to believe that it was practicing its traditional press freedom and in the process embarrassed the government even more. The Nationalist government perceived this as disloyalty prepared to damage national interests for the sake of partisan political gain. The government increased political pressure to control this inveterate disloyalty through close government monitoring (The Star, 1950)

The press commission was set up in 1950. It sat for eleven years as an intimidating inquisition. Its charge included the concentration of control of the press and its effect on the editorial opinion and comment and the presentation of news. The press had been served a notice that it activities were under scrutiny ad was warned to watch its steps.(Giffard, 1975) This sound like and look like the direction which ANC is going with its proposal of a Media tribunal.

J.G. Strydom succeeded Daniel Malan as Prime Minister in 1954. By this time, segregation had been enforced in almost all public places: libraries,churches, theaters and so on. The Extension of University Education Act set up four ethnic colleges for Africans, but restricted admission of other races into the traditional White universities. Africans were compelled to carry passes or reference books(got scrapped towards the end of Apartheid).

Multiracial Congresses were shut down. Inevitably, the press reflected in its reporting and comments the growing polarization in the land. Strydom regarded the English press as the enemy of the government. But at the same time, the government remained relatively unfettered by the negative reporting about Africans. (Hepple, 1974) Apartheid had in fact suppressed authentic African politics, which were really the politics of opposition. This suppression systematically affected both institutions and the press.

A key measure in achieving this shut-down of the opposition was application of the Suppression of Communism Act. This Act prohibited newspapers from quoting the utterances, past of contemporaneous, of any person place under a special restriction called the "Banning Order". Similarly, newspapers could not publish anything deemed to further the aims of any banned organization. This was he law used to ban the ANC, PAC, BCM and 37 other organizations.

This made it impossible for newspapers to report authentically to report on African politics for over 20 years. The copy-edition of the White newspapers were constantly on the alert and kept an up to date list of 'banned' persons in a tickler box on the copy desks(Phelan, 1985; Mathews, 1971; Mathews, 1981)

Slowly the net tightened. Defense matters were placed out of bounds, except when publications were authorized by the Defense authorities themselves. The Official Secrets Act was tightened under the title of "The Protection of Information Act"(The ANC is using the same terms and Act to create a media tribunal). Reporting on activities of the police ad on prison conditions was made hazardous through a cunning position that reversed the onus of proof: 1.e., newspapers had to prove that they had taken 'reasonable steps' to establish that what they published was rued.

This meant, for example, that newspapers could be prosecuted for publishing any 'untrue matter' about the police. For example, if a policeman tortured, assaulted or killed someone, the press wold have to ask the police themselves whether the allegations were true. If they denied, which they routinely did, the newspapers could publish that information at their own risk. This in turn cost them large sums in lawyer fees and tied up senior editors and key reporting staff for months on legal consultation and court appearances(Pollack, 1981; Potter, 1975)


All these laws were in force before the special press restrictions were enunciated in 1986. The laws of the 1986 State of Emergency were already enough to fill a thick legal volume that every South African journalist kept on his desk as an essential book of reference. There were more than 120 laws restricting what could be reported in may areas of activity; for example, the police, defense,prisons, official secrets, key points, oil supply, nuclear energy, the quoting of banned organizations or promoting their aims, the quoting of a banned person/s, remarks held to foster racial hostility, photographing and or publishing pictures of prisons, prisoners and so forth, are a few areas subjected to restriction. (Moseki, 1988; Stuart and Klapper, 1982)

To avoid the implementation of these threats, the newspaper proprietors agreed to establish a press Council in the early 1970s. It was created to enable the press to monitor and censor itself. And it had powers to reprimand and fine the newspaper found guilty of breaching the code of conduct (McKay, 1988)

According to Percy Qoboza, "Reporting and editing a newspaper in South Africa in the 1980s was like walking through a minefield blindfolded". (Qoboza , 1984) A journalist who wanted to get ahead was expected to show that he was at least half a businessman who understood and had a finely developed sense of what pleased the Ad agencies and paper owners. The journalist was expected to take this into account before exposing police brutality or the torture of detainees. On the other hand, they had to be wary of security agents and government legislation. (Hachten, 1979)

In the final analysis, the press got entangled with immediate-future preoccupations, viz.., the economics of circulation; rationalization between publishing companies and an increasing concentration on business journalism; news that was politically safer and economically more sensible was fully exploited. Maintain and holding tight to Ad agencies Only through a genuine social revolution could there be a return to Pringle-Fairbairn press tradition.

But until then, the press under apartheid faced an authoritarian and recalcitrant regime. Further on we will show the press has been used by White people to blame the victims of apartheid(Africans) which they say that the condition they find themselves in, meaning Africans, was their own doing.

The African Press Under Colonialism and Apartheid Rule

The first newspaper for Africans in South Africa, Imvo Zabantsundu(African Opinion), was founded in 1884 by John Tengo Jabavu. By the 1930s,the number of registered African newspapers were 19. At about that time, literate Africans constituted about 12.4 percent of the adult African population. This reading intelligentsia was made up of members and office bearers of proliferating independent African political and cultural or economic organizations that sought to generate accoutrements of middle-class lifestyles. The voluntary organizations which they established and the activities which they became personally involved were publicized in their journals survived the Great Depression of 1929-1932. After 1932, The Bantu World was founded and came to represent African point of view and reportage(Switzer, 1979)