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Apartheid's Genocide on Children: Killing of African South African Kids From 1985 & Beyond-Apartheid's Youngest Victims

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An artists rendition of the the South African Defense Force(SADF) using its heavily armed military might to attack children and babies

An artists rendition of the the South African Defense Force(SADF) using its heavily armed military might to attack children and babies

Fourteen-year-old boy subjected to beatings, burning and electric shock while in an army camp by members of the South African Defense Force

Fourteen-year-old boy subjected to beatings, burning and electric shock while in an army camp by members of the South African Defense Force

A 16 year old boy lies dying after he was shot by the police

A 16 year old boy lies dying after he was shot by the police

Johnny Mashiane, a 15 years old, has spent a moth in a psychiatric hospital following his release from detention. A normal child before his arrest, he is now barely able to speak

Johnny Mashiane, a 15 years old, has spent a moth in a psychiatric hospital following his release from detention. A normal child before his arrest, he is now barely able to speak

A young boy shows the marks he received after being sjamboked by the police

A young boy shows the marks he received after being sjamboked by the police

 Young boy displays wounds sustained from police violence in Tsakane Township

Young boy displays wounds sustained from police violence in Tsakane Township

A 16 month old baby shot with birdhots

A 16 month old baby shot with birdhots

A 15 years old boy shows the marks he received whilst in detention

A 15 years old boy shows the marks he received whilst in detention

These children aged 11 and 13 years, were beaten and sjamboked by police when arrested during a night vigil for an unrest victim

These children aged 11 and 13 years, were beaten and sjamboked by police when arrested during a night vigil for an unrest victim

Eleven-year-old Fannie Goduka was arrested for public violence and held for 57 days in  prison cell with adult criminals

Eleven-year-old Fannie Goduka was arrested for public violence and held for 57 days in prison cell with adult criminals

Top: Security Forces patrols a township outside Grahamstown after a funeral at which a child was killed when police opened fire on mourners. Notice a kid running way in the background. Bottom: Child injured by the security forces in Mamelodi

Top: Security Forces patrols a township outside Grahamstown after a funeral at which a child was killed when police opened fire on mourners. Notice a kid running way in the background. Bottom: Child injured by the security forces in Mamelodi

A mother who lost her son wo ws killed by the police in Soweto

A mother who lost her son wo ws killed by the police in Soweto

Members of the security forces shot a young activist during house-to-house raids. Members of the security forces calmly stand next to their "kill"; Below, the members of the security forces denied wearing 'balaclavas' but were exposed by this photos

Members of the security forces shot a young activist during house-to-house raids. Members of the security forces calmly stand next to their "kill"; Below, the members of the security forces denied wearing 'balaclavas' but were exposed by this photos

The aftermath of the Alexandra Township "Six Day War" in February 1986. Seventeen people were buried at a mass funeral in Alexandra Township for those shot dead by the police.

The aftermath of the Alexandra Township "Six Day War" in February 1986. Seventeen people were buried at a mass funeral in Alexandra Township for those shot dead by the police.

A month old baby girl, Trocia Ndlovu killed by tear gars and her casket draped in ANC colors

A month old baby girl, Trocia Ndlovu killed by tear gars and her casket draped in ANC colors

The Poster from the youth says it all. 100,000 Attended this funeral at Kwanobuhle Stadium, in Uitenhage. to show their anger and resolve

The Poster from the youth says it all. 100,000 Attended this funeral at Kwanobuhle Stadium, in Uitenhage. to show their anger and resolve

Stony faced youth show their anger and resolve at Mr. Raditsela's funeral, a union shop stewart who was killed in detention

Stony faced youth show their anger and resolve at Mr. Raditsela's funeral, a union shop stewart who was killed in detention

 A close-up of a "Hippo" after it had dispersed protesters; A sergeant tries to hide his face with a machine gun from photographers

A close-up of a "Hippo" after it had dispersed protesters; A sergeant tries to hide his face with a machine gun from photographers

Security forces stand calmly next to their  "kill"; security forces doing a house-to-house search wearing 'balaclavas'

Security forces stand calmly next to their "kill"; security forces doing a house-to-house search wearing 'balaclavas'

20 protesters who were killed by the police in a stadium attended by 100,000 people at KwaNobuhle Stadium in Uitenhage

20 protesters who were killed by the police in a stadium attended by 100,000 people at KwaNobuhle Stadium in Uitenhage

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Vaal residence in 1984 refused to pay rent and went on strike

Vaal residence in 1984 refused to pay rent and went on strike

Youth helping the elderly and those overcome by the fumes of tear gas on their return from the cemetery

Youth helping the elderly and those overcome by the fumes of tear gas on their return from the cemetery

Students within the main body marching to the stadium and exuberantly showing placards which state how the students felt about the Afrikaans issue in 1976

Students within the main body marching to the stadium and exuberantly showing placards which state how the students felt about the Afrikaans issue in 1976

One of the rare pictures of the students marching to Orlando Stadium to hold a rally before they met with the army and the South African police quarter way to the stadium.

One of the rare pictures of the students marching to Orlando Stadium to hold a rally before they met with the army and the South African police quarter way to the stadium.

Students in June 1976 demonstrating against Afrikaans and were in a peaceful mode and holding their placards.

Students in June 1976 demonstrating against Afrikaans and were in a peaceful mode and holding their placards.

Poppie Buthelezi(on a wheelchair) and Phindile Mavuso, both wounded by police bullets during the Soweto 1976 students revolution

Poppie Buthelezi(on a wheelchair) and Phindile Mavuso, both wounded by police bullets during the Soweto 1976 students revolution

 A woman protesting against the police in 1986

A woman protesting against the police in 1986

Comrades carrying a coffin to the cemetery wincing from the fumes of tear gas

Comrades carrying a coffin to the cemetery wincing from the fumes of tear gas

South African Police cadre in a drill and practically and literaly in "Black and White

South African Police cadre in a drill and practically and literaly in "Black and White

Exhuberant Students in a demonstrative mode

Exhuberant Students in a demonstrative mode

A policeman beating a child with a sjambok

A policeman beating a child with a sjambok

A girl crying after an R1 rifle bullet ripped-open her  stomach in 1976

A girl crying after an R1 rifle bullet ripped-open her stomach in 1976

 A child bleeding resulted from an encounter with the army at a burial for an unrest victim

A child bleeding resulted from an encounter with the army at a burial for an unrest victim

A crying. and bewildered teargassed girl gets a helping hand from an older schoolgirl

A crying. and bewildered teargassed girl gets a helping hand from an older schoolgirl

A victim of SADF snipers carried by his comrades, and the person later died from gunshot wounds

A victim of SADF snipers carried by his comrades, and the person later died from gunshot wounds

Young Students mourning their lost friends killed by the security forces

Young Students mourning their lost friends killed by the security forces

Top: The army target-shooting people in the foreground- note the lady walking past by. Bottom: A common scene of a person shot by the  sadf

Top: The army target-shooting people in the foreground- note the lady walking past by. Bottom: A common scene of a person shot by the sadf

Calmly standing next to a kill, the soldiers with their R1 Rifles ready for the next victim

Calmly standing next to a kill, the soldiers with their R1 Rifles ready for the next victim

Policemen in camouflage drag a protester

Policemen in camouflage drag a protester

Killing Children and limiting Population Growth

Setting Up The Apartheid Killing Squads

In his book, Unfinished Business" he wrote with Dumisa Ntsebeza, Terry Bell issued this advise: "So, in a matter in which the victimized poor seek to get the beneficiaries of Apartheid to be held to account for their unjust enrichment through apartheid, a crime against humanity, it is the leadership of a democratic government [ANC] that seeks to protect the partner in crime of Apartheid from their day of reckoning. ... I would also hope that you join me in committing yourself to ensuring that the truth about South Africa and Apartheid - in a global and national context — is never buried and distorted."

Botha's strategy to shrink the population were not the ravings of a mad man, but a deliberate and conscious effort to bring Africans in South Africa to their knees. The Botha regime learned valuable lessons from the Student revolts of 1976, and they set out to do something about it. Even today, most Whites in South Africa often pretend to be shocked and amazed by the after effects of these atrocities and their aftermath on the present day African youth of South Africa.

The truth is that there has been a concerted effort to arrest, physically torture, psychologically terrorize, and harass children from a few months old to those in their late twenties by the Apartheid operatives. Most the Whites in South Africa did not and still do not understand and know their African neighbors and children and what has happened to them since 1976 to today.

In this whole Article, I am drawing heavily from the book "The War Against Children: Apartheid's Youngest Victims" (New York: Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 1986).

I want to make note of this fact that the material was gotten from the book, but when I wrote the Article, I have inadvertently been taken up by the events, and the fact that it was part of my lived experience that it might appear as if the article was originally written by me, and yet, it was written by the above mentioned Group of Lawyers. I made it my concern to add up other related and relevant information that casts an even broader light into this material.


Now, having said this, what this has taught me over time, was that, I could rewrite the article above, but I also have to add my own experience. I will provide a brief Bibliography for the whole piece I have taken;also, I am going to synergies the whole article, that is, what I have understood and lived it to be like, to what I and the victims and present-day Africans are living through as a result thereof.

What we are living through, today, as an oppressed people, can be garner from the whole article below, and for me, this has really brought me up to the point that I want to add what this means to us as an African people today-that is, the effects and affects of such treatment, what it has done to affect and effect us today to be the way we are, today, in 2018 South Africa.

For this part, the reader will have to go to the end of the article, to begin to see what I am going to write about the vents as written by the Lawyers happened to the children of 1985, that is today This will in my way and in many other ways help me to bring about a better understand as to the plight and decrepit life that we are living today as a people who are just about a quarter century removed from the Jack-boot of Apartheid. This is an ongoing story, and I aim to use the latter part of the article articulating this story and hisotry.. Today.....

What has been written by Africans about the horrid conditions they were surviving under Apartheid has been wiped out of the South African Historical Memory. So, many whites, in order to assuage their guilt, write on behalf of and for Africans what has happened to them during the Apartheid regime's rule, exploiting the reality that most Africans have not been able to write about the hell they went through and are still going through under the new ANC government in South Africa.

Even during the rule of the ANC under Mbeki, and up to today, there is an unwritten law directed against Africans not say anything that will be perceived by these minions as being against the "People". There is even a term for those who are considered to be 'reactionaries' and 'anti-people' known as "Coping," named after the splinter ANC group which called itself "Cope". There has been a chilling effect on the intellectuals within South Africa to retreat from the social/political discourse in South Africa, about issues the African hold dear to their interests.

This works neatly for those Whites within South Africa who wish to see a divided African society and a silenced intellectual class, thus denying them the go-ahead to voice out their displeasures and be unable to highlight the ineptitude of the ANC, and their concerns about the backwardness of the African masses.

These issues have been dealt with at length in my present hub "Cry the Beloved Peoples," and in this Hub we will be looking in a much in-depth manner through which the Boers carried out their Master Strategy of elimination children from 1985s, and the violence that has been visited upon the African people from 1985 to the Year 2000 onwards, by the ANC.

JMCs and The Strategy to Win the Hearts and Minds(WHAM)

In democratic societies, ordinary people can express their political aspirations through the institutions of political society. When, however, an authoritarian state restricts democratic society's processes, the disempowered people tend to turn to social movements built within the civil society to express their political demands. Frantz Fanon put it this way:

"The oppressed cures himself of colonial neurosis... when his rage boils over, he rediscovers his lost innocence and he comes to know himself in that he creates himself."

Within the Apartheid State, there were important differences of opinion on how to respond to the deepening 1976 crisis. The military's solution to these problems was the formulation of "Total Strategy". The Apartheid military justified this Total Strategy by arguing that South Africa was under "Total Onslaught"

The first and most important phase of Total strategy involved the dramatic reorganization of the pinnacle of state power. The second phase involved cutting down the number of state departments from thirty-nine to twenty-two. And a new mega-department was created in 1982, namely, the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning under Minister Chris Heunis. The Third phase involved the ongoing process of rationalizing areas of authority.

The administration of Africans was spread across various departments. The Department of Constitutional Development and Planning emerged as the real power-center involved in managing African Affairs. However, its responsibilities were no longer defined in pure racial terms. By 1985, this department controlled a wide range of multi-racial structures including local authorities. This department also concerned itself with policies related to Homelands/Bantustans consolidation. (Hindson and Swelling)

Tightly tied to the office of the Prime Minister, was the security establishment, which became in effect, the institutional apparatus through which Botha consolidated his hold on State power. The security establishment at this time consisted of the following: the Department of Defense and the South African Defense Force(SADF); The Intelligence Services; the Intellectual Community, based mainly at the Afrikaans Universities, and organizations like the Institute for Strategic Studies at the University of Pretoria, and private concerns such as the Terrorism Research Center; Armscor(an arms producing cartel of the Apartheid regime); the South African Police.

The raison d'être of the State Security Council(SSC) was 'security,' defined so as to include economic, political, constitutional, ideological and welfare issues. The main objective of the government was to pull the state together into an efficient machine capable of synchronized action(Grundy)

The security establishment in South Africa came closer than any other institution to do this because of its internally tight hierarchy of command and its substantial resources that were mobile and deployable. In a word, what took place was the Militarization of the State and the Politicization of the Military.(Seegers)

What emerged was a dual state that rested on a hybrid of party government based on the parliamentary process, and a militarized state rooted in the security establishment. Furthermore, the politicized security establishment operated on the assumption that although it had the right to formulate state strategy and control 'order functions', reformist and welfare functions were required by definition, to be carried-out by civilians. Hence, critical and central importance was given to the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning. Its director, Chris Heunis,was presented with a mandate to carry out this reform.

The concept of Total Strategy had left many of the of Apartheid creations intact(such as Bantustans, Press control and constitutional exclusion of Africans from central government), but the state did introduce significant modification to some basic institutions of political society. In reality, however, what the White minority government was prepared to concede, fell too short of what the African majority was prepared to accept.

In the end, Total Strategy failed because its idealistic intentions were thwarted by a sustained period of African resistance. This resistance exacerbated and brought to the fore key structural contradictions which Total Strategy reforms had failed to address.

All these extensions and other reform program were ad hoc responses to the deepening crises and to pressures from political movements, business organizations, the International Community and Trade Unions. What was important about these shifts was that they unintentionally undid the existing policy positions without being coupled to a coherent set of alternatives.

The state was convinced that it was directly threatened with imminent revolution, and it turned to 'counter revolutionary warfare strategies' to resolve the general crisis. The strategies they used have been well articulated by McCuen in his book, "The Art of Counter-Revolutionary War".

Up until 1986, the reform initiative within the state lay in the hands of groups largely located in Minister Heunis's Department of Constitutional Development and Planning, the Department of Manpower, Finance and Foreign Affairs and the National Party itself. Popular protests, therefore, produced two responses with the state.

There were the 'political reformers' who believed that it was possible to extend the reform program and widen access points to political society. Then there were the 'Securocrats' who were straining to implement a counter-revolutionary program (Cawthra)

During the Period of April-May 1986, the reform division within the state emerged at a public level. Whereas Botha and the Security establishment were exhorting Total Strategy against Total Onslaught, maintaining the homelands, denying freedom to the 'detention of political leaders', Heunis and the political Reformers were extending reforms and supporting negotiations between senior government officials and the ANC leaders in exile and in jail. Botha had previously stated that the 'suspension of violence' by the ANC was a sufficient precondition.

When the ANC indicated that they would accept the former, Botha and the military were stuck with the sudden realization that they had to make a choice: release Nelson Mandela and negotiate a transfer of power to a weaker ANC, or, re-establish control by crushing resistance in civil society, outlawing it in a political society, creating new social relations and promoting African leaders.

In choosing the latter option, the state put in application a 'counter-revolutionary strategy' which involved the imposition of the National State of Emergency and full scale activation of National Security Management System(NSMS) (Swilling and Phillips and the Washington Post, March 1985)

By mid-1986, political Reformists in the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning won-out. Instead of increasing functional specialization, the military began to train their officers to acquire expertise in internal security matters that were embracing all aspects of social,economic and political life. In fact, the decision to fight the battle through state institutions required a 'unified effort' of soldiers, policemen, politicians and bureaucrats.

What emerged was a highly centralized bureaucratic-cum military structure with the power and ability to coordinate the implementation of both security and political policies. Political society and the dual state remained largely intact even though the NSMS took direct responsibility for the formulation and implementation of all strategies with the common objective of winning the war.

The 'counter-revolutionary' theory that informed state strategy was based on the desire to "Win the Hearts And Minds" of the people — the so-called WHAM program. The fundamental difference between Total Strategy and WHAM was that the latter was no longer concerned primarily with restructuring the access points of political society. Instead, the emphasis fell on recasting the foundations of civil society so that political access points could at some future date be restructured in a way that did not threaten the system as a whole.

The lifeblood of the NSMS was the network of more than 500 regional districts and Joint Management Centers(JMCs). These brought together the military, police and civilian officials under the chairmanship of the ranking military officer. The JMCs interfaced with the public through the Joint Liaison Forums and Defense Manpower Liaison Committees(Delmacons) (Seegers)

JMCs were used by the state to rip communities apart, remove their leaders and put together the pieces in the image of the state. These repressive measures were complemented by the 'Reformists' dimension of state strategy. They have since been appropriated and recast by the 'counter revolutionary warfare' strategists. These security planners referred to this as 'soft warfare'. It consisted of the following:

1. Infrastructural Upgrading

200 Townships were earmarked for upgrading projects. The Directorate of Urbanization in the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning funneled R16 billion($7 billion) from the proceeds of privatization for socio-economic upgrading.

2. Housing Development

By way of special grants through the South African Housing Trust and National Housing Commission, the state, in conjunction with the private sector, embarked on the most extensive housing construction program since the 1950s.

3. Local Government Reform

Some corrupt local authorities were dismissed, and Regional Service Council introduced because African Township residents could no longer pay for rent and services.

4. Scrapping Influx Control

Millions of people who were previously excluded from the right to reside in urban areas could now do so, on condition they had access to employment and 'approved accommodation'.

5. Legitimation of State Structures

This involved massive expenditures on propaganda through Radio, TV and pamphlets to persuade people to pay rent, service charges and bus fares. Extensive campaigns were designed to criminalize popular organizations.

6. Populist Cooption in Squatter Camps

JMC officials realized that squatter camps provided invaluable opportunities for co-option. They bought co-option by granting local populist 'warlords' control over the allocation of resources and provided them with basic urban services.

7. The National Council

To carry through to higher levels of government the inclusions of Africans, a National Council was formed. It was to hammer out a post-Apartheid Tricameral Constitution.

8. Bothanomics

This meant a responsive version of inward industrialization based on wage freezes, deregulation of uncontrolled regional-metropolitan labor markets and reckless privatization. The State was making important concessions, but on its own terms, whilst popular leaders were in jail. (van der Merwe, 1988)

The concrete counter-revolutionary strategies pursued by the state since 1986, illustrated the dual security and welfare objectives. The repressive 'hard war' measures included the following: Press Restrictions, Mass Detention, Vigilante and Death Squad Activities, Forced Removals, Banning and Restricting Organizations and Activists, Evictions and Security Force harassment and the targeting of children. (Tomasseli, 1991)

Violence, Torture, Murder, and Psychological Abuse of Children

If there was one place where the debate over P. W. Botha's Constitutional Reforms seemed utterly irrelevant, that was in Soweto, the vast Township located just outside of Johannesburg that is really one of Africa's largest cities. It holds more people than the entire nearby countries such as Botswana and Swaziland, perhaps now upward of 5 million plus people. Soweto epitomizes Apartheid's failure. By all evidence, the vast majority of the people who live there regarded themselves not as "temporary sojourners" in White South Africa, but as permanent city dwellers and original South Africans, and were confined to an area where they are doomed to receive minimal services and maximum harassment.

From the days of Apartheid up today under the ANC government, they demonstrate frequently andshow that they do not accept the inferior system imposed upon them by the Afrikaner government and the ANC. For example, when the government regarded it as an important step toward self-management by urban Africans, and arranged for the people to hold municipal elections in Soweto in December 1983, fewer than a thousand people voted. When the effort fell flat on its face, the people of Soweto danced in the streets to celebrate the defeat of Apartheid and its selected puppets.

Until 1976, it was possible to believe that the South African Boer government would be able to control the situation in Soweto indefinitely. But the student's revolution of 1976, in which tens of thousands were killed and injured, maimed and disappeared, this electrified whole Soweto and the place has never been the same since. The students' grievances were those against the instruction of their subjects in Afrikaans. This led to the explosion and war against the children because it was the children who were leading this revolution. Up to this point, the Whites in South Africa really did not know the people of Soweto or Africans throughout the whole of South Africa.

Even today, although many whites, talk and write about and on behalf of South Africans and their history or lives under Apartheid, they clearly do not now anything about the people. They write about their music, artists, history, crimes, accuse them about their culture, criticize them at any given opportunity, and they do so without really knowing much about Africans in South Africa.

Whites in South Africa are guilty of killing and torturing a large swath of the African population, and now they want to assuage their guilt by preempting African South Africans by becoming their "Spokes-men and Spokes-women" on anything African, because they have made the rest of the African population utterly poor and sick, and the Apartheid White benefactors remained filthy rich.

Therefore, when it comes to the Internet, few in the Ghettoes around South Africa own their own computers, save for the few fledgling Internet Cafes sparsely dotting the ghetto landscape, so that, that's only when are the people able to have access to the Web. The fees for Africans to own their own internet are too exorbitant and people are too poor to pay for one on monthly basis.

As for Whites, they are so rich, they have now taken it upon themselves to tell the world about the people they have victimized, and in so doing, pick and choose all the narratives that put Whites in a "Good" light, and Africans as brutes, fiendish and immoral dim-wits who cannot even run a country, let alone take care of themselves, and they do this with arrogance and mien unsurpassed. For example, Baaskap is still prevalent in South Africa as of writing of this Hub, African Students have, again, failed their matriculation exams dismally in droves in the New Rainbow government of 'National Unity' run by the ANC.

The more things have changed at all in South Africa, the more they have steadfastly remained the same. Along with Afrikaans being taught as an overall subject in African schools, the above discourse is mostly part of what irked African students: the unbearable patronizing nature of Whites in all spheres of African life; pretentious and sneaky post-apartheid whites who are endeavoring to court International consent by exploiting the issues and lives of Africans through presenting them in a negative light, or picking and choosing what they want to highlight, irrespective of what Africans thought, did, or say about themselves.

And the insensitive and corrupt ANC-led government which is still enjoying themselves abroad the never-ending gravy train since their being in power in 1994, could careless. This leads us now to the crux of the matter at hand, the abuse of children under apartheid in their own words and experiences.

See the picture gallery for this part about Apartheid.

Just like the Jews said about Hitler's concentration Camps, "Never Again," so are the Africans saying, "Never again and the truth about Apartheid and its minions shall be out and liberate them." At present, Africans are saying to the ANC, "Sekwanele" (enough is enough), and they(ANC) seem to be arrogant and not listening to the African people.[They paid dearly for this in t their losing the 2016 Local Elections]

The Apartheid Child Meat Grinders

Children Killed by the Apartheid Regime in the Streets

The Following account about what happened to the children of South Africa, was culled from "The War Against Children: Apartheid's Youngest Victims" (New York: Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 1986).

Preface: