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Apartheid(Apart Hate): The Achilles Heel of Great Democracies- Society's Rigged Discriminated Underdevelopment.


Reach Out And Touch Someone


Rigged Discrimination in all Fronts - Globally..

The Faces Of Oppressed Women Under The Taliban and Other Ruthless Islamic Regimes against Women..  In other words, the worst forms of apartheid being practiced by Middle East nations and entities would be studied and exposed first.  Then the aparthei

The Faces Of Oppressed Women Under The Taliban and Other Ruthless Islamic Regimes against Women.. In other words, the worst forms of apartheid being practiced by Middle East nations and entities would be studied and exposed first. Then the aparthei

Arab spring Countries shown in different colors and bold relief

Arab spring Countries shown in different colors and bold relief

Liberate the oppressed Arab people in Africa and the Middle East as the sign read in red letters: LIBERATE

Liberate the oppressed Arab people in Africa and the Middle East as the sign read in red letters: LIBERATE

The Muslim world teaches us that there is again and price to be gained and paid for the oppressed people and those who play illegitimate manipulation from chairs have their days numbered, respectively

The Muslim world teaches us that there is again and price to be gained and paid for the oppressed people and those who play illegitimate manipulation from chairs have their days numbered, respectively

Projecting the ear, censorship and danger faced by journalists and photographers who are blinded by Governments and so forth

Projecting the ear, censorship and danger faced by journalists and photographers who are blinded by Governments and so forth

The US is using the military in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan to try and set up Western-style democracy. It does not seem to be working, given the religious nature of the people in these country and Americans seen as intruders or colonizers

The US is using the military in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan to try and set up Western-style democracy. It does not seem to be working, given the religious nature of the people in these country and Americans seen as intruders or colonizers

Turkey remains a democratic theocracy and has laws that clamp tightly on basic human freedoms

Turkey remains a democratic theocracy and has laws that clamp tightly on basic human freedoms

South Africa has just emerged from being under the boot of Nazi Apartheid,and it is not a beleaguered post-apartheid democracy which has not yet fully granted democratic rights and progress to it's people

South Africa has just emerged from being under the boot of Nazi Apartheid,and it is not a beleaguered post-apartheid democracy which has not yet fully granted democratic rights and progress to it's people

Democracy has long been discarded in Ethiopia, hunger, war, corruption and tyranny are the rule

Democracy has long been discarded in Ethiopia, hunger, war, corruption and tyranny are the rule

While Kenya is formally a democracy, it lacks the political culture for this form of governance to thrive

While Kenya is formally a democracy, it lacks the political culture for this form of governance to thrive

Human Statue of Liberty: Too big to fail, Too big to Jail: The list of potential legal breaches by the US is enormous; by one count, the US administration has broken 269 laws, both domestic and international

Human Statue of Liberty: Too big to fail, Too big to Jail: The list of potential legal breaches by the US is enormous; by one count, the US administration has broken 269 laws, both domestic and international

Egypt's Democracy rally; almost a quarter of Egypt's parliament walked out in protest ofer onstitutional amendmends proposed by President Mubarak, because the change will ban establishment of religious parties, do away with judicial supervision of ev

Egypt's Democracy rally; almost a quarter of Egypt's parliament walked out in protest ofer onstitutional amendmends proposed by President Mubarak, because the change will ban establishment of religious parties, do away with judicial supervision of ev

Human rights issues in the Philippines entail: sex trade, armed rebels, poor state of education and health, extrajudicial killings and disappearances, i.e. government sanctioned murder and kidnapping of undesirables; poverty and lack of true sovereig

Human rights issues in the Philippines entail: sex trade, armed rebels, poor state of education and health, extrajudicial killings and disappearances, i.e. government sanctioned murder and kidnapping of undesirables; poverty and lack of true sovereig

There is not a court in Australia that could stop the government blocking any content they decide is 'unwanted, say blocking any criticism of the Labor Party for example. Seems like there no freedom of speech nor legal rights. Democracy is in crisis

There is not a court in Australia that could stop the government blocking any content they decide is 'unwanted, say blocking any criticism of the Labor Party for example. Seems like there no freedom of speech nor legal rights. Democracy is in crisis

Although it is a carton, the message is clear as to how and why Democracies survive: armies and weapons secure it

Although it is a carton, the message is clear as to how and why Democracies survive: armies and weapons secure it

During a march of February 2010 in San Pedro Sula, a youth who was pro-democracy holds a sign which read: "Stop the massacre of the peasants in Aguan

During a march of February 2010 in San Pedro Sula, a youth who was pro-democracy holds a sign which read: "Stop the massacre of the peasants in Aguan

Honduran police officers barricade the street to block of a peaceful, pro-democracy protest march in the capital of Tegucigalpa on February 2010

Honduran police officers barricade the street to block of a peaceful, pro-democracy protest march in the capital of Tegucigalpa on February 2010

Egyptians celebrate their victory

Egyptians celebrate their victory

Apartheidized Racism: The Antithesis of Humanity

Racial attitudes in America have their antecedents in the culture of Elizabethan England, and when they came to the North America and the Caribbean, they came into frequent contact with peoples whose culture, religion and color was markedly different from their own. The Early responses of the Englishmen to Indians and Africans, lay the seeds of what would become, for centuries or more later, one of the most painful problems in American history-the problem of racial prejudice

For the past three to four presidential cycles, The United States has been facing some form of racial strife or another. Every segment of society has faced crise de conscience over the gap between promise and the reality of American life-and its racist filiation. The commitment to human dignity and equality for all citizens has been contradicted by persistent discrimination against large minority groups within the American Society.

The causes and consequences of racism, and racial attitudes have shaped the American Experience since Europeans first set foot in the New World. Over time, we've had a chance to gain some insights into the racist assumptions that govern the perceptions and behavior of White Americans that are embedded in the institutions of most society's today. These very actions are now clogging the media in all their forms and manifestations, presentations and projections, and are part of the raging discourse by different people as to their efficacy.

President Lyndon B. Johnson established a commission, headed by Governor Otto Kerner of Illinois to inquire into the causes of civil disorders. In the Spring of 1968, the commission charged white America with the primary responsibility for the racial disorders sweeping the nation. The report concluded that: "Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black-one white-separate and unequal. What white Americans have never fully understood-but what the Negro can never forget-is that white society is deeply implicated in the ghetto. White institutions created it, white institutions maintain it, and white institutions condones it."

"Most Americans," the commission reported, "know little of the origins of the racial schism separating our white and Negro citizens. Few appreciate how central the problem of the negro has been to our social policy. Fewer still understand that today's problems can be only if white Americans comprehend the rigid social, economic and educational barriers that have prevented Negroes from participating in the mainstream of American life". Along with blacks, other minorities-Indians, Europeans, Asian immigrants and Mexican-Americans-have also been objects of white racism, of a 'type'.

The Beginning of the End

Our heightened awareness of racism and its consequences derives from the present ferment over racial injustice. Eurocentrism at its worst has generated a cacophony which has been set against the interest of the local oppressed minorities and international cooperation and mutual understanding. This has been designed to ultimately subvert international relationships. The European, Arab and American slavers and Imperialist have brought this about in the forms of Nazism, Apartheid, Imperialism, slavery, intellectual arrogance, racial murders and military and technological dominance.

Much of human history has been a fight for the survival against natural hazards and against real and imagined human enemies. Development in the past has always meant the increase in the ability to guard the independence of the social group and to infringe upon the freedom of others. Underdevelopment has been the norm in the past centuries. The Negro has been defined by white society as inferior, licentious, intellectually and morally inadequate half or fifth of a man.

One view of this, Americans contemplated emancipation at the end of the eighteenth century thought of recolonizing Africans, by using and implementing the Black Codes, because the white people could not see any genuine assimilation of blacks into white society as being possible. The black Codes ensured and institutionalized this rigid form of racism and racial separation.

No two historical events can ever be identical in every detail. Times change; people change; conditions change; history moves. However there are some instances where history is repeated, and such repetition may either be coincidental, deliberately engineered, and influenced by humans. To be sure, man's inhumanity to man is not a modern phenomenon, one has to go back eons to Osiris and Seth, Cain and Abel, etc.

The pages of history are full of instances and cases of injustice, murder, torture, exterminations, that one in the end is forced to conclude that of all the living creatures, human beings are the most cruel. To say that human beings sometimes "act like animals' is incorrect. The opposite is true. The encroachment of Europeans on the land, people and cultures of this and other parts of the world was a protracted act of aggression that has not ended until this day.

It is clear that Africans and indigenous Americans could have put together an amalgamated way of life without the destructive war against each other. For the European to have achieved this, he would have to respect the humanity of the people he found; and he showed no tendency to do so in spite of the fact that most of them treated the Europeans as guests and with peace, until they(Europeans) decided to be conquerors and enslavers.

This mistreatment of these people and their slow disappearance through disease, murder and starvation depopulated large areas of the Americas and Caribbean Islands And Africa. Christopher Columbus asked for Father de Las Casas who came over on his third voyage to petition the Pope for an increase in the African Slave trade, allegedly to save the continuance and survival of the Indians(Red Man). The Pope sent commissions to inquire into the conditions of the Indians, only to discover that on some Islands in the Caribbean Sea, there was not one Indian left alive. The extant of the genocide has been written extensively about, and this needs to be further investigated and refreshed.

Prejudice, Disinformation and Racism

The Indigenous's Conundrum

Mark Twain posited this observation: "In many countries we have chained the savage, and starved him to death... in many countries we have burned the savage at the stake... we have hunted the savage and his little children and mother with dogs and guns... in many countries we have taken the savage's land from him, and made him our slave, and lashed him every day, and broken his pride, and made death his only friend, and overworked him till he dropped in his tracks".

The Red man averred: They made us many promises, more than I can remember, but they never kept one; they promised to take our land, and they took it." Africans in South Africa State: "When the White people came, we had the land and they had the Bible; now we have the Bible and they have our land." The dislocation of the owners of the land from their land is one of the early inhuman and Human Rights violation which has effected the disowned to this day.

Racial attitudes in America have their origins in the culture of Elizabethan England, because it was in the sixteenth century that the English people, who were on the verge of creating an overseas empire in North and The Caribbean, began to come into frequent contact with the peoples whose culture, religion and color was markedly different from their own. In the early responses of Englishmen to Indians and Africans lay the seeds of what would become, four centuries later, one of the most agonizing social problems in American history-Racial segregation and outright racism. On the problem of racial prejudice, Mark Twain wryly observed: "There are many humorous things in the world; among them the white man's notion that he is less savage than other savages." If there is anything to take from these aphorisms, it is the fact that Racism has left its victims and some observing the absurdity of it all with befuddled awe.

When the Englishmen arrived in Jamestown, Virginia, in 1620, or at Plymouth, Massachusetts, in 1620, they found the Red man already occupying the land. There were many written and oral reports about the Indians in the New Worlds, many based upon the Spanish and Portuguese experiences in Mexico, Peru and Brazil for those who wanted to know.

For five centuries explorers, geographers, cartographers, colonists, travelers, adventurers, warriors and reporters have attempted to describe in different ways and for different reasons unfamiliar regions of the planet. There is a great deal to be learned about European societies from these efforts of reporting the unknown.

One such mappenmode found in a copy of Hidgens Polychronicon who eat one another; the Garamentes who live in a zone where the water boil by day and freezes by night; the Farici who live on raw flesh of panthers; the Monoculi who possess one leg apiece but who none-the-less could run very fast and who spend their days sitting benignly in the sun with their single foot held as a sunshade above them.

There was one nation whose heads grew beneath the shoulders, another with umbrella lips, one without tongues, one without noses, one without ears. The list goes on, so that the existence of racism, has long been created and they already had an audience for all this mumbo-jumbo.

These illusory creatures had been projections of misunderstood realities. Others found it difficult to dispute this phantamasgoria of what others were presumed to have seen. These monstrosities continued to be half remembered by the map makers, empire builders(Cecil Rhodes is one of the many), and empire destroyers of the sixteenth century. After all, they had been sighted by honest men who needed a good tale to tell and whose public needed it pre-conceptions confirmed by evidence. Exploration was a pursuit of information and each added unit of information filled in a troubling uncertainty about the nature of the world.

The effects of such reportage began laying seeds of misconceptions, stigma, racism and prejudice which is still prevalent in many renewed forms today. These early accounts seem to have created a split of the Indian in the English mind. On the other hand the native was imagined to be a savage, hostile, beast-like creature who inhabited the animal kingdom rather than the kingdom of men. Another account described them as men who 'spake such speech that no men could understand, and their demeanor like the brute beasts'. Ignorance of other cultures has not been readily admitted by those who have caused those cultures to decay and crumble, today.

In 1585 prospective adventurers to the New World, described the native of North America as naked, lascivious, individuals who cohabited like beasts without reasonableness'. Richard Kakluyt, the great propagandist for English colonization, described the Indians in 1585 as "simple and rude in manners, and destitute in of the knowledge of God or any good laws, yet of nature gentle and tractable, and most apt to receive the Christian religion, and to subject themselves so some good government'. This tarnishing of the image and the dehumanization of other races from the time of Columbus, Bartholomew Diaz and Vasco da Gama, has carried over into the present day social relations in a myriad ways, but to the same effect.

The Republic of South Africa Saga

In both South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, the overriding issue was the European struggle to maintain economic monopoly over land, minerals, jobs, social services and to repress African competition and nationalism. The white rural bourgeoisie and urban working class looked up to the settler political vigilance and state capitalism to protect their racialist economic privileges against real and imaginary African competition. On the other hand, settler farmers wanted the state to make laws that would eliminate any competition with Africans over land, mineral, agricultural produce and extension services, and were guaranteed cheap and slave labor. In January 1944 Dr. Malan described the nature of the republic as follows:"To ensure the safety of the white race and of Christian civilization by honest maintenance of the principles of apartheid and guardianship."

The apartheid policy was the work of a special commission which was appointed by the Nationalist Party in a pamphlet before the end of 1947 and it said: "The policy of our country should encourage total apartheid as the ultimate goal of a natural process of separate development. It is the primary task and calling of the State to seek the welfare of South Arica, and to promote the happiness and well-being of its citizens, non-White as well as White."

Realizing that such a task can best be accomplished by preserving and safeguarding the White race, the Nationalist party professes this as the fundamental guiding principle of its policy. The population of South Africa is one-fifth white and four-fifths African. The white minority controlled the political, military and economic structures. The black majority provided and still provide cheap labor within the white controlled areas.

This dichotomy was deliberately created and maintained. The first laws depriving Africans of legal rights to the land were passed in the nineteenth century. By 1940 there was a whole battery of laws restricting Africans rights to own land, to travel, to work in skilled jobs, to vote, to organize and so on. Then, when the Nationalist(Afrikaner) Party took over in 1948, they systematically reworked these laws into one comprehensive structure, known as apartheid(literally separateness). They created Native Reserves later to be known as Tribal land then Bantustans, which was the fulcrum and keystone of this Apartheid policy.

These were the same as the Indian Reservations in the United State. Whites took over eighty-seven percent of the land and allocated the 13 percent to these Reservations. To enforce these laws, the apartheid regime introduced Pass Laws (Identification Laws) that gave the white rulers a tight and rigid control of the Black population's movement. The restricted the African population from living in urban areas and passed various laws to that effect.

They forced the black population into migrant labor system. The workers families were to live in the Bantustans while the men worked in the mines and big cities around South Africa. They exerted tight political control and did not allow Blacks to vote in the national elections. Black opportunities were further hampered by an educational structure that ensured that 'natives' will be taught from childhood to realize that equality with Europeans was not for them'(As uttered by Verwoerd).

The curriculum was distorted, preventing and ensuring pupils will be prevented from gaining much knowledge of the world outside the Apartheid system. The apartheid regime prohibited mixed marriages by legislating and implementing and enforcing the Mixed Marriages act thoroughly. In a nutshell, this then was what constituted the apartheid system by the mid-1970s.

It is primarily a system of exploitation based on a division of society based on race. The heart of the apartheid system lay in influx control, passes, resettlements, migrant labor and laws, Terrorism Act, Mixed Marriage Act, separate living conditions and social services, media, books, TV, hospitals, etc. This was one of the most devastating underdevelopment of a whole race of people right through to contemporary times. In this case too, democracy was a farce and serious contradiction to the civilized notions of modernity and Advancement.

Review of American Slavery

What we are seeing so far in both cases in the United States, was a conscious effort and attempt to manipulate the world in order to make it conform to the Settlers, Colonialist world view and economic dependency. The Africans who were brought against their will across the Atlantic never fully adjusted to slavery or accepted it as something that was inevitable. Instead, they pursued liberty under the trying and seemingly impossible conditions, and their search continued throughout the entire period of their enslavement.

The real fight for liberty by these Africans started on the shores of Africa and in the slave-holding forts along the West African Coast. As many slaves were forced onto the slave ships, they picked up a handful of African dirt and forced it into their mouths in their determination to take some of their homeland with then as they went into forced exile. This spirit of revolt was natured throughout slavery and took many forms wherever slaves were found, whether in South America, in the Caribbean, the United States or Africa.

The African Slaves who arrived in Jamestown, Virginia, in 1619 were not chattel slaves, in the general sense; they were indentured servants. But, by the early 1930s America, Alexis de Tocqueville noticed that: "Some schools do not receive the children of the blacks and of the European. In the theaters gold cannot procure a seat for the servile race beside their former masters; in the hospitals they lie apart; and although they are allowed to invoke the same God as the whites.

"it must be at a different altar and in their own churches, with their own clergy. The gates of heaven are not closed against them, but their inferiority is continued to the very confines of the other word. When the Negro dies, his bones are cast aside, and the distinction of condition prevails even in the equality of death…"

While the black people in the North were proscribed politically, they also were hindered economically. Black benefitted little form the economic expansion of steamboats, railroads, factories and cities. With the growing need for labor, white workers demanded the exclusion of black workers. This is like being in SouthAfrica, so that the lesson from the paragraph above is that American Slavery and Apartheid were one and the same thing.

While blacks struggled for economic survival, they also suffered the attacks of violent anti-Negro mobs, generally composed of white workers. Black people in the North were victims of segregation, discrimination and violence. The oppressive structures of race relations was influenced by the images of the Negro long established in the minds of white Americans. The African slaves inherited their chains form the Indians and poor whites, both of whom were indentured servants in large numbers before the arrival of Africans. The same beatings, violent physical abuses are part of the Apartheid lore in South Africa, in even more graphic terms.

Outcomes of Human Rights Abuses

The history of building Democracies on the backs of Africans, Indians, Chinese and other colonized and oppressed people created whole generations in different lands of underdeveloped nations. That is why we have what is now called the 'Third World,' Second World and first world. But, developing people of different races apart and infusing hate in the process has not made contemporary democracies of the Third, Second or First world any way civilized and developed.

The process of under-developing other people has in itself not made development in these settler and colonialist nations any better. If one country is wealthier than others, an inquiry has to be made as to why there's such great disparity in wealth. Another component of modern development is that it expresses a particular relationship of exploitation of one country by another. Democracies built in this way are bound to fail over time and there is a whole history to back this assertion.

Apart Hate will be the downfall of modern day capitalism, and Racism, as it is the handmaiden of this sub-human treatment of other races, and it will be the final straw that will destroy the types of democracies we are now living in. This issue will be explored in much more deeper and in-depth look to see how this democratic apartness is playing itself out in the times we live in. Apartheid(Apart Hate), the underdevelopment of humanity, is the antithesis of Civilization.

Quick Review of Democracy

In his book, "The Sane Society," Erich Fromm has this to say about Democracy: "Just as work has become alienated, the expression of the will of the voter in modern democracy is an alienated expression. The principle of democracy is the idea that not a ruler or a small group, but the people as a whole, determine their own fate and make their decisions pertaining to matters of common concern.

"By electing his own representatives, who in a parliament decide on the laws of the land, each citizen is supposed to exercise the function of responsible participation in the affairs of the community. By the principle of the division of powers, and ingenious system was created that served to retain the integrity and independence of the judiciary system, and to balance the restrictive functions of the legislature and executive. Ideally, every citizen is equally responsible for and influential in making decisions. ...The problem of democracy today is not anymore the restriction of franchise but the manner in which the franchise is exercised.

"How can people express 'their' will if they do not have any will or conviction of their own, if they are alienated automatons, whose tastes, opinions and preferences are manipulated by the big conditioning machines? Under these circumstances, universal suffrage becomes a fetish. If a government can prove that everybody has a right to vote, and that the votes are counted honestly, it is democratic.

"If everybody votes, but the votes are not counted honestly, or if the voter is afraid of voting against the governing party, the country is undemocratic. It is true indeed that there is a considerable and important difference between free and manipulated elections, but noting this difference must not lead us to forget the fact that even free elections do not necessarily express "the will of the people.

"If a highly advertised brand of toothpaste is used by the majority of people because of some fantastic claims it makes in its propaganda, nobody with any sense would say that the people have 'made a decision' in favor of the toothpaste. All that could be claimed is that the propaganda was sufficiently effective to coax millions of people into believing its claims," [In another sense, this is happening to people because they have no other choice nor power to what is offered-my addition].

From adds: "Actually, the functioning of the political machinery in a democratic country is not essentially different fro the procedure on the commodity market. The political parties are not too different from big commercial enterprises, and the professional politicians try to sell their wares to the public. Their method is more and more like that of high-pressure advertising. ...All this goes to show that without the initiative that comes from immediate responsibility, ignorance will persist in the face of masses of information however complete or correct. ...The situation of control in a modern democracy is not too different from the control in a big corporation.

"They make the decision between two party machines competing for their votes. Once one of them is voted into office, the relationship to the voters becomes remote. The real decisions often do not lie any more with individual members of the parliament, representing the interests and wishes of their constituency, but with the party. ...For a while it is true that one must think before one acts, it is also true that if one has no chance to act, the thinking becomes impoverished; in other words, if one cannot act effectively — one cannot think productively. With the mess that the idea of democracy is around the world, no wonder so much chaos prevails, and human underdevelopment increases."

This is a common theme that runs the gamut through all the so-called democracies throughout the world. There is always an element of government intervention, use of force, coercion, corruption, brutality, and abuse of the citizens of these states, by their leaders, for self-aggrandizement. In these countries, China, the US, throughout Africa, the Philippines, Vietnam, Russia and everywhere else where there is this purported democracy, we find serious violations of human and civil rights to the populations.

Constitutions are changed; prostitution and sex trade the norm, violence and torture a way of life; poverty and corruption compounded by the use of cheap labor has become what contemporary governments clamor for. Poor education and substandard house seem to be what the established order of democracy want to see; chronic homelessness, constant struggle for work, water, expensive electricity, poor basic health and food seem to be now used as tools of control for these so-called democratic governments.

It would have seemed like democracy meant human progress and freedom, but now it looks like Democracy is the underdevelopment of people in an apartheid way in order to foster illegitimate rule and human rights violation.

Rounding Up The Arab Spring

According to Frank Vogl, The Arab Spring was a seminal event and it is important to fully understand this and remember that its impact will be a lasting one. It inspired public protests from New Delhi to New York and from Minsk to Moscow. Tens of thousands of Tunisians and Egyptians started it, risking their lives and overcoming their fears to denounce illegitimate governments.

Now, people in many are taking action on an unprecedented scale in what was emerging as a war on the abuse of power. They are standing up for their dignity and integrity. They were demonstrating or justice and for honest government. They were also confronting corrupt leaders and elites.

The hundreds of thousands of protesters in many countries know that the journey will be long and hard. Few of their aspirations were likely to be achieved in the short-term. Building new, accountable and strong institutions of justice, civil society and democracy would be difficult anywhere. As we saw vividly in parts of the Middle East today there were set-backs on the journey towards more open societies.

However, the voices of anger have risen in many countries and was still raising higher, confronting the vile conspiracies between crooked businessmen and crooked public officials. Moreover, the protests were not just directed at the masters of grand corruption at the zenith of power… they also expressed their frustration and anger of hundreds of millions of people who were the victims of extortion at the hand of thieves-and low-level police and other officials who should be serving the public, rather than serving themselves.

Trust among people to take heart, to overcome fears and to the streets was built via Twitter and Facebook and other social media. Many of the developments that now gave anti-corruption cause such vigor had been long in the making and did not suddenly arise as a result of the Arab Spring. But that singular event symbolized the coming of age of the anti-corruption cause and gave it vital momentum. Today, for example, thanks to myriad media channels and new technologies, what was long opaque in government and business is becoming transparent. In this new age, the public was becoming well-informed on the practices of the powerful.

The eyes of the world are now more focused on the deals that governments and business did together, on the ways in which public procurement contracts were determined and who benefitted on those actions by which people in power that have hitherto not been sufficiently subject to public scrutiny and oversight-have their activities laid bare in the viral stream. Everyday saw an increasing number of media reports on corruption in some part of the world. This week the New York Times carried a front page story on corruption in Italy; on Sunday, the BBC ran a major story on the corruption villains in China.

And it is not just the media that was increasing the focus on abuse of power. It was, for example, a powerful theme in the remarkable work of Chinese artist Ai Weiwei, whose massive one-man show opened at Washington D.C.'s Hirschorn Museum on October 7. The message that was coming through ever more loudly through every form of media was one that was simply proclaimed by brave, ordinary citizens in Tunisia and in Egypt as they launched the Arab Spring. It was the message that the public's tolerance for abusive governments was declining, and public demands for transparency and accountability in government were rising.

I do not for a moment underestimate the determination for the ruthless, corrupt leaders and their ability to mobilize all manner of illicit and fanatical forces to do their dirty work. But as more bad news hits the headlines from the Middle East, as it will surely continue to do so, we should not forget the seminal significance of the Arab Spring, nor underestimate the strength and resilience of those in this region and beyond who will continue to fight for justice.

After Arab Spring

Young Arabs under 30, who form 60 percent of the Arab world, communicate across the region with laptops, cellphones and their endless derivatives in a way never possible before. So it was no surprise when they got together to overthrow the oppressive governments that had denied them jobs, political freedom, democracy and dignity. Accomplished relatively peacefully in Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen. With Western military help in Libya. Other Arab governments - Saudi Arabia and the smaller Persian Gulf states — had been shaken as well.

Unfortunately, these developments have been regarded by some as evidence of declining US power and influence, given that the US governments had supported many of the overthrown regimes in the interest of regional stability. Yet, what has been happening in much of the Arab Middle East is totally in line with what the United States has been proclaiming since its founding — that all people were entitled to be free and to choose their own government.

Accordingly, should we not be leading the cheers rather than wringing our hands about the USs decline. After all, democracy is spreading throughout the world. Sixty percent of the world's approximately 195 nations now participate in the basics — free, fair, multiparty elections that actually decide who their leaders are to be. A substantial representation of democracies exists in every region except the Middle East. So now it is the Middle East's chance, after an encouraging revolutionary start, and now that is the tough part.

So far, early results are mixed. In Egypt, which considers itself the leader of the Arab world(yet it is in Africa) The Islamic Brotherhood election victory was tainted with failure of secular parties to unite in opposition. The new civilian government is trying to write a new Constitution with the military looking over its shoulders and protests coming from women and other groups complaining about human rights that are being denied, still.

The Outcome is uncertain. Tunisia is settling reasonably well. Yemen's future is still uncertain, with a new leader but with terrorist and economical problems remaining. Libya is still unsettled(after the killing of Ghadaffi) and it is still a violent place. In Syria, blood-letting is still escalating(and Syria wants to spread its internal war and fight Turkey), despite world opinion that the suppressive minority Assad regime must go.

Other issues make the Middle East ever more complex, and potentially more dangerous. The Israeli-Palestinian Peace negotiations, for example, have been pushed further to the sidelines(And the Palestinians have applied for statehood in the UN and the results are still pending); The Iranian nuclear development is a growing concern, eve though the Iranians say it is not developing a bomb but improving their nuclear capacity and ability for domestic use.

Well, Israel is not buying and is spoiling for war and destruction of the Iranian Nuclear program. In the final analysis, every society's rigged and discriminated Underdevelopment is coming under challenge. Even here in the United States, where democracy and voting purges are taking place against the minority and colored folks, has begun to have question raised about the American Democracy, in the Age of Obama, who is being persecuted for being part Africa and the American White polity would like to see him removed from office and not getting the second term as President of the USA.

This is why we see a lot of shenanigans taking place about 'voter suppression' which means, African American voter suppression along with the rising minorities, Hispanics and other poor people of color, so as to disable Obama from winning. This is another issue which will be discussed in time on this Hub-American Democracy or American Shame-ocracy.

The relevance of President Obama's 2012 Inaugural speech to the Hub above, bear posting in its entirety because it really goes to the heart of the Discrimination in the United States and the world. What I am saying is that he pointed out more to peace, cooperation, bi-partisanship in developing the American credo and becoming an example to the world, today.

Obviously, Obama's reiterating and re-stating the pledge to "We The People which he repeated more oft than not, that the 'people' are at the center of his next coming four years with all the promises, he restated, that when made during his run for the second term in 2012, was criticized before he made the speech, and after he made it'.

It really does not matter at this stage in his Presidency that he says he wants done, or will do, his detractors will continuously attack him, as stated above, long before he said what he was going to do(known as 'obstruction'), even after he said it, or try to act on it.

The Speech Tat Deconstructs Rigged Discriminated Underdevelopment

Obama talked about making American enemies their allies. He is going to be attacked for talking about resolving our differences with other nations peacefully. The Hawks and the doves in the deep pockets of Big businesses of all sorts other interests, that feel threatened by "Peace" Obama referred to in terms of other nations around the world.

This means, according to these "Obama Haters", he is bad for business, because, according to Gil scot=Heron, "There is no profit to made from Peace".. so that, Obama is threatening the very base of Capitalist Military Industrial Complex, which is supported by its sales of Arms, uniforms and weapons of Mass destruction to these poor countries, with well-equipped militaries, by the American Military Industrial Complex.

Also, the gun Manufacturers are mad at him for passing laws that need people buying guns to be in the data base and have licensing done in a legally way, as threatening their business and right to own guns(threatening the Second Amendment of the American Constitution that, "protect and gives the right to citizen to lawfully own and purchase guns."

They are also at odds with him for trying to ban the military-style machine guns, of which a huge chunk of the American people want banned from all sales outlets. The vituperative reaction of those who are still racist in America,especially the so called "Tea Baggers", today, on the Inaugural speech of the second term of Obama's Presidency, because the minorities(who are now the Majority) were non-plussed and very happy, but for the "Haters", it was a solemn and sad day-for they are having trouble with embracing the "New America" represented by the first African President-is more than they can take or bear.

This is what Obama had to say in his Inaugural Speech, January 21, 2012:

"Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:

"Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional — what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”

"Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed.

"For more than two hundred years, we have.

"Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.

"Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers.

"Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.

"Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.

"Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, are constants in our character.

"But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges; that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.

"This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it — so long as we seize it together.

"For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.

"We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. But while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will give real meaning to our creed.

"We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn.

We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other — through Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security – these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.

"We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms.

The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition; we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries — we must claim its promise. That is how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure — our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.

"We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.

"We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully — not because we are naïve about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear. America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe; and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation.

We will support democracy from Asia to Africa; from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice — not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity; human dignity and justice.

"We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths — that all of us are created equal — is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.

"It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers, and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law — for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well.

Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity; until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm.

"That is our generation’s task — to make these words, these rights, these values — of Life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness – real for every American. Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life; it does not mean we will all define liberty in exactly the same way, or follow the same precise path to happiness. Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time — but it does require us to act in our time.

"For now decisions are upon us, and we cannot afford delay. We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate. We must act, knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that today’s victories will be only partial, and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years, and forty years, and four hundred years hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.

"My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction — and we must faithfully execute that pledge during the duration of our service. But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for duty, or an immigrant realizes her dream. My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride.

"They are the words of citizens, and they represent our greatest hope.

"You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course.

"You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time — not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift in defense of our most ancient values and enduring ideals.

"Let each of us now embrace, with solemn duty and awesome joy, what is our lasting birthright. With common effort and common purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history, and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.

"Thank you, God Bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America." President Barack Obama)

The most important thing to note about the audience to who this speech was delivered "Live," was how attentive and quite they were and even to listen because the speech above is not one which one hears on Presidential Inaugural presentation. This is very significant because the audience was more polite and did not make this into a hand-clapping event, but more of grasping and hanging to every word of this unusual Presidential Inaugural speech.

It is also important to duly note that Obama was also talking to the International world(Nations) and he provided hope for peace and cooperation for all those who might not have understood nor grasped the role of Americans in the World today. Obama also said that, "We must be a source of hope for[and to] the poor and help restore their dignity." Nuff said, BO...

Attack on unarmed civilians in a Kenyan Mall

Gunmen stormed a crowded shopping mall frequented by Westerners in brazen midday attack

Gunmen stormed a crowded shopping mall frequented by Westerners in brazen midday attack

War against the Unarmed Citizens of Kenya and the Western World

Satpal Singh, a Kenyan man of Indian descent, was enjoying a cup of coffee with friends at the Java Coffee House on the mall’s upper floor when the terror began.

Somalia’s Al Shabaab movement, aligned with Al Qaeda, has claimed responsibility for the ongoing attack at the Westgate Mall in Nairobi that has already killed at least 62 people..

“I heard explosions and then shooting,” Singh said.

Knowing that the mall was full of families and children, Singh said he began looking for ways to get people out. He rushed downstairs toward the shooting. On one floor he found a police officer with an assault rifle hiding behind a pillar.

“To our dismay, the uniformed officers did not assist us,” he said. “Civilians risked their lives to help people, but one officer we found was just crouching behind a pillar holding his gun.”

“He had a weapon and would not use it,” he said.

On the ground floor, Singh saw two dead bodies. When one of the militants — authorities believe there are 10 to 15 of them inside the mall — fired in his direction, Singh ran back upstairs and tried to get people safely onto the mall’s roof using the fire escape at the cinema.

Once on the roof, Singh peered over the edge of the building, but was shot at again — this time by a Kenyan police officer who, Singh assumes, mistook him for a terrorist.

Singh and other shoppers caught in the chaos found yet another safe fire exit and began helping people down the stairs to the basement, and out through a service exit.

“We carried [injured] people on our shoulders,” he said. “We were let down by the police.”

Kenyan authorities said Monday that 1,000 people escaped the mall after the attackers first opened fire, but the operation to end the siege was not yet over. Three fighters were killed since Saturday, officials said, but the remaining militants reportedly hold an unknown number of hostages inside the mall.

Kenyan Interior Minister Joseph Ole Lenku said that “almost all the hostages have been evacuated,” but declined to give a specific number.

Lenku said that the Kenyan army was “in full control of the situation,” even as sporadic gunfire rang out during the course of the afternoon Monday.

“Terrorists could be running and hiding in some of the stores,” he said.

Architect Naeem Bivji, 34, was sitting on the roadside terrace at the Art Caffe restaurant with his wife and 7-month-old baby when the assault began around lunchtime Saturday.

“The attack started with a huge bang,” he said. “We could feel the blast wave and dived to the ground. A man a couple of tables away, a big guy, a bit older and a little slow to move was shot in the chest right in front of us.”

Hiding beneath the restaurant tables, the terrified customers tried to make sense of what was happening around them, Bivji said.

“People were saying it might be a drive-by or a robbery but we thought it was something more,” he said. “We waited on the ground for a few seconds then, as the shooting got louder inside the building, we crawled into the corner where there was a little stairwell and a fire escape.”

For the next 40 minutes, Bivji and his wife and young child huddled together, waiting for a chance to dash for safety.

Then, during a lull in the shooting, Bivji and his wife, clutching their infant daughter, clambered off the terrace and escaped.

Bivji said his brother was trapped in a bank on an upper floor of the mall for six hours. Customers had locked the bank’s doors, then separated the men from the women and the children. The men stayed out front, while the others hid behind the bulletproof glass of the teller counters.

Another man, a former Irish soldier, said he narrowly escaped death after militants shot at him while he was driving his car down the mall’s exit ramp.

“I heard gunshots and got out of my car and ducked down,” said the man, who did not want to be named. “When I looked up, I saw a Somali guy with a gun who shot in my direction.”

He left his keys in the car and ran back up the ramp to the car park. Families who had been hosting a children’s cooking competition were gathered in a far corner of the garage, hiding.

Finding nowhere to hide and the fire escape door barricaded, he climbed onto the top of the small building housing the fire escape and lay down.

Then the shooting began again, individual shots.

“They were executing people,” he said. “One shot at a time.”

Other survivors described how the militants separated the civilians: Muslims from non-Muslims. They then executed the non-Muslims.

For the next four hours the man kept his face pressed to the concrete as he counted at least 60 individual shots. Later, a plainclothes man assisting security forces found and rescued him."

War Against Unarmed Citizens Of Poor Countries

The new war today as has been carried out by the Muslim radical elements has been targeting places and areas where Western tourists shopped or slept. This 'soft' target, has presented the Muslim fighters against Western domination and interests, and they state it, and have been steadily attacking unarmed citizen to much devastating effect.

They also attack those countries, in Africa, as the record has shown, that have ties and business links with these Western interests which are the enemies of these radical, murderous elements of the Muslim crew. Al Qaeda has been depicted and presented as the main force behind these movements, and has been providing a lot of assistance to them. Since the now infamous Bin Laden attack on the Twin tours, and even before that, and this is a repeat on Kenya, by Al Qaeda and its cadres.

As an African myself, I really take exception to this brutal and devastating attack. Kenya's Tourism has fallen to zero since this attack, and that is the intention of these so-called fighters. I do not understand no accept their raison de etre for doing such a dastardly act, that I think if they really want to attack the enemy, they should not do so on the soil of Africans, but go to the countries of those they call their enemies and create this havoc there.

This is s simple observation on my part. I do not think unarmed citizens are the to be the target, because, if history has taught us anything, Hitler attacked Britain and bombed it mercilessly. But what he did was to tighten the resolve of the unarmed citizens, and he eventually lost the war. Just like the crew of Al Qaeda is doing, attacking unarmed civilians in poor countries in Africa, this is wrong and I will never support nor extol this act as been virtuaous. It is cowardly and what it is doing is attacking the weaker friends of their enemies and claim victory. I hope someday the fragile African Union will come up with a solution to this threat and evil.

U.S.:Incarceration Nation

Mass Black incarceration is a kind of “punitive backlash” against the gains of the Sixties, and only a "a major social movement" can challenge it. Nowhere on the planet is mass imprisonment more entrenched than in the United States. "The U.S. impriso

Mass Black incarceration is a kind of “punitive backlash” against the gains of the Sixties, and only a "a major social movement" can challenge it. Nowhere on the planet is mass imprisonment more entrenched than in the United States. "The U.S. impriso

Racism: Apartheid in the United States

“HAVE WE not created a new, more modern form of apartheid?” ask criminal justice professors Randall Sheldon and William Brown. They were referring to the startling rates of Black incarceration, but even the staidNew York Times couldn’t avoid a similar conclusion when assessing the recent Supreme Court decision effectively reversing the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling in their June 29 editorial, “Resegregation now.” As the Times put it, “It was a sad day for the court and for the ideal of racial equality.” True, but from the looks of a recent Sentencing Project report and several high-profile criminal justice cases, institutional segregation is on the rise and creating a new Jim Crow reality in the United States.

Nine hundred thousand of the nation’s 2.2 million incarcerated individuals are Black, according to “Uneven justice: State rates of incarceration by race and ethnicity,” the July 2007 Sentencing Project report. If current trends continue, one in three Black males born today will wind up behind bars at some point in their lives. Among the more surprising statistics the report reveals is that racial disparities in sentencing are most egregious in Northeastern and Midwestern states, not in the South. While the national Black-to-white ratio of incarceration is 5.6-to-1; in seven states: Wisconsin, Iowa, Vermont, New Jersey, Connecticut, and North and South Dakotas, the ratio exceeds 10-to-1. Iowa leads the pack, with an incarceration rate that is nearly 14-to-1—this, in a state with a Black population that amounts to just 2.3 percent of the total. In fact, some of the lowest Black-to-white incarceration ratios in the nation, 4-to-1, are in states of the old Confederacy—Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansas. Not surprisingly, these states with some of the highest Black and white poverty rates also have some of the highest rates of white incarceration.

As Sheldon and Brown conclude in their four-part series, “The new American apartheid” in the online magazine, Black Commentator:

With constant corporate downsizing and deindustrialization during the past couple of decades came the elimination of millions of jobs that previously helped minorities to get out of poverty. Specific social control apparatuses have been deemed necessary to control human frustrations in the aftermath of diminished opportunities. The criminal justice system has been selected as the primary apparatus to apply social control mechanisms on the unskilled, the uneducated, the powerless, and ethnic minorities.

State legislatures and the federal government have disqualified felons (mostly convicted of nonviolent drug crimes) from voting as a further means of marginalizing and stigmatizing the incarcerated. Thirteen percent of Black men are disenfranchised nationally, while in Florida and Alabama a shocking 30 percent or more of Black men have had their right to vote taken away as a result of felony convictions.

The Texas “law of parties,” which allows for the death penalty even when someone does not directly participate in a killing, is another piece of draconian legislation that can be used disproportionately against Blacks. Texas, the only state with this law, has expanded the pool of people eligible for the death penalty through the law of parties in a state where only 12 percent of the population is Black, yet Blacks make up 41 percent of the people on death row. Kenneth Foster Jr., a thirty-year-old Black man, is scheduled to be executed in Texas on August 30, despite the fact that even his prosecutors admit he is innocent of killing anyone. Foster is likely to be put to death for simply having been in the same car as someone he barely knew who, by most accounts, left the vehicle and murdered someone without Foster’s knowledge or participation. Foster is unlikely to receive a last-minute commutation, despite determined efforts by activists and his family, since Texas governor Rick Perry has already exposed his bloodlust by exceeding former Governor George Bush’s execution toll with a record 159 executions—more than any other governor in history.

The “war on drugs” that was initiated under the Reagan administration of the 1980s reversed a previous trend in which white youths had a higher arrest record for drug crimes than Blacks. According to Sheldon and Brown, between 1972 and 1995, there was a more than 400 percent increase in the drug arrest rate for Black youths, who are also more likely to be charged with a felony, instead of a misdemeanor. And while statistics bear out that there is no correlation between drug use and race, it appears that the arrest and incarceration rate of Blacks is largely a result of the fact that authorities find the drugs in poor and minority neighborhoods precisely because that’s where they go hunting for them “rather than, say, on college campuses,” as Sheldon and Brown note.
Ironically, Barack Obama, a Black candidate with a credible chance of winning the Democratic Party nomination for president in 2008, refused to promise the repeal of the racist crack versus powder cocaine sentencing provisions that were condemned more than twenty years ago by the U.S. Sentencing Commission. As it stands now, it takes possession of 100 times more powder cocaine (a largely white drug) to equal the prison sentence for possession of crack cocaine (a largely Black drug). In answer to a question by the Trotter Group of African-American newspaper columnists about the legislation, Obama replied that if he were president he would “support a commission to issue a report ‘that allows me to say that based on the expert evidence, this is not working and it’s unfair and unjust.’” As if what’s needed is more evidence of racial injustice instead of action to confront it.
The institutional racism that pervades American society, however, is not going unrecognized or unchallenged. After years of activists organizing to expose the injustice and racial disparities of the death penalty, the total number of executions in the U.S. dropped again in 2006 to fifty-three, a decline of almost 50 percent in the past seven years since the high point of the 1990s surge in executions. In New Jersey, an independent commission supported abolishing the death penalty because of “increasing evidence that the death penalty is inconsistent with evolving standards of decency,” according to the commission report. Marlene Martin, national director of the Campaign to End the Death Penalty, argues that “The number of abolition and moratorium bills being put forward right now is I’m sure the most ever since reinstatement.”

And there is the case of the Jena Six (see interview in this issue), in which white high school students last year went unpunished for hanging nooses from a tree, beating up a Black student, and brandishing a gun at two others; while six Black students now face decades in prison for a school fight that ended in scratches and bruises. Yet, in spite of the minimal corporate media coverage this case has received so far, more than 60,000 people have petitioned Governor Kathleen Blanco to dismiss the charges, and 300 antiracists marched through this Louisiana town of 2,500 in July. It’s a testament to the divide between official apartheid policy and the consciousness of many ordinary Americans that tens of thousands have come forward to organize against this kind of Jim Crow justice.

Shamocracy - Not!

This should be the Cry of all the Oppressed people, Today-gloabally

This should be the Cry of all the Oppressed people, Today-gloabally

Democracy's Inner Working Core

Sometime the word, Democracy is bandied around as if it means one thing, say, voting/or elections. Yet, this is part of the many activities that performed by societies which are made of numerous other organizations, associations, and so forth, and in this seemingly chaotic situation, that is what we have to work with in order to have a fully functional, if ever there was one, a democratical societies.

Anyway, I have added the piece below to give the reader the historical genesis, depth and breadth of the role democratic society in a very much differentiated society(ies). Edward Bernays Titled the Article below::

Organizing Chaos

"The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country.
We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of. This is a logical result of the way in which our democratic society is organized. Vast numbers of human beings must cooperate in this manner if they are to live together as a smoothly functioning society.
Our invisible governors are, in many cases, unaware of the identity of their fellow members in the inner cabinet.
They govern us by their qualities of natural leadership, their ability to supply needed ideas and by their key position in the social structure. Whatever attitude one chooses to take toward this condition, it remains a fact that in almost every act of our daily lives, whether in the sphere of politics or business, in our social conduct or our ethical thinking, we are dominated by the relatively small number of persons—a trifling fraction of our hundred and twenty million—who understand the mental processes and social patterns of the masses. It is they who pull the wires which control the public mind, who harness old social forces and contrive new ways to bind and guide the world.
It is not usually realized how necessary these invisible governors are to the orderly functioning of our group life. In theory, every citizen may vote for whom he pleases. Our Constitution does not envisage political parties as part of the mechanism of government, and its framers seem not to have pictured to themselves the existence in our national politics of anything like the modern political machine. But the American voters soon found that without organization and direction their individual votes, cast, perhaps, for dozens or hundreds of candidates, would produce nothing but confusion. Invisible government, in the shape of rudimentary political parties, arose almost overnight. Ever since then we have agreed, for the sake of simplicity and practicality, that party machines should narrow down the field of choice to two candidates, or at most three or four.
In theory, every citizen makes up his mind on public questions and matters of private conduct. In practice, if all men had to study for themselves the abstruse economic, political, and ethical data involved in every question, they would find it impossible to come to a conclusion about anything. We have voluntarily agreed to let an invisible government sift the data and high-spot the outstanding issues so that our field of choice shall be narrowed to practical proportions. From our leaders and the media they use to reach the public, we accept the evidence and the demarcation of issues bearing upon public questions; from some ethical teacher, be it a minister, a favorite essayist, or merely prevailing opinion, we accept a standardized code of social conduct to which we conform most of the time.
In theory, everybody buys the best and cheapest commodities offered him on the market. In practice, if every one went around pricing, and chemically testing before purchasing, the dozens of soaps or fabrics or brands of bread which are for sale, economic life would become hopelessly jammed. To avoid such confusion, society consents to have its choice narrowed to ideas and objects brought to its attention through propaganda of all kinds. There is consequently a vast and continuous effort going on to capture our minds in the interest of some policy or commodity or idea.
It might be better to have, instead of propaganda and special pleading, committees of wise men who would choose our rulers, dictate our conduct, private and public, and decide upon the best types of clothes for us to wear and the best kinds of food for us to eat. But we have chosen the opposite method, that of open competition. We must find a way to make free competition function with reasonable smoothness. To achieve this society has consented to permit free competition to be organized by leadership and propaganda.
Some of the phenomena of this process are criticized—the manipulation of news, the inflation of personality, and the general ballyhoo by which politicians and commercial products and social ideas are brought to the consciousness of the masses. The instruments by which public opinion is organized and focused may be misused. But such organization and focusing are necessary to orderly life.
As civilization has become more complex, and as the need for invisible government has been increas ingly demonstrated, the technical means have been invented and developed by which opinion may be regimented.
With the printing press and the newspaper, the railroad, the telephone, telegraph, radio and airplanes, ideas can be spread rapidly and even instantaneously over the whole of America.
H. G. Wells senses the vast potentialities of these inventions when he writes in the New York Times:

"Modern means of communication—the power afforded by print, telephone, wireless and so forth, of rapidly putting through directive strategic or technical conceptions to a great number of cooperating centers, of getting quick replies and effective discussion—have opened up a new world of political processes. Ideas and phrases can now be given an effectiveness greater than the effectiveness of any personality and stronger than any sectional interest. The common design can be documented and sustained against perversion and betrayal. It can be elaborated and developed steadily and widely without personal, local and sectional misunderstanding."

What Mr. Wells says of political processes is equally true of commercial and social processes and all manifestations of mass activity. The groupings and affiliations of society to-day are no longer subject to "local and sectional" limitations. When the Constitution was adopted, the unit of organization was the village community, which produced the greater part of its own necessary commodities and generated its group ideas and opinions by personal contact and discussion directly among its citizens. But to-day, because ideas can be instantaneously transmitted to any distance and to any number of people, this geographical integration has been supplemented by many other kinds of grouping, so that persons having the same ideas and interests may be associated and regimented for common action even though they live thousands of miles apart.
It is extremely difficult to realize how many and diverse are these cleavages in our society. They may be social, political, economic, racial, religious or ethical, with hundreds of subdivisions of each. In the World Almanac, for example, the following groups are listed under the A's:
The League to Abolish Capital Punishment; Association to Abolish War; American Institute of Accountants; Actors' Equity Association; Actuarial Association of America; International Advertising Association; National Aeronautic Association; Albany Institute of History and Art; Amen Corner; American Academy in Rome; American Antiquarian Society; League for American Citizenship; American Federation of Labor; Amorc (Rosicrucian Order); Andiron Club; American-Irish Historical Association; Anti-Cigarette League; Anti-Profanity League; Archeological Association of America; National Archery Association; Arion Singing Society; American Astronomical Association; Ayrshire Breeders' Association; Aztec Club of 1847. There are many more under the "A" section of this very limited list.
The American Newspaper Annual and Directory for 1928 lists 22,128 periodical publications in America. I have selected at random the N's published in Chicago. They are:
Narod (Bohemian daily newspaper); Narod-Polski (Polish monthly); N.A.R.D. (pharmaceutical); National Corporation Reporter; National Culinary Progress (for hotel chefs); National Dog Journal; National Drug Clerk; National Engineer; National Grocer; National Hotel Reporter; National Income Tax Magazine; National Jeweler; National Journal of Chiropractic; National Livestock Producer; National Miller; National Nut News; National Poultry, Butter and Egg Bulletin; National Provisioner (for meat packers); National Real Estate Journal; National Retail Clothier; National Retail Lumber Dealer; National Safety News; National Spiritualist; National Underwriter; The Nation's Health; Naujienos (Lithuanian daily newspaper); Newcomer (Republican weekly for Italians); Daily News; The New World (Catholic weekly); North American Banker; North American Veterinarian.
The circulation of some of these publications is astonishing. The National Live Stock Producer has a sworn circulation of 155,978; The National Engineer, of 20,328; The New World, an estimated circulation of 67,000. The greater number of the periodicals listed—chosen at random from among 22,128—have a circulation in excess of 10,000.
The diversity of these publications is evident at a glance. Yet they can only faintly suggest the multitude of cleavages which exist in our society, and along which flow information and opinion carrying authority to the individual groups.
Here are the conventions scheduled for Cleveland, Ohio, recorded in a single recent issue of "World Convention Dates"—a fraction of the 5,500 conventions and rallies scheduled.
The Employing Photo-Engravers' Association of America; The Outdoor Writers' Association; the Knights of St. John; the Walther League; The National Knitted Outerwear Association; The Knights of St. Joseph; The Royal Order of Sphinx; The Mortgage Bankers' Association; The International Association of Public Employment Officials; The Kiwanis Clubs of Ohio; The American Photo-Engravers' Association; The Cleveland Auto Manufacturers Show; The American Society of Heating and Ventilating Engineers.
Other conventions to be held in 1928 were those of:
The Association of Limb Manufacturers' Associations; The National Circus Fans' Association of America; The American Naturopathic Association; The American Trap Shooting Association; The Texas Folklore Association; The Hotel Greeters; The Fox Breeders' Association; The Insecticide and Disinfectant Association; The National Association of Egg Case and Egg Case Filler Manufacturers; The American Bottlers of Carbonated Beverages; and The National Pickle Packers' Association, not to mention the Terrapin Derby—most of them with banquets and orations attached.
If all these thousands of formal organizations and institutions could be listed (and no complete list has ever been made), they would still represent but a part of those existing less formally but leading vigorous lives. Ideas are sifted and opinions stereotyped in the neighborhood bridge club. Leaders assert their authority through community drives and amateur theatricals. Thousands of women may unconsciously belong to a sorority which follows the fashions set by a single society leader.
"Life" satirically expresses this idea in the reply which it represents an American as giving to the Britisher who praises this country for having no upper and lower classes or castes:
"Yeah, all we have is the Four Hundred, the White-Collar Men, Bootleggers, Wall Street Barons, Criminals, the D.A.R., the K.K.K., the Colonial Dames, the Masons, Kiwanis and Rotarians, the K. of C, the Elks, the Censors, the Cognoscenti, the Morons, Heroes like Lindy, the W.C.T.U., Politicians, Menckenites, the Booboisie, Immigrants, Broadcasters, and—the Rich and Poor."
Yet it must be remembered that these thousands of groups interlace. John Jones, besides being a Rotarian, is member of a church, of a fraternal order, of a political party, of a charitable organization, of a professional association, of a local chamber of commerce, of a league for or against prohibition or of a society for or against lowering the tariff, and of a golf club. The opinions which he receives as a Rotarian, he will tend to disseminate in the other groups in which he may have influence.
This invisible, intertwining structure of groupings and associations is the mechanism by which democracy has organized its group mind and simplified its mass thinking. To deplore the existence of such a mechanism is to ask for a society such as never was and never will be. To admit that it easts, but expect that it shall not be used, is unreasonable.
Emil Ludwig represents Napoleon as "ever on the watch for indications of public opinion; always listening to the voice of the people, a voice which defies calculation. 'Do you know,' he said in those days, 'what amazes me more than all else? The impotence of force to organize anything.'"

This is a very important point because Bernays gives us a glimpse into the world of those who control and sway the way people think about various things including democracy. What I am saying is that Bernays talks about the mechanism which controls the public minds, and how it is manipulated by professional Public Relations pros who seek to create public acceptance for a particular idea or commodity(we say it's either an advert or commercial). This also give us a glimpse as to how democracy is tossed and turned, twisted and spun to get some desired effects/affects or results. We learn this much from Bernays who informs us thusly:

"IN the days when kings were kings, Louis XIV made his modest remark, "L'Etat c'est moi." He was nearly right.
But times have changed. The steam engine, the multiple press, and the public school, that trio of the industrial revolution, have taken the power away from kings and given it to the people. The people actually gained power which the king lost For economic power tends to draw after it political power; and the history of the industrial revolution shows how that power passed from the king and the aristocracy to the bourgeoisie. Universal suffrage and universal schooling reinforced this tendency, and at last even the bourgeoisie stood in fear of the common people. For the masses promised to become king.
To-day, however, a reaction has set in. The minority has discovered a powerful help in influencing majorities. It has been found possible so to mold the mind of the masses that they will throw their newly gained strength in the desired direction. In the present structure of society, this practice is inevitable. Whatever of social importance is done to-day, whether in politics, finance, manufacture, agriculture, charity, education, or other fields, must be done with the help of propaganda. Propaganda is the executive arm of the invisible government
Universal literacy was supposed to educate the common man to control his environment. Once he could read and write he would have a mind fit to rule. So ran the democratic doctrine. But instead of a mind, universal literacy has given him rubber stamps, rubber stamps inked with advertising slogans, with editorials, with published scientific data, with the trivialities of the tabloids and the platitudes of history, but quite innocent of original thought. Each man's rubber stamps are the duplicates of millions of others, so that when those millions are exposed to the same stimuli, all receive identical imprints. It may seem an exaggeration to say that the American public gets most of its ideas in this wholesale fashion. The mechanism by which ideas are disseminated on a large scale is propaganda, in the broad sense of an organized effort to spread a particular belief or doctrine.
I am aware that the word "propaganda" carries to many minds an unpleasant connotation. Yet whether, in any instance, propaganda is good or bad depends upon the merit of the cause urged, and the correctness of the information published.
In itself, the word "propaganda" has certain technical meanings which, like most things in this world, are "neither good nor bad but custom makes them so." I find the word defined in Funk and Wagnalls' Dictionary in four ways:

  1. "A society of cardinals, the overseers of foreign missions; also the College of the Propaganda at Rome founded by Pope Urban VIII in 1627 for the education of missionary priests; Sacred College de Propaganda Fide.
  2. "Hence, any institution or scheme for propagating a doctrine or system.
  3. "Effort directed systematically toward the gaining of public support for an opinion or a course of action.
  4. "The principles advanced by a propaganda."

The Scientific American, in a recent issue, pleads for the restoration to respectable usage of that "fine old word 'propaganda.'"
"There is no word in the English language," it says, "whose meaning has been so sadly distorted as the word 'propaganda.' The change took place mainly during the late war when the term took on a decidedly sinister complexion.
"If you turn to the Standard Dictionary, you will find that the word was applied to a congregation or society of cardinals for the care and oversight of foreign missions which was instituted at Rome in the year 1627. It was applied also to the College of the Propaganda at Rome that was founded by Pope Urban VIII, for the education of the missionary priests. Hence, in later years the word came to be applied to any institution or scheme for propagating a doctrine or system.
"Judged by this definition, we can see that in its true sense propaganda is a perfectly legitimate form of human activity. Any society, whether it be social, religious or political, which is possessed of certain beliefs, and sets out to make them known, either by the spoken or written words, is practicing propaganda.
"Truth is mighty and must prevail, and if any body of men believe that they have discovered a valuable truth, it is not merely their privilege but their duty to disseminate that truth. If they realize, as they quickly must, that this spreading of the truth can be done upon a large scale and effectively only by organized effort, they will make use of the press and the platform as the best means to give it wide circulation. Propaganda becomes vicious and reprehensive only when its authors consciously and deliberately disseminate what they know to be lies, or when they aim at effects which they know to be prejudicial to the common good.
" 'Propaganda' in its proper meaning is a perfectly wholesome word, of honest parentage, and with an honorable history. The fact that it should to-day be carrying a sinister meaning merely shows how much of the child remains in the average adult. A group of citizens writes and talks in favor of a certain course of action in some debatable question, believing that it is promoting the best interest of the community. Propaganda? Not a bit of it. Just a plain forceful statement of truth. But let another group of citizens express opposing views, and they are promptly labeled with the sinister name of propaganda. . . .
" 'What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander,' says a wise old proverb. Let us make haste to put this fine old word back where it belongs, and restore its dignified significance for the use of our children and our children's children."
The extent to which propaganda shapes the progress of affairs about us may surprise even well informed persons. Nevertheless, it is only necessary to look under the surface of the newspaper for a hint as to propaganda's authority over public opinion. Page one of the New York Times on the day these paragraphs are written contains eight important news stories. Four of them, or one-half, are propaganda. The casual reader accepts them as accounts of spontaneous happenings. But are they? Here are the headlines which announce them: "TWELVE NATIONS WARN CHINA REAL REFORM MUST COME BEFORE THEY GIVE RELIEF," "PRITCHETT REPORTS ZIONISM WILL FAIL," "REALTY MEN DEMAND A TRANSIT INQUIRY," and "OUR LIVING STANDARD HIGHEST IN HISTORY, SAYS HOOVER REPORT."

How Information is Propaganized

Bernays adds:

"Take them in order: the article on China explains the joint report of the Commission on Extraterritoriality in China, presenting an exposition of the Powers' stand in the Chinese muddle. What it says is less important than what it is. It was "made public by the State Department to-day" with the purpose of presenting to the American public a picture of the State Department's position. Its source gives it authority, and the American public tends to accept and support the State Department view.
The report of Dr. Pritchett, a trustee of the Carnegie Foundation for International Peace, is an attempt to find the facts about this Jewish colony in the midst of a restless Arab world. When Dr. Pritchett's survey convinced him that in the long run Zionism would "bring more bitterness and more unhappiness both for the Jew and for the Arab," this point of view was broadcast with all the authority of the Carnegie Foundation, so that the public would hear and believe. The statement by the president of the Real Estate Board of New York, and Secretary Hoover's report, are similar attempts to influence the public toward an opinion.
These examples are not given to create the impression that there is anything sinister about propaganda. They are set down rather to illustrate how conscious direction is given to events, and how the men behind these events influence public opinion. As such they are examples of modern propaganda. At this point we may attempt to define propaganda.
Modern propaganda is a consistent, enduring effort to create or shape events to influence the relations of the public to an enterprise, idea or group.
This practice of creating circumstances and of creating pictures in the minds of millions of persons is very common. Virtually no important undertaking is now carried on without it, whether that enterprise be building a cathedral, endowing a university, marketing a moving picture, floating a large bond issue, or electing a president. Sometimes the effect on the public is created by a professional propagandist, sometimes by an amateur deputed for the job. The important thing is that it is universal and continuous; and in its sum total it is regimenting the public mind every bit as much as an army regiments the bodies of its soldiers.
So vast are the numbers of minds which can be regimented, and so tenacious are they when regimented, that a group at times offers an irresistible pressure before which legislators, editors, and teachers are helpless. The group will cling to its stereotype, as Walter Lippmann calls it, making of those supposedly powerful beings, the leaders of public opinion, mere bits of driftwood in the surf. When an Imperial Wizard, sensing what is perhaps hunger for an ideal, offers a picture of a nation all Nordic and nationalistic, the common man of the older American stock, feeling himself elbowed out of his rightful position and prosperity by the newer immigrant stocks, grasps the picture which fits in so neatly with his prejudices, and makes it his own. He buys the sheet and pillow-case costume, and bands with his fellows by the thousand into a huge group powerful enough to swing state elections and to throw a ponderous monkey wrench into a national convention.
In our present social organization approval of the public is essential to any large undertaking. Hence a laudable movement may be lost unless it impresses itself on the public mind. Charity, as well as business, and politics and literature, for that matter, have had to adopt propaganda, for the public must be regimented into giving money just as it must be regimented into tuberculosis prophylaxis. The Near East Relief, the Association for the Improvement of the Condition of the Poor of New York, and all the rest, have to work on public opinion just as though they had tubes of toothpaste to sell. We are proud of our diminishing infant death rate—and that too is the work of propaganda.
Propaganda does exist on all sides of us, and it does change our mental pictures of the world. Even if this be unduly pessimistic—and that remains to be proved—the opinion reflects a tendency that is undoubtedly real. In fact, its use is growing as its efficiency in gaining public support is recognized. This then, evidently indicates the fact that any one with sufficient influence can lead sections of the public at least for a time and for a given purpose. Formerly the rulers were the leaders. They laid out the course of history, by the simple process of doing what they wanted. And if nowadays the successors of the rulers, those whose position or ability gives them power, can no longer do what they want without the approval of the masses, they find in propaganda a tool which is increasingly powerful in gaining that approval. Therefore, propaganda is here to stay.
It was, of course, the astounding success of propaganda during the war that opened the eyes of the intelligent few in all departments of life to the possibilities of regimenting the public mind. The American government and numerous patriotic agencies developed a technique which, to most persons accustomed to bidding for public acceptance, was new. They not only appealed to the individual by means of every approach—visual, graphic, and auditory—to support the national endeavor, but they also secured the cooperation of the key men in every group —persons whose mere word carried authority to hundreds or thousands or hundreds of thousands of followers. They thus automatically gained the support of fraternal, religious, commercial, patriotic, social and local groups whose members took their opinions from their accustomed leaders and spokesmen, or from the periodical publications which they were accustomed to read and believe. At the same time, the manipulators of patriotic opinion made use of the mental cliches and the emotional habits of the public to produce mass reactions against the alleged atrocities, the terror and the tyranny of the enemy. It was only natural, after the war ended, that intelligent persons should ask themselves whether it was not possible to apply a similar technique to the problems of peace.
As a matter of fact, the practice of propaganda since the war has assumed very different forms from those prevalent twenty years ago. This new technique may fairly be called the new propaganda.
It takes account not merely of the individual, nor even of the mass mind alone, but also and especially of the anatomy of society, with its interlocking group formations and loyalties. It sees the individual not only as a cell in the social organism but as a cell organized into the social unit. Touch a nerve at a sensitive spot and you get an automatic response from certain specific members of the organism.
Business offers graphic examples of the effect that may be produced upon the public by interested groups, such as textile manufacturers losing their markets. This problem arose, not long ago, when the velvet manufacturers were facing ruin because their product had long been out of fashion. Analysis showed that it was impossible to revive a velvet fashion within America. Anatomical hunt for the vital spot! Paris! Obviously! But yes and no. Paris is the home of fashion. Lyons is the home of silk. The attack had to be made at the source. It was determined to substitute purpose for chance and to utilize the regular sources for fashion distribution and to influence the public from these sources. A velvet fashion service, openly supported by the manufacturers, was organized. Its first function was to establish contact with the Lyons manufactories and the Paris couturiers to discover what they were doing, to encourage them to act on behalf of velvet, and to help in the proper exploitation of their wares. An intelligent Parisian was enlisted in the work. He visited Lanvin and Worth, Agnes and Patou, and others and induced them to use velvet in their gowns and hats. It was he who arranged for the distinguished Countess This or Duchess That to wear the hat or the gown. And as for the presentation of the idea to the public, the American buyer or the American woman of fashion was simply shown the velvet creations in the atelier of the dressmaker or the milliner. She bought the velvet because she liked it and because it was in fashion.
The editors of the American magazines and fashion reporters of the American newspapers, likewise subjected to the actual (although created) circumstance, reflected it in their news, which, in turn, subjected the buyer and the consumer here to the same influences. The result was that what was at first a trickle of velvet became a flood. A demand was slowly, but deliberately, created in Paris and America. A big department store, aiming to be a style leader, advertised velvet gowns and hats on the authority of the French couturiers, and quoted original cables received from them. The echo of the new style note was heard from hundreds of department stores throughout the country which wanted to be style leaders too. Bulletins followed despatches. The mail followed the cables. And the American woman traveler appeared before the ship news photographers in velvet gown and hat.
The created circumstances had their effect. "Fickle fashion has veered to velvet," was one newspaper comment. And the industry in the United States again kept thousands busy.
The new propaganda, having regard to the constitution of society as a whole, not infrequently serves to focus and realize the desires of the masses. A desire for a specific reform, however widespread, cannot be translated into action until it is made articulate, and until it has exerted sufficient pressure upon the proper law-making bodies. Millions of housewives may feel that manufactured foods deleterious to health should be prohibited. But there is little chance that their individual desires will be translated into effective legal form unless their halfexpressed demand can be organized, made vocal, and concentrated upon the state legislature or upon the Federal Congress in some mode which will produce the results they desire. Whether they realize it or not, they call upon propaganda to organize and effectuate their demand.
But clearly it is the intelligent minorities which need to make use of propaganda continuously and systematically. In the active proselytizing minorities in whom selfish interests and public interests coincide lie the progress and development of America. Only through the active energy of the intelligent few can the public at large become aware of and act upon new ideas.
Small groups of persons can, and do, make the rest of us think what they please about a given subject. But there are usually proponents and opponents of every propaganda, both of whom are equally eager to convince the majority.

Propaganda And Information

“All media exist to invest our lives with artificial perceptions and arbitrary values.“The new electronic independence re-creates the world in the image of a global village.” ―Marshall McLuhan

“All media exist to invest our lives with artificial perceptions and arbitrary values.“The new electronic independence re-creates the world in the image of a global village.” ―Marshall McLuhan

Propaganda Is Not Lying But An Attempt To Put Men Into Action

“An Administrator in a bureaucratic world is a man who can feel big guy by merging his non-entity in an abstraction. A real person in touch with real things inspires terror in him"McLuhan)

We learn further from Bernays that:

" If we set out to make a list of the men and women who, because of their position in public life, might fairly be called the molders of public opinion, we could quickly arrive at an extended list of persons mentioned in "Who's Who." It would obviously include, the President of the United States and the members of his Cabinet; the Senators and Representatives in Congress; the Governors of our fortyeight states; the presidents of the chambers of commerce in our hundred largest cities, the chairmen of the boards of directors of our hundred or more largest industrial corporations, the president of many of the labor unions affiliated in the American Federation of Labor, the national president of each of the national professional and fraternal organizations, the president of each of the racial or language societies in the country, the hundred leading newspaper and magazine editors, the fifty most popular authors, the presidents of the fifty leading charitable organizations, the twenty leading theatrical or cinema producers, the hundred recognized leaders of fashion, the most popular and influential clergymen in the hundred leading cities, the presidents of our colleges and universities and the foremost members of their faculties, the most powerful financiers in Wall Street, the most noted amateurs of sport, and so on. Such a list would comprise several thousand persons. But it is well known that many of these leaders are themselves led, sometimes by persons whose names are known to few. Many a congressman, in framing his platform, follows the suggestions of a district boss whom few persons outside the political machine have ever heard of. Eloquent divines may have great influence in their communities, but often take their doctrines from a higher ecclesiastical authority. The presidents of chambers of commerce mold the thought of local business men concerning public issues, but the opinions which they promulgate are usually derived from some national authority. A presidential candidate may be "drafted" in response to "overwhelming popular demand," but it is well known that his name may be decided upon by half a dozen men sitting around a table in a hotel room.
In some instances the power of invisible wirepullers is flagrant. The power of the invisible cabinet which deliberated at the poker table in a certain little green house in Washington has become a national legend. There was a period in which the major policies of the national government were dictated by a single man, Mark Hanna. A Simmons may, for a few years, succeed in marshaling millions of men on a platform of intolerance and violence.
Such persons typify in the public mind the type of ruler associated with the phrase invisible government. But we do not often stop to think that there are dictators in other fields whose influence is just as decisive as that of the politicians I have mentioned. An Irene Castle can establish the fashion of short hair which dominates nine-tenths of the women who make any pretense to being fashionable. Paris fashion leaders set the mode of the short skirt, for wearing which, twenty years ago, any woman would simply have been arrested and thrown into jail by the New York police, and the entire women's clothing industry, capitalized at hundreds of millions of dollars, must be reorganized to conform to their dictum.
There are invisible rulers who control the destinies of millions. It is not generally realized to what extent the words and actions of our most influential public men are dictated by shrewd persons operating behind the scenes.
Nor, what is still more important, the extent to which our thoughts and habits are modified by authorities.
In some departments of our daily life, in which we imagine ourselves free agents, we are ruled by dictators exercising great power. A man buying a suit of clothes imagines that he is choosing, according to his taste and his personality, the kind of garment which he prefers. In reality, he may be obeying the orders of an anonymous gentleman tailor in London. This personage is the silent partner in a modest tailoring establishment, which is patronized by gentlemen of fashion and princes of the blood. He suggests to British noblemen and others a blue cloth instead of gray, two buttons instead of three, or sleeves a quarter of an inch narrower than last season. The distinguished customer approves of the idea.
But how does this fact affect John Smith of Topeka?
The gentleman tailor is under contract with a certain large American firm, which manufactures men's suits, to send them instantly the designs of the suits chosen by the leaders of London fashion. Upon receiving the designs, with specifications as to color, weight and texture, the firm immediately places an order with the cloth makers for several hundred thousand dollars' worth of cloth. The suits made up according to the specifications are then advertised as the latest fashion. The fashionable men in New York, Chicago, Boston and Philadelphia wear them. And the Topeka man, recognizing this leadership, does the same.
Women are just as subject to the commands of invisible government as are men. A silk manufacturer, seeking a new market for its product, suggested to a large manufacturer of shoes that women's shoes should be covered with silk to match their dresses. The idea was adopted and systematically propagandized. A popular actress was persuaded to wear the shoes. The fashion spread. The shoe firm was ready with the supply to meet the created demand. And the silk company was ready with the silk for more shoes.
The man who injected this idea into the shoe industry was ruling women in one department of their social lives. Different men rule us in the various departments of our lives. There may be one power behind the throne in politics, another in the manipulation of the Federal discount rate, and still another in the dictation of next season's dances. If there were a national invisible cabinet ruling our destinies (a thing which is not impossible to conceive of) it would work through certain group leaders on Tuesday for one purpose, and through an entirely different set on Wednesday for another. The idea of invisible government is relative. There may be a handful of men who control the educational methods of the great majority of our schools. Yet from another standpoint, every parent is a group leader with authority over his or her children.
The invisible government tends to be concentrated in the hands of the few because of the expense of manipulating the social machinery which controls the opinions and habits of the masses. To advertise on a scale which will reach fifty million persons is expensive. To reach and persuade the group leaders who dictate the public's thoughts and actions is likewise expensive.
For this reason there is an increasing tendency to concentrate the functions of propaganda in the hands of the propaganda specialist. This specialist is more and more assuming a distinct place and function in our national life.
New activities call for new nomenclature. The propagandist who specializes in interpreting enterprises and ideas to the public, and in interpreting the public to promulgators of new enterprises and ideas, has come to be known by the name of "public relations counsel."
The new profession of public relations has grown up because of the increasing complexity of modern life and the consequent necessity for making the actions of one part of the public understandable to other sectors of the public. It is due, too, to the increasing dependence of organized power of all sorts upon public opinion. Governments, whether they are monarchical, constitutional, democratic or communist, depend upon acquiescent public opinion for the success of their efforts and, in fact, government is only government by virtue of public acquiescence. Industries, public utilities, educational movements, indeed all groups representing any concept or product, whether they are majority or minority ideas, succeed only because of approving public opinion. Public opinion is the unacknowledged partner in all broad efforts.
The public relations counsel, then, is the agent who, working with modern media of communication and the group formations of society, brings an idea to the consciousness of the public. But he is a great deal more than that. He is concerned with courses of action, doctrines, systems and opinions, and the securing of public support for them. He is also concerned with tangible things such as manufactured and raw products. He is concerned with public utilities, with large trade groups and associations representing entire industries.
He functions primarily as an adviser to his client, very much as a lawyer does. A lawyer concentrates on the legal aspects of his client's business. A counsel on public relations concentrates on the public contacts of his client's business. Every phase of his client's ideas, products or activities which may affect the public or in which the public may have an interest is part of his function.
For instance, in the specific problems of the manufacturer he examines the product, the markets, the way in which the public reacts to the product, the attitude of the employees to the public and towards the product, and the cooperation of the distribution agencies.
The counsel on public relations, after he has examined all these and other factors, endeavors to shape the actions of his client so that they will gain the interest, the approval and the acceptance of the public.
The means by which the public is apprised of the actions of his client are as varied as the means of communication themselves, such as conversation, letters, the stage, the motion picture, the radio, the lecture platform, the magazine, the daily newspaper. The counsel on public relations is not an advertising man but he advocates advertising where that is indicated. Very often he is called in by an advertising agency to supplement its work on behalf of a client. His work and that of the advertising agency do not conflict with or duplicate each other.
His first efforts are, naturally, devoted to analyzing his client's problems and making sure that what he has to offer the public is something which the public accepts or can be brought to accept. It is futile to attempt to sell an idea or to prepare the ground for a product that is basically unsound.
For example, an orphan asylum is worried by a falling off in contributions and a puzzling attitude of indifference or hostility on the part of the public. The counsel on public relations may discover upon analysis that the public, alive to modern sociological trends, subconsciously criticizes the institution because it is not organized on the new "cottage plan." He will advise modification of the client in this respect. Or a railroad may be urged to put on a fast train for the sake of the prestige which it will lend to the road's name, and hence to its stocks and bonds.
If the corset makers, for instance, wished to bring their product into fashion again, he would unquestionably advise that the plan was impossible, since women have definitely emancipated themselves from the old-style corset. Yet his fashion advisers might report that women might be persuaded to adopt a certain type of girdle which eliminated the unhealthful features of the corset.
His next effort is to analyze his public. He studies the groups which must be reached, and the leaders through whom he may approach these groups. Social groups, economic groups, geographical groups, age groups, doctrinal groups, language groups, cultural groups, all these represent the divisions through which, on behalf of his client, he may talk to the public.
Only after this double analysis has been made and the results collated, has the time come for the next step, the formulation of policies governing the general practice, procedure and habits of the client in all those aspects in which he comes in contact with the public. And only when these policies have been agreed upon is it time for the fourth step.
The first recognition of the distinct functions of the public relations counsel arose, perhaps, in the early years of the present century as a result of the insurance scandals coincident with the muck-raking of corporate finance in the popular magazines. The interests thus attacked suddenly realized that they were completely out of touch with the public they were professing to serve, and required expert advice to show them how they could understand the public and interpret themselves to it.
The Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, prompted by the most fundamental self-interest, initiated a conscious, directed effort to change the attitude of the public toward insurance companies in general, and toward itself in particular, to its profit and the public's benefit.
It tried to make a majority movement of itself by getting the public to buy its policies. It reached the public at every point of its corporate and separate existences. To communities it gave health surveys and expert counsel. To individuals it gave health creeds and advice. Even the building in which the corporation was located was made a picturesque landmark to see and remember, in other words to carry on the associative process. And so this company came to have a broad general acceptance. The number and amount of its policies grew constantly, as its broad contacts with society increased.
Within a decade, many large corporations were employing public relations counsel under one title or another, for they had come to recognize that they depended upon public good will for their continued prosperity. It was no longer true that it was "none of the public's business" how the affairs of a corporation were managed. They were obliged to convince the public that they were conforming to its demands as to honesty and fairness. Thus a corporation might discover that its labor policy was causing public resentment, and might introduce a more enlightened policy solely for the sake of general good will. Or a department store, hunting for the cause of diminishing sales, might discover that its clerks had a reputation for bad manners, and initiate formal instruction in courtesy and tact.
The public relations expert may be known as public relations director or counsel. Often he is called secretary or vice-president or director. Sometimes he is known as cabinet officer or commissioner. By whatever title he may be called, his function is well defined and his advice has definite bearing on the conduct of the group or individual with whom he is working.
Many persons still believe that the public relations counsel is a propagandist and nothing else. But, on the contrary, the stage at which many suppose he starts his activities may actually be the stage at which he ends them. After the public and the client are thoroughly analyzed and policies have been formulated, his work may be finished. In other cases the work of the public relations counsel must be continuous to be effective. For in many instances only by a careful system of constant, thorough and frank information will the public understand and appreciate the value of what a merchant, educator or statesman is doing. The counsel on public relations must maintain constant vigilance, because inadequate information, or false information from unknown sources, may have results of enormous importance. A single false rumor at a critical moment may drive down the price of a corporation's stock, causing a loss of millions to stockholders. An air of secrecy or mystery about a corporation's financial dealings may breed a general suspicion capable of acting as an invisible drag on the company's whole dealings with the public. The counsel on public relations must be in a position to deal effectively with rumors and suspicions, attempting to stop them at their source, counteracting them promptly with correct or more complete information through channels which will be most effective, or best of all establishing such relations of confidence in the concern's integrity that rumors and suspicions will have no opportunity to take root.
His function may include the discovery of new markets, the existence of which had been unsuspected.

If we accept public relations as a profession, we must also expect it to have both ideals and ethics. The ideal of the profession is a pragmatic one. It is to make the producer, whether that producer be a legislature making laws or a manufacturer making a commercial product, understand what the public wants and to make the public understand the objectives of the producer. In relation to industry, the ideal of the profession is to eliminate the waste and the friction that result when industry does things or makes things which its public does not want, or when the public does not understand what is being offered it. For example, the telephone companies maintain extensive public relations departments to explain what they are doing, so that energy may not be burned up in the friction of misunderstanding. A detailed description, for example, of the immense and scientific care which the company takes to choose clearly understandable and distinguishable exchange names, helps the public to appreciate the effort that is being made to give good service, and stimulates it to cooperate by enunciating clearly. It aims to bring about an understanding between educators and educated, between government and people, between charitable institutions and contributors, between nation and nation.
The profession of public relations counsel is developing for itself an ethical code which compares favorably with that governing the legal and medical professions. In part, this code is forced upon the public relations counsel by the very conditions of his work. While recognizing, just as the lawyer does, that every one has the right to present his case in its best light, he nevertheless refuses a client whom he believes to be dishonest, a product which he believes to be fraudulent, or a cause which he believes to be antisocial. One reason for this is that, even though a special pleader, he is not dissociated from the client in the public's mind. Another reason is that while he is pleading before the court—the court of public opinion—he is at the same time trying to affect that court's judgments and actions. In law, the judge and jury hold the deciding balance of power. In public opinion, the public relations counsel is judge and jury, because through his pleading of a case the public may accede to his opinion and judgment.
He does not accept a client whose interests conflict with those of another client. He does not accept a client whose case he believes to be hopeless or whose product he believes to be unmarketable.
He should be candid in his dealings. It must be repeated that his business is not to fool or hoodwink the public. If he were to get such a reputation, his usefulness in his profession would be at an end. When he is sending out propaganda material, it is clearly labeled as to source. The editor knows from whom it comes and what its purpose is, and accepts or rejects it on its merits as news.

Tutu On Point About The "Born Frees"...

Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu and his wife Leah were ushered to the front of a long queue at the Milnerton High School today – but fellow voters in the seaside Cape Town suburb didn’t seem to mind. Tutu (82) was barely recognisable without his pur

Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu and his wife Leah were ushered to the front of a long queue at the Milnerton High School today – but fellow voters in the seaside Cape Town suburb didn’t seem to mind. Tutu (82) was barely recognisable without his pur

Ideas And Products Pushers

The men involved with and are in Public Relations orbit are interested in viability and how malleable are we to their prompts and prods. I mean, they affect.effect and influence our very being, thoughts, ideas and actions-our whole existence. From this observation we are able to discern that our ideas about democracy, are being dictated to us by the public relations men who understand that listening and knowing very well what the people are saying, makes it easier for them to redirect and condition them effectively for a certain action. They rarely lie, but their ideas are geared towards eliciting some actions from their targets.

They understand the 'public mind' very well, and they apply their techniques and skill to maximize that potential. Democracy, in the hands of such professionals, is something that we should pay attention by learning about the depth and breadth of the analysis of Bernay above. The new propagandist are very efficient and like an all-seing eye and mind. So, if they ar able to affect/effect us in so many ways, we should learn from that how to make our democracy viable. We should by now know that there are people who are pushing ideas and products, and at least, if we are able to raps that, we might begin to have a better understanding or our reality and existence.

Dysfunctional And sleepy Lawmakers...: Parliament Of the Snorers


Coping And Overcoming Maladapted Maladministration

"Indaba"/"Taba"(View Of Story) From The People: Critique and Anti-Critique Of The 2014 Elections...

We are now a day or two away from the elections and so much is happening. It is throughout this chaos that some of us who chronicle our people's events go back to basics. The Internet/FB is a form of social communication without seeing the intended audience or listener. But when you go into the places where one lives and visits, there is a different kind of palaver taking place. The parties have been jostling for attention by any means necessary, and the people, as one would say, on the 'ground' are watching all these actions with and incredulity bordering on frustration and anger. A lot of people who write about the core voters of the ANC, do not really hang with them, live with them, know them, listen to them, write what they have to say or not say, act and carry-on. Nobody thinks that they are part of the national dialogue of the nation as the elections approach.

I have always been a proponent of the fact that we must write our own stories, histories customs, traditions, musicians, script our dances as we see fit and know how-from an African Centered perspective through our people. Also, when it come to The "MEDIA", we all know that we are basically an Oral people, but this orality, at present, swirls(linguistically) in our collectives and 'people'. Our reportage aims at reaching a broader audience to the effect that our chroniclers do not know how to tell our stories, but are good in regurgitating what other ethnic groups are saying about us, we just repeat it verbatim-with no imagination, creativity and originality..

The task at hand, then, is to capture and articulate, without much alteration, what the buzz is all about in the Townships, and what do the people have to say to this "Indaba/Taba"- And they are not at a lack for words, poignancy, raw and earthy observation, which is what many writers or reporters do not want to hear, or are not comfortable with printing or writing about. Their direct and unadulterated uncensored expressions makes one who is listening squirm and twist on hearing these views which are not main-stream by any stretch of the imagination.

Even if many people can dismiss this article and the views espoused by the respondents below, it is also interesting and important to read comments below many of the articles below the posted stories of the South African Newspapers Online, just to get a smidgen of the mind of the 'public' here in Mzantsi.. Because it is important we talk about us and what is going on in our midst.

I have always regarded myself an African of Mzantsi, First. An African of Africa, Secondly. And An African of The Diaspora Thirdly-and lastly. A Human being... My education came from people, formally and informally. I cut my political teeth and activities in the streets of Soweto, pre '76 and post Y2K. What has been happening so far, is that most of use do not have a grasp of what we are dealing with here. When it comes to access to the Web/Internet, a large swath of our people are outside the loop. Some of the rates to clamber onto the Web are very costly indeed and prohibitive, and so, this curtails, in a covert way, mass communication access to all of the people of Mzantsi with these prohibitive and exorbitant charges.

So, by default and purposeful censorship, a large majority of our people do not have easy and unlimited access to the Web/Internet, and this empowers those ruling over us and passing tight Bills attacking the press and mass communications. The offering of tenders to companies that control Internet access is biased and not in favor of the local people. There are many such discrepancies that are foisted upon the poor that dislocates them from the national dialogue/wealth both in the media and amongst themselves, orally and fiscally.

So, I decided to use the old approach of participant observer and try and write what I am gathering from many people I really do not know, nor ask their political affiliation and so on. What I do, I direct our discourse to the issues of the elections and what are [any] of their impressions about the elections. These people do not need any probing and prodding, because they will tell you what they think you want to know; tell you what you do not know; and add their own Township spin on their stories, not embellishing anything, but put in a colorful way that's only possible in Township jargon/parlance and colloquial-tell you their narrative...I remain visibly/invisibly present and only ask question for clarity and simplification.

I must add that listening to the people is a different dimension from the social media communications. The 'mano-a-mano', face-to-face interaction has its own dynamics, no editing, no clicking, deleting or alt/send-return or holding back, and in many ways, the unheeded voice of the critical mass population of South Africa speaks freely and openly. Many of us are no more adept at this form of face-toface communications. We are so caught up with the technological gizmos and their techniques that we have given up the face-to-face communicating and mediation/interaction. This is what I am going to post below, what it really means to be amongst and with the people and listening-in to their verbalized thoughts: Orally.

The following discourse was taking place in different areas throughout Soweto, and the way the people talked about issues, I culled from the notes I was taking during their conversations. This is in no way pro-any party, but ordinary folks talking to each other, and me(by being acknowledged and respected) I was allowed to make notes and I told them I am going to synthesize it into an article. They gave me the go-ahead. I also told them I will not mention any names, which I have kept to and not done in this article.

At this point, in this particular setting in the Township, everyone was kicking around various topics:
"We are now 'bored' and sick and tired with the TV and other news, when all you hear coming out of the mouths of these politicians is "Nkandla this and that..." Another jumps in, "Why is this Casrils talking about not voting... Who is he, by the way? .. Look at the timing of his pleading with us like that?" One other respond during such a discussion observed wrylt that: "Maybe Nkandla is good or bad timing..."... One other responded: "Why bother raising the Nkandla issue, why not Investigate the whole of the ANC..." someone in the group recalled: "Yah! neh! Moestan these people who are implicated are the government departments-the police, department of Works, the Army, the Parliamentarians.. So, neh! Look into the whole 'mcimbi'(Organization).

In some other part of the Township, I got this part from a different group of people of Soweto: "People on the ground here on the Township do not really understand all of these shenanigans. The do not have time/wherewithal invested to look into the Thuli report... "For us the Thuli Report happened overnight-it's been overtaken/pushed back by other events and the TV coverage, Radio, Newspapers, 'Wa Jaja'.('You see?')

I interjected and asked, What causes that 'forgetting? ."Cava hierso"(See here)We have been made ignorant thus far. So, in this instance, the people forget very quickly and move on with the 'fashion' of the hour, or day." By fashion it means tendency, what's vibing/trending. So others say that'these other parties have given ANC a chance, and ANC does not give them a chnace. so, in the end, whatever chance they get these parties, all they speak about to us is Nkandla... "

Some intellectual in a tavern displaying his oratory gifts by gogging that conversion, divulged that: "These other parties retreat in the advances ANC makes. They are really not working cleverly enough to get votes properly("too many rallies which are just a nuisance now. outing, yes, entertainment-never. Too much of Nkandla talk, less on what they can do for us.."

One lady in a Mall noted that: "These other parties do not work enough together to get the vote. They are unable to break it down to an ordinary person what it is all about. The do not even listen to you when you try to make some input. A car mechanic in his yard said: "We steal ideas, we want ready-made things and situations, no one wants to work had for anything-there is some sense of entitlement - "Vir wat?(For What? .. Vokol'(Nothing).

His friends hanging around and doing other things chimed in: "All you hear on their lips is My Nkanlda was built by my family-no scandal here," Zuma; Whereas the others, Ramphele, Zille and Malema all talk about that Nkandla, and we are so 'naar'(bored").

One school teacher sitting with her nurse friends said: "People should go back to reading and studying. They must learn to read and analyze what they read. What is stopping this from happening is that the people, in their majority, have no time for that and lack interest."

The ANC put up a "Good Act" at FNB and I have discussed a bit of this in my article prior to this one. My take is that compared to the booing and jeering of Zuma, the followers were pumped up to fever pitch; the roar and response they gave to their leaders, was well timed. The ANC Die-hards in the ANC were gushing all over themselves in anticipation of the giddying win just within their sights. On hearing me say this, one of the respondents said: "People have forgotten. Yes, there was tension during the Mandela memorial, and there were many reasons for that tension- Yes Zuma was booed, and that too has many implications. But for now, who cares.. it's electioneering time"

"But the FNB rally this weekend was different," volunteered the person next to me. "People looked and seemed excited in droves and throngs, and Zuma worked the crowd by exploiting the celebratory, victory-like' gig at the stadium. That was the core of the ANC hopefuls and followers and many other 'types'."

"Bona hierso, Ntozo",("See this here, Brother/Bruh"), the person continued, "Zuma knows his crowd and he plays it well.. The people are wishy-washy-not firm... The do not hold on or hang on to one thing.. with us, that is an overnight thing, now is now..." And I threw in a queston and asked, Why is That so? "You see "Sbari", Our lack of education makes us not to even know how to stand firm." .. And I added: If We do not stand for Anything, We Will Fall For Anything/Everything..

A very close and childhood friend of my mine keenly observed: "At the end of the day, people ask themselves that if they do not vote for the ANC, who will they vote for?.. The rich, the poor and the worst off, the middle class and filthy rich hold up a lot of hope for the ANC to win. And if you listen to many of our people, they simpley say, 'at least the ANC is paying us". That could be attacked in many ways wnants to, but seeing its recipients talk about it, one is really taken-aback at the poverty life during the rule of Apartheid-it was dismal.. And that's what these people think-The ANC is offering us something(a bribe)?, but what do the others have to offer and show for it..?" Seems to be the underlying question among the ordinary people here in Mzantsi.

The Interesting thing is that the people are leery of DA because they think that they are taking care of Whites just like apartheid did-and some of these people point out to the lack of delivery services, bad housing, and many other contradiction that DA cannot extricate itself from that easily. Many of the Sowetans are critical of Zille's rule in the wards she runs all over the country, and they see Whites living lavishly, as opposed to the poor Africans in those areas. The image of DA is akin to the Nationalist party of yesteryear(I have had this view expressed in many places and many times).

One brainiac and connoisseur of local gossip and Township realpolitik broke it down for me as follows:
"In many shacks and slums of Cape Town, Africans and Colored are living in squalor and dread. Unpaved roads, no running water, taps at the far-end of the corrugated domiciles. One thing these are parties are not aware of is how finicky the present-day voter is. All these parties, along with the ANC, failed us dismally. Whatever people of all these parties have to say, it really does not matter to the people, today-it was one passing episode in the many that continue to hold their attention-span-which is very short indeed."

One person I was having a pow-wow with in a braai told me the following story:
"An old woman in my street told me that she is going to vote in her house. when the door-to-door ANC vote canvassers came to her house, they checked the registry for her name, and then marked her thumb with the voter's ink.. The ANC used to bus these old ladies to the pools on bus, but in this election, this is one of the ways that some votes are gathered. They also asked the old lady who some of her friends were and relative, where they were, and these were followed up, too. Which other party does that-I now this looks like its illegal, but the ANC is giving the impression that it is taking care of its own."

One critic I found to be having a unique perspective was the one who said that:
"If you want people to read what you write, then talk about the USA. We the people are enamored and taken up by the US and all its particularities. Our people here in this country follow "fashions"-by that I mean what's happening and is 'cool', or makes one look and seem important and knowledgeable. What You Praat?(What Are you Saying?) Some want to be a Beyonce, they become Beyonce in their looks and imitated behavior. For that person to knowing about her(Beyonce), means that person is the person-VIP person."
"But when it come to us and about us, we have no interest in that.. It's not worth it."

"The drugged and sexed lives of the US celebrities hold our interest and influences our behavior and languages. Many of us pine for that celebrity role and life. What has become a common culture in our midst is our want of power and fame. We are all caught with the attitude and notion that people ought to know where I work, my place of abode, the type of car I drive, and the clothes I adorn and the perfume I am wearing. And it must be American, French, Italian.. or depending on the preference of those involved. Many of these people want to project his behavior as to what America is all about-here in Mzantsi.

But Write about anything to do with being rich or about riches, then you have something there. Talk about and advertise about tenders and where they will be issuing them, the responses to you writing will spiral; you will receive comments you never thought existed. Here in Mzantsi, we are all about money; how can we make it as easy as possible and not have to work hard for it.
"My neighbor knew this boy in her hood who was puling very hard and she came up on someone wanting a person to dig a hole for a serious pay, so he called the boy and told him about the job.. the boy told the lady in no uncertain terms that 'he is not a mole', and won't do it."

There had been rumors about a meeting that is supposed to take place where the Pakistanis who own the "Spaza shops" are to be removed, and these shops are to be run by locals. Someone in Deep Soweto retorted: "The Problem with us is that we have become lazy, and sleep early and wake up late. So how will we be able to run our own Spazas? Many of us are asleep by 8 pm, and the Pakistanis open well late into night. These Pakistanis wake up early,long before our local Spaza shop people are up, and who wants to deal with that?" We have become lazy, don't want to work for our keep and we are good at blaming others and the government for our own shortcomings which we desperately need to deal with." Others obviously disagree with this assessment. they want the Pakistanis out of the yards of the homes here in the Townships

The people in the Townships are tired of the politiking and have already made up their minds who are the clowns, and who are the devils. They have chosen to go with the devil they know, than the unconvincing clowns, as they say, who do not know what time it is.. One gets to identify the real feel of the people about this whole voting mess. They know that they are being gypped. Also, they know that putting the ANC into power, does not automatically earn them a better life and a good job, but they say, what could be worse than that, especially these parties who will want to outdo the ANC once in power.This is the general logic that runs the gamut in the Kasi.

Where do we begin? Well, I have begun by trying to find out how and what people talk about when it comes to the elections. But it does not end there, I have taken this probe to different levels and many other issues, which I will use those on my blogs. What does it all mean then? I think that learning to listen to our people talk is a step in the right direction. We need to articulate and chronicle our lives with utmost are. From here we can begin to develop some form of unofficial curricula as to how to deal with the education process of the people. I have found that I am a better and learned person from saying less and listen more to what the people have to say.

I have posted Cabral and his notion of what is "Our People", and what their struggles are about-in the process, informs us how to comport ourselves in dealing with "Our People". Social media today, and many are not aware of this, is another form of what I call technological Orality. The problems we face are vast, and we need to make or have made easy access to the Web. We have to launch ourselves and the armies of the poor onto online activities and reception. Many countries like Egypt and so forth have shown us the Power of the social media, and we need to begin to use it to be a better people.

We are going to have to deal with the large number of our poor, be with them, amongst them, and show/teach them about the uses and importance of present-day social media and their emerging and merging technologies/techniques. We might feel 'special' or 'important' becase some of us can afford 'smart phones' and 'tablets'. to be honest, if we do not have our people hooked-up online, we are just wasting time and going nowhere fast.

Independence In Our Thoughts And Actions

Andre Gunder Frank Soberly stated:

"What, in you judgement, is the scientific value of the study of the development of underdevelopment?" While the capitalist system, which generated underdevelopment and avails itself of exploitation and alienation for development, subsists-and even while the class struggle in the establishment of socialism subsists-science can only have an instrumental political and ideological value, and no value in and of itself.

"On the contrary, capitalism and the bourgeois ideology have long been employing both social and natural science as purely reactionary tools in denfense of their interests This is the case, for example, with the concepts and even the very terms 'development and underdevelopment" that are used in the class struggle on the ideological level, to make it appear that entire peoples develop through their own efforts,thanks to national capitalism, while other entire countries remain underdeveloped because of supposedly inherent conditions-the lack of capital and inadequate intelligence and institutions or cultures-that is to say, because of traditionalism. This focus or, better yet, this deviation from the problem, hides the real cause of underdevelopment and the necessary remedy in order to maintain underdevelopment and the exploitation that the aforementioned cause determines.."

What I was trying to capture by going to find narratives from the people was to capture What Cabral calls "Independence in our thought and in our actions." When one talks to people without handcuffing their ideas and free thoughts, this is easy when they become aware of that independence they have to talk, and the real and actual action they can take. In essence, I was learning about our people, and I was learning from the people. I did not inject my opinions anywhere throughout the weeks leading to these election, as I am re-searching them incessantly and until the day after the votes.

Andre Gunde Frank opens our minds as to how we are manipulated and splurged helter-skelter so's not to be united, because we have to begin to understand the social sciences and the natural sciences- were used thoroughly to guard the interest of the US. It is from these disciplines that the USA is controlling South Africa and the World.

An yet, Wilson informs us that, "The psychology, consciousness and behavioral tendencies of individuals and societies are to a very significant extent the products of their personal and collective histories. Both personal and collective psychology are constructed from those experiences which can be consciously retrieved from memory as well as hose experiences which have been forgotten or repressed, but which still represent themselves in individual and collective habits, tendencies, traditions, emotional responsivities, perspectives, ways of processing information, attitudes and reflex-like reactions to certain stimuli and situations. both types of experiences interacting with current perceptions are utilized by individuals and groups to achieve certain material and non-material ends.

One can deduce from the cited responses all the qualities attributed to a psychologically sane and consciously aware people.

Sankara addressed this issue this way:

"But you must understand that not everyone views political problems the same way.for some, if you have arms and a few units of the army with you, that is sufficient to take power. But others have different convictions. Power must be conquered above all by a conscious people. the question of arms is merely complementary to this, necessary at given moments and under specific circumstances"

"Also," Sankara added:

"Also, not everyone see politics the same way. Though we spent hours - entire nights - in discussions with these officers in an attempt to convince them, they acted on their plan and the November 7 coup took place. of course, given the contradictions that arose among them, they were unable to install Colonel Some Yoryan as head of state. Though certain people were happy to see some elements of the Third Republic freed from prison, there were those who were disappointed to see other Third Republican elements freed. You must understand these contradictions too.
I know that the media repeated this information, thus condemning us to accept political responsibilities that we had rejected for political reason and yet that we were beginning to be forced to accept for strictly political reasons. As you can understand, a regime born in this way could not last very long.

"In acknowledging that we are part of the Third World we are, to paraphrase Jose Marti, "Affirming that our cheek feels the blow struck against any man, anywhere in the world." Until now, we have turned the other cheek. The blows were redoubled. the evil heart did not soften. The truth of the righteous was trampled under foot. The word of Christ was betrayed and his cross was transformed into a club. They put his robe and rent our bodies and souls asunder. they obscured his message. They westernized it, while we undertook it as one of universal liberation. Well, our eyes are now open to the class struggle, and there will be no more blows.

"We must state categorically that there is no salvation for our people unless we turn our backs on all the models that charlatans of all types have tried to sell us for twenty years. There is no salvation outside of this rejection. there is no development separate from a rupture of this kind. All thsose new intellectual giants who are emerging from their slumber - awakened by the dizzying rise of billions of men in rags, aghast at the the threat of ths hunger-driven multitude weighing on their digestion - are beginning to rework their speeches.

"Far it be for me to ridicule the patient efforts of honest intellectuals who, because they have eyes to see, are discovering the terrible consequences of the devastation imposed on us by so-called specialists in the development of the Third World. My fear is to see the fruits of so much much energy co-opted by Prosperos of all kinds who - with a wave of their magic wand - spirit us to world of slavery dressed up in today's "fashions.

"My fear is justified even more by the fact that the educated petty bourgeoisie of Africa - if not the entire world - is not prepared to give up its privileges, either because of intellectual laziness or simply because it has tasted the Western way of life. Because of these petty bourgeois forget that all genuine political struggle requires rigorous, theoretical debate, and they refuse to rise to the intellectual effort of conceiving new concepts equal to the murderous struggle that lies ahead of us. Passive and pathetic consumers, they wallow in terminology Fetishized by The West, Just As They Wallow In Western Whiskey And Champagne In shady-looking lounges.

"Ever since the concepts of negritude and African Personality, now showing their age, the search for ideas that are genuinely new produced by the brains of our "great" intellectuals is in vain. Our vocabulary and our ideas come from elsewhere. Our professors, engineers, and economists are content to simply add color - fro often the only things they brought back with them from European/American universities that have produced them are their degrees and their velvety adjectives and superlatives!

"It is both necessary and urgent that our trained personnel and those who work with the pen learn that there is no such thing as neutral writing. In these stormy times we cannot give today's and yesterday's enemies monopoly over "thought", "imagination," and "creativity."

"Before it too late - and it is already late - this elite, these men of Africa and and of the third World, must come home to themselves, that is, to their societies and to the miseries we inherited.they must understand that the battle for ideology that serves the needs of the disinherited masses in sot in vain. but they must understand, too, that they can only become credible on an international level y being genuinely creative - by "Portraying A Faithful Image Of Their People, An Image Conducive to Carrying Out Fundamental Change In Political And social Conditions And to Wrenching Our Countries From Foreign domination and Exploitation,Which leave Us No OtherPerspective than bankruptcy."

I could go on citing Sankara above, but he has already made my point that I have been constructing throughout this article, so did Wilson and Andre Gunder Frank. But Sankara goes to the heart of my these is that, going back to the people and talking to them teaches one how people talk and give you information that they think you need, and some of it you had not known up to that point of being told, and the rest is made up of Township spin, talking points and uttered in Slang and other variation of Kasi-speak, that makes for colorful, stimulating and tasty discussion and narratives, and these can be gotten by holding a face-to-face contact and talking with the ordinary people in the Township.

I did so, went to the people and tried to record their conversations, impression and all the other aspects pointed out by Wilson above, that, I state, it is from the people that we will be able to build our nation and control our country. The elections at this stage are past, and now we are facing the post 2014 election hangover, and we need to sober up and work on the new ideas that have come to pass because of all that has happened long before and now most recently.

In trying to overcome our social malaise, we can take comfort from these words by Wilson:

"To manipulate History is to manipulate consciousness; to manipulate consciousness is to manipulate possibilities; and to manipulate possibilities is to manipulate power."

History is the past, present and future.. I have been looking at the present from a past we are still living in and under, and in the present, I am beginning to learn about our people and our role our society in tandem with our people. I may not hit the bulls-eye with my messages, but I am consistently calling for a return to the people, as Sankara intoned above. It is in our people that we would come in touch with ourselves and our Nation. "Everything is Everything".. "Each One Teach One; Each One Reach One (Others)...

South Africa And The Rights Of Human Beings

Equality You cannot be discriminated against. But affirmative action and fair discrimination are allowed. Human Dignity Your dignity must be respected and protected. Life You have the right to life. Freedom and Security of the Person You cannot be de

Equality You cannot be discriminated against. But affirmative action and fair discrimination are allowed. Human Dignity Your dignity must be respected and protected. Life You have the right to life. Freedom and Security of the Person You cannot be de

Selective And Discriminated Underdevelopment: Bill Og f Rights

People's Right To Know It Is A Duty And Right For All South Africans To Clearly Know Their Bill Of Rights

I recently read a newspaper reportage in the Press that about 43% of African South African do not know anything about their Bill of Rights in their country. I have gone around and asked people at random what do they know about Their Bill Of Rights enshrined into their Constitution. Nearly all of the respondents to my unscientific (sic) probing, did not have a clue what I am talking about.

This empowers the present-day ANC government in many ways. This government, we all know is coming back into power, is more afraid of its collective being enlightened about these rights, than they are about the howling and charges allayed against them from their opposition. This securely assures them the opportunity and 'false' confidence that they can run roughshod over these rules knowing that their polity is unaware what are their Rights.
I think, therefore, it is about time we begin pasting these Constitutional beachheads like the Bill Of Rights of the people of South Africa. Maybe if we paste it on our sites and break it down/deconstruct this part of the Constitution, we might begin to contribute to the new struggles, new thinking and move away from the old modes of resistance and furbish and furnish the effort with new theoretical ideas and ideology.

As it is often mentioned, we all have to work in tandem with the masses in ways that address both the masses, and we can cull lessons from the masses, that, in that dialectic, we can embed what works for us, permanently and relevant to our cause. We cannot go about just sprouting and splurging mouthfuls about "Our Constitution" whereas many of us have not honestly and really taken time to read it and break it down.

The failures of the implementation of these rights goes hand in glove with the neglect of the education of the masses. There's a lot that the honchos in the Department of Education are not doing the educating of the people, that, this is now on the shoulders of the country's intelligentsia to rework the belief and reality that the masses need to be enlightened and helped with their educational preparedness and Rights.

If one is going to have fight the ANC, one is going to have to do things differently. We should work on implementing masses-friendly knowledge, beginning with us, the Edumacated, simplifying the whole government matrix.
When one looks more closely at the Constitution and its various parts, it will be important not only to know its design and contents, but to relate it to the day to day lives of the poor and unaware African voting polity: i.e., explaining the Bill of Rights, and making examples or pointing out to the day-to-day applications or non-applications of this social contract/protocol.

Awareness developed in this manner, will make possible that the poor people begin to see and work with these rights as written and as applied or not applied and acting as a check and balance on the state whenever they contravene these, as they are doing so now, arrogantly, with impunity, and a laisez faire carte blanche attitude and iron fist.

Breaking down the Bill rights is key to beginning to entrench new ways of approaching our struggle, because, if in the next four years we are still using the old old protestation maneuvers, this is playing into the hand of the ANC(crew) rule and their Local deep fiscal pockets and Imperial potentates, who are just having a field day in manipulating, exploiting and oppressing us.

We cannot ignore the ANC but we can begin to look closely at what is it that is in our Bill of Rights that we need to know and were not aware of.

A Bill of Rights for a New South Africa

Preliminary Revised Text, February 1993


In the light of a vast number of comments received in many forms on the Draft Bill of Rights prepared by the Constitutional Committee of the ANC, this new text has been prepared. The objective is to work out a preliminary revised text for presentation to the Policy Conference. This draft will therefore be finalised after comments have been received from the ANC membership.

NOTE: The words in bold are new, while words in brackets are to be deleted. The notes are intended to draw attention to controversial areas - they do not form part of the text.

Article 1 EQUALITY

(1) All South Africans are born free and equal in dignity and rights.

(2) No individual or group shall receive privileges or be subjected to discrimination, domination or abuse on the grounds of race, colour, language, gender, or creed, political or other opinion, birth or other status.

(3) All men and women shall have equal protection under the law.


The Right to Life

(1) Every person has the right to life.

(2) No-one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his or her life.

(3) Capital punishment is abolished and no further executions shall take place.

NOTE: The question has been raised as to whether the use of the phrase `right to life' indicates an anti-abortion position in the Constitution. In our view, the issue is left open in this clause. We feel the matter should be left open for legislative action after democratic discussion in future. The issue needs sensitive and informed debate with extensive participation by all interested parties and a respect for differing views. Uninformed debate could be extremely divisive and distract attention from the basic question of equal political rights. The Constitution should not in any way pre-empt proper debate. We regard the issue as of great importance and would recommend that it receive high priority as soon as democratic institutions are in place.

The Right to Dignity

(4) No-one shall be subjected to slavery, servitude or forced labour, provided that forced labour shall not include work normally required of someone carrying out a sentence of a court, nor military service or national service by a conscientious objector, nor services required in the case of calamity or serious emergency, nor any work which forms part of normal civil obligations.

(5) The dignity of all persons shall be respected.

(6) No-one shall be subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

(7) Everyone shall have the right to appropriate protection by law against violence, harassment or abuse, or the impairment of his or her dignity.

The Right to a Fair Trial

(8) No-one shall be deprived of his or her liberty except after due process of law, and the courts shall have the right to order the release of any person held without due legal authority.

(9) There shall be no detention without trial, banishment or house-arrest. Legislation may provide for legitimate restriction of movement in relation to illegal immigrants and persons of unsound mind.

(10) No persons shall be arrested or detained for any purpose other than that of bringing them to trial on a criminal charge.

(11) Arrest shall take place according to procedures laid down by law, and persons taken into custody shall immediately be informed of the charges against them, shall have access to a legal representative of their choice, and shall be brought before court within 48 hours or, where that would be a Sunday or a public holiday, on the first working day thereafter.

(12) Bail shall be granted to awaiting-trial persons unless a court rules that in the interests of justice they should be kept in custody.

(13) No-one shall be deprived of liberty or subjected to other punishment except after a fair trial by an independent court.

(14) Trials shall take place within a reasonable time.

(15) Everyone shall be presumed innocent until proved guilty.

(16) No conduct shall be punished if it was not a criminal offence at the time of its occurrence, and no penalty shall be increased retrospectively.

(17) No-one shall be tried or punished twice for the same offence.

(18) Accused persons shall be informed in writing of the nature of the allegations against them, and shall be given adequate time to prepare and conduct their defence.

(19) Everything that is reasonable shall be done to ensure that accused persons understand the nature and the import of the charges against them and of the proceedings, that they are not prejudiced through illiteracy or lack of understanding, and that they receive a fair trial.

(20) Accused persons shall have the right to challenge all evidence presented against them, to be defended by a legal practitioner of their choice, and if in custody, to have access to a legal practitioner at all reasonable times.

(21) If a person is unable to pay for legal representation, and the interests of justice so require, the State shall provide or pay for a competent defence.

(22) No persons shall be required to give evidence against themselves, nor, except in cases of domestic violence or abuse, shall persons be required to give evidence against their spouses, whether married by civil law or custom, their parents or their children.

(23) No evidence obtained through torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment shall be admissible in any proceedings.

(24) Juveniles shall be separated from adult offenders.

(25) Punishment imposed by any Court shall be humane and any term of imprisonment shall be reviewed periodically.


A casual perusal of Article 1: Equality, one begin to see what is put down on paper that is Our Rghts. From the assertion that All south African are born with equal Rights and Dignity to the protection of the privileges, protected from abuse based on all the listed prejudices(especially , one begins to see the good or bad of our rulers. It means, many people have a lot to say about that, not really against anybody, but for themselves, and their communities. This is the list of the abuses, the violation of the Constitutionally enshrined , today in our midst, we already have a sense of how and what to think about these issues as they pertain to us. I can go on this topics and break them, but I only what to highlight that reading the first three points, one already has contradiction and other issues that come to light.

I regard to the Article 2: Personal Rights-The Right to Life, The government says it is going to leave this to legislative bodies and Democratic discussion. so that, 'the Constitution should not 'pre-empt debate', according to the government, why has it not yet reached the masses and we see conscious and active participation it this aforesaid process? Either the legislative bodies stall and put it in the back-burner, and the masses do not know that they are entitled to discuss these matter before they are past into Law or the constititution, seems like there is a deliberate abortion by the government of the implementation and manifestation of these Individual Rights; or, the people need to read them below with a keen eye and try to understand what they mean or how they relate to them as individuals and as a community/society/Nation-realistically and constitutionally


The Right to Life

(1) Every person has the right to life.

(2) No-one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his or her life.

(3) Capital punishment is abolished and no further executions shall take place.

NOTE: The question has been raised as to whether the use of the phrase `right to life' indicates an anti-abortion position in the Constitution. In our view, the issue is left open in this clause. We feel the matter should be left open for legislative action after democratic discussion in future. The issue needs sensitive and informed debate with extensive participation by all interested parties and a respect for differing views. Uninformed debate could be extremely divisive and distract attention from the basic question of equal political rights. The Constitution should not in any way pre-empt proper debate. We regard the issue as of great importance and would recommend that it receive high priority as soon as democratic institutions are in place.

The Right to Dignity

(4) No-one shall be subjected to slavery, servitude or forced labour, provided that forced labour shall not include work normally required of someone carrying out a sentence of a court, nor military service or national service by a conscientious objector, nor services required in the case of calamity or serious emergency, nor any work which forms part of normal civil obligations.

(5) The dignity of all persons shall be respected.

(6) No-one shall be subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

(7) Everyone shall have the right to appropriate protection by law against violence, harassment or abuse, or the impairment of his or her dignity..

In our culture, Respect(Hlompho/Inhlonipho) undergirds our cultural core. We know that in our cultures of Mzantsi, Ubuntu has been broken down to personal rights(not in the Western sense of the meaning of the word) explaining it to the people, one must be cognizant of our culture(as a whole-not as broken up-becasuse it has the same tenets in all the 9(n) groups/nations of the Africans of Mzantsi. This will enable us to be able to teach the people about their Bill of Rights

I am a pedestrian in Constitutional matters. but I belong to the army of the poor that need to interpret and make meaningful these Rights. The most interesting thing is that they make me come face to face with our culture, customs, traditions, and other such matters that we live by.

No 4 is quite ambiguous, and it will do good to break down the whole sentence in another article. But for now, it is coughed in military jargon that it obfuscate/deflecting its covert-like operational tactics in the private sector in our country today. Like I said, the last sentence is not grounded in any meaningful sense, and needs further discussion.

Line 5 is very disingenuous-What it says, is not what is being affected on the ruled. There are many examples of which contradict this line, and there are egregious violations here, disregard for human rights, dignity and respect. Were it applied to the letter, there wouldn't be the hue and cry from the poor of the violation of these in their lives and communities.

As for Clause 6., well, need I say more-assasinations, intimations, political killings, ideological enforcement, cabals, cronyism, retributions on communities that do not tow the line, instilling fear and pretending to be the real Overlord(literally) and anointed leadership to carry out these dastardly deeds: "it's cold outside the ANC and such-like retorts.

That, the clause, as brief as it is, it is chockfull of contradictions, and serious dissatisfaction and disaffection feelings of the voting polity. I do not know what knowing it would change, but it is better than not even read, seen or being aware of it.

Reading line number seven, one is left saying, "Really"?. Some of these assertions really seem preposterous because everyone invokes the Constitution as this document that is protecting us against all the vicissitudes and wrangling of life, and reading it, it all seems so mundane and a Big Lie. It is not relevant to the decrepit reality experienced and loved by the poor.

Reading it to different people in the Kasie, it makes one sound like a fool and irrelevant, because they they ask, if this is so, why is it not so for me or us. And usually, the poor and supposedly 'untutored' people will continue from there and list all their grievance and points of view/affect on them by the contravened clause above. Good Question!. But helping them read it, and making them know and understand that working in tandem as a critical mass aware of this, is better than facing it as an individual--has a remedying effect on the mindset of the poor. There are no quick solutions to this method, but the journey one takes begins with the first step.

The next installment will be The right To A Fair Trial; The Right to Judicial review(which will be summed up because this is a very quirky and dicey area, and if one get to hear about the British coming to open jails in our country, we all know, seeing the evidence from YouTube and on the Web, we are in for a rough ride,. and our judicial rights, Fair Trial rights and Right to Judicial Review, has long been seriously compromised and are flawed to the hilt. Our rights have been set aside and ignored. These will be discussed in the upcoming posts.

We may all wax political and revolutionary, that is our democratic right. We can also put in the hard work that is need to recreate and fashion the struggle that it become a serious threat to any government that violates and does not respect Human rights, dignity, housing, families,societies, communities and by bringing the constitution to the people-by giving ourselves a chance to read and understand this document and simplify it. If we fail to this, we hare just blowing hot air, huffing and puffing to a government that knows that these acts/opposition is futile and we are not a threat to it. I do not prescribe to violent opposition as the only and final solution. I think. certain ways of thinking and seeing should be part and parcel of our thrusting towards ousting the calibre of leaders we have at present.

I think it is a big pull and dig to workout our situation because there are so many cooks on the stove. Well, there are too many ideas about "What Should Be Done" (a la Lenin?). Well, there are many who talk about weaning ourselves from dependency and be authentically free and Independent. Well those are the choices that we have available at present.

Anybody can disagree with my approach, but I think we need to clearly know what our struggle is about, requires and what other alternatives are there in executing it Post Y2K Apartheid and now present-day ANC(crew) rule.. I think we have laws and a Constitution, it is the people/crew that is running the country that should be check mated with bringing around and making the poor conscious/knowledgeable about the Constitution and how it works; how they, as being protected by their Bill Of right, could take these laws/rule, own them, apply them as they see fit, and see the results.

I know there have been demonstrations and strikes you name it.. Well I think it is about time all the elderly, the youth and the children begin to be tutored extensively and more forthrightly about things like, The Bill Of Rights enshrined in Their Constitution. It Is their "Right" to Know....

Thomas Sankara


STeeping Into The Shoes Of Our Masters: Crude Neocolonial Rule

I Have Seen This Movie Before - I am Living Such A Movie: Seeing Oneself In The Looking Mirror Looking At Oneself Looking...

My township was "Yellow" and people were hustling and bustling-going up and down, standing in many groups, talking, laughing, listening to the loud speakers that are clogging our ether and peace. It is a day before the elections, tomorrow on the May 7th; there's so much action, people are being bussed -in in droves; And the people were given a treat today in Orlando Stadium they are going to see a football match for 'Free"; there is a lot of talk and loud music, liquor flowing and somehow, a sad march and realization towards installing a government, which the people know will be worse than the past 20 years.

This whole charade has been going on for the past 20 years. The promises that have been made in the past elections are hammered into the peoples hearts and minds. Right now, as they knew it would be, they are going to vote and give ANc four-more-plus year to try and rule

The elections are finally here, and many people say, "Mmmm, you wait and see when people have to make their own decisions about who to vote for- I tell you, they are going to vote ANC, hands down.. You ask why? Well, what else is there in this cesspool - (said in blip-able Kasi slang).. "Squat!" ""Vokol!"(Nothing)

I have been posting articles to try and present an alternative input and point of view into the talking points about the elections in Mzantsi. In this issue, I will go cull from what Sankara reminds us about our own situation, today-which is very eerie and spot on about our own present situation of 20 years of neocolonial rule; Sankara was summing up the past neocolonial rule in his country"


"The task of constructing a new society cleansed of all ills that keep our country in a state of poverty and economic and cultural backwardness, will be long and Hard. ... The decision by French colonial imperialism to cut its losses was a victory for our people over the forces of foreign oppression and exploitation. From the masses' point of view, it was democratic reform, while from that of imperialism, it was a change in the forms of domination and exploitation of our people.

"This change nevertheless resulted in a realignment of classes and social layers and the formation of new classes. In alliance with the backward forces or traditional society, and in total contempt of the masses, whom they had used as a springboard to power, the "petty-bourgeoisie intelligentsia" of that time set about laying the political and economic foundations for new forms of imperialist domination and exploitation.

"Fear that the struggle of the popular masses would become more radical and lead to a genuine revolutionary solution was the basis for the choice made by imperialism. Henceforth, it would maintain its stranglehold over our country and perpetuate the exploitation of our people through national intermediaries. the entire process of organizing neocolonial society would be nothing more than a simple operation of substituting one form for another.
In Essence, neocolonial society and colonial society differed not at all. The colonial administration was replaced by a neocolonial administration identical to it in every respect. The colonial army was replaced by a neo-colonial army with the same characteristics, the same functions, and the same role of safeguarding the interests of imperialism and its colonial allies.

"The colonial school system was replaced by neocolonial schools, which pursued the same goals of alienating our children from our country and reproducing a society that would primarily serve the interests of imperialism and secondarily, those of its local lackeys and allies.
With the Support and blessing of imperialism, Voltaic(Mzantsi) nationals set about organizing the systematic plunder of our country.

"With the crumbs of this pillage that fell to them, they were transformed, little by little, into a truly parasitic bourgeoisie that could no longer control its voracious appetite. Driven solely by personal interest, they no longer hesitated at even the most dishonest means, engaging in massive corruption, embezzlement of public funds and properties,influence-peddling and real estate speculation, and practicing favoritism and nepotism.

"This is what accounts for all the material and financial wealth they accumulated from the sweat of the toilers. Not content to live-off the fabulous incomes derived from the shameless exploitation of their ill-begotten wealth, they fought tooth and nail to capture their political posts that would allow them to use the state apparatus to further their exploitation ad underhanded dealings

"Hardly a year passed without them treating themselves to extravagant vacations abroad. Their children deserted the country's schools for prestigious educations in other countries(Or special private prestigious schools in the country-as in our case in South Africa).. "All the resources of the state were mobilized to guarantee them, at the slightest illness, expensive care in luxury hospitals in foreign countries(and grand hospitals/expensive exclusive health care here in Mzantsi).

"All this has unfolded in full view of the honest,courageous, and hardworking Voltaic(Mzantsi) people, a people mired nonetheless in the most squalid misery. White Upper Volta(Big Cities of South Africa) are a paradise for the wealthy minority, it is a barely tolerable hell for the majority, the People.
"A part of this big majority, the wage earner, despite the fact that they are assured a regular income, suffer the constraints and pitfalls of capitalist consumer society. Their income is completely consumed before they have even touched it.

"This vicious cycle goes on and on, with no perspective of being broken."Through their respective trade unions, the wage earners engage in struggles to improve their living conditions(Marikana, for one). Sometimes the scope of those struggles forces concessions from the neocolonial authorities. But they simply give with one hand what they take back with the other.

"Thus a 10 percent wage increase is announced with great fanfare, only to be immediately taxed, wiping out the expected beneficial effects of the first measure. After five, six, or seven months, the workers finally understand the swindle and mobilize for new struggles. Seven months is more than enough for the reactionaries in power to catch their breadth and devise new schemes. Thus, in this endless fight, the worker always comes out the loser.

"The peasants, the 'wretched of the earth,' are also a component of this big majority. These peasants are expropriated, robbed, molested, imprisoned, ridiculed, and humiliated everyday, yet they are the ones whose labor creates wealth. the country's economy stays afloat despite its weakness, thanks to their productive labor. It is from this labor that the elite that the Gauteng's, Cape Townians are their Eldorado, and this sweetens their lives(just adjusted/added terms/names here)

"Yet, it is the peasants who suffer most from the lack of buildings, roads, health facilities, and services. these peasants,c creators of national wealth, are the ones who suffer the most from lack of schools an educational material(Lost books of Limpopo), for their children.

"It is their children who will swell the ranks of the unemployed after a brief stint in classrooms poorly adapted to the realities of this country. It is among the peasants that the illiteracy rate is highest - 98 percent. Those who most need to learn, so that the output of their productive labor can increase, are the very ones who benefit the least from expenditures for health care, education, and technology.
"The peasant youth - who have the same attitudes as all youth, greater sensitivity to social injustice, and greater desire for progress - finally leave the country-side in revolt, thus depriving it of its most dynamic elements.

"Their initial impulse drives these youth to the large urban centers(Name All The Big cities In Mzantsi). There they hope to find better-paying jobs and to benefit from the advantages of progress.The lack of jobs pushes them to idleness, with all its characteristic vices. Finally, so as not to end up in prison, they seek salvation by going abroad(Local African cities).. where the most shameless humiliation and exploitation await them. But does Voltaic(Mzantsi) society leave them any choice?

"Stated succinctly, this is the situation in our country after twenty-three years of neocolonialism: a paradise for some and hell for the rest.."

By The Way, When Was This Written Or Spoken? It was Written And Spoken On October 2, 1983, presented by Sankara on behalf of the National Council of the Revolution in a national radio and television broadcast..

So It is Here in Mzantsi(South Africa). All What Sankara said above, is what we are - it is sort of like 'looking into the mirror and seeing oneself staring back at you". I could not have said it better than the great President, Sankara. Everything he just said, is all taking place in our country, and has been happening for the past 20 years. I think it is about time we learned from Sankara that we are not unique in Africa with our Shamocracy/Democrazy.. Many countries have gone through these shenanigans from their neocolonial rulers(in our case,today, with the ANC).

Reading Sankara, will help us realize as to what is happening and what is really wrong with the way we see and do things. What I am saying is, in preparation for the coming elections, four years from now, we need to learn and act in different ways. For me, closing this whole hullaballoo about voting, I have decided to post the thoughts and experiences of Sankara, to be my keynote speaker as we are headed to the conclusion of voting. It is looking beyond that that I utilize Sankara, so that, if anyone four years from now can read this article, and identify all the things Sankara said in 1983, in 2018 or so, it means then we will have had one extra year from what Sankara has been 23 years of neocolonization, we will have learned nothing, and we will be repeating the same mistakes and so on, without no end.

My take of the election has been well-captured by Sankara above, and I aim to begin to learn from what he is said about Volta in 1983, to what is happening to us now in May, 2014.. Let's all get to work, we have a lot of hard-work ahead...

Here's Looking At You...



"Leaders Who Plan For An African Future, But Consider Knowledge Of The Past Irrelevant, Can Only Be Presumed To Be Harboring The Colonialist View Of the African Past. It Was The Wisdom Of Our Fathers to Emphasize That Each Present Generation Owes Obligations And Responsibilities To Both the Ancestors And the Generations yet Unborn...
-By J.F.A. Ajayi

Frantz Fanon Counseled:
"Each Generation Must, Out Of Relative Obscurity, Discover Its Mission, Fulfil It Or Betray It." ...

Thomas Sankara:

Thomas Sankara, often referred to as “Africa’s Che Guevara” was the president of Burkina Faso from 1983 to 1987. He seized power in a 1983 popularly supported coup, with the goal of eliminating corruption and the dominance of the former French colonial power.

Sankara’s foreign policies were centered around anti-imperialism, with his government eschewing all foreign aid because, as he often said, “he who feeds you, controls you.” He pushed for debt reduction and nationalized all land and mineral wealth, averting the power and influence of the IMF and World Bank.

His domestic policies were focused on preventing famine with agrarian self-sufficiency and land reform, prioritizing education with a nation-wide literacy campaign, and promoting public health by vaccinating 2.5 million children. And his was the first African government to publicly recognize the AIDS epidemic as a major threat to Africa.

Thomas Sankara was an extraordinary man.
- He outlawed female genital mutilation, forced marriages, and polygamy and was the first African leader to appoint women to major cabinet positions and actively recruit them for the military. A motorcyclist himself, he formed an all-woman motorcycle personal guard.
- He encouraged women to work outside the home and stay in school even if pregnant.
- He launched a nation-wide public health ‘Vaccination Commando’ a state run program that in a period of only 15 days in early November 1984, completed the immunization of 2.5 million children against meningitis (a world record), yellow fever and measles. This operation was so successful in that children in neighbouring countries like the Ivory Coast and Mali were sent to Burkina Faso for free immunization that helped curtail high rates of infant and child mortality.
- He sold off the government fleet of Mercedes cars and made the Renault 5 (the cheapest car sold in Burkina Faso at that time) the official service car of the ministers. He lowered his salary, as President, to only $450 a month and limited his possessions to a car, four bikes, three guitars, and a refrigerator.
- He planted over ten million trees to halt the growing desertification of the Sahel and established an ambitious road and rail construction program to “tie the nation together.”
- He was known for jogging unaccompanied through the capital city in his track suit and posing in his tailored military fatigues with his mother-of-pearl pistol. And when asked why he didn’t want his portrait hung in public places, as was the norm for other African leaders, he said ”there are seven million Thomas Sankaras.”

Sankara’s revolutionary policies for self-reliance and defiance against the neoliberal development strategies imposed by the West made him an icon to many supporters of African liberation. But his policies alienated and antagonized the vested interests of the small but powerful Burkinabe middle class, the tribal leaders who he stripped of the traditional right to forced labor and tribute payments, and the foreign financial interests in France and their ally Ivory Coast.

Compaore and Sankara

On October 15, 1987 Sankara was killed by an armed militia of twelve officials in a coup d’état organized by Compaore. Sankara’s body was dismembered and buried in an unmarked grave. Compaore immediately took power, overturning most of Sankara’s policies. Compaore reportedly ousted Sankara because he believed that his revolutionary policies were jeopardizing Burkina Faso’s relationship with France and Ivory Coast. Sankara and Compaore were not only colleagues, they were childhood friends.

-This is why ‘Bad Karma’ should be Blaise Compaore’s middle name. He is a ruthless man who orchestrated the brutal assassination of his best friend.

-Yet he is the man routinely designated by the international community to act as a ’mediator’ to help resolve African conflicts…

Is The End Of The Elections The New Beginning; or, Is completion Of The 2014 Even Lesser Changes And Progress? Time Will Tell..

Naidoo: he analysts scream populism; pipe dreams; unrealistic visions. Sitting in the ivory towers of government and ruling capital, across the dinner tables of the chattering classes in the suburbs, the disquiet of the "red gevaar" rises and rises.

Naidoo: he analysts scream populism; pipe dreams; unrealistic visions. Sitting in the ivory towers of government and ruling capital, across the dinner tables of the chattering classes in the suburbs, the disquiet of the "red gevaar" rises and rises.

Now That We Have Elected The Same Dysfunctional Government.. What Now!...

Musings Beyond The 2014 Elections: An Elegy - But... This Is Not A Poem, But Our Lived Reality... People's Power...
In the neck of my hood/woods, the elections hunters have rallies taken on a circus race gathering and lawlessness of a people blowing steam. Constant TV haranguing, debates, bad vibes and many shenanigans on the ground, has us the residents in our area subjected to one helluva Bash called "Marikana". Later on this saga and shindig.
This was on the heels of a very well attended rally thrown by Zuma and his side-kicks. FNB was filled to the brim even outside of the stadium and the show was on. One of the highlights was Zuma's slide step-dance he performed to the howl of his followers. This had to be done to get the poor to say, with all the Nkdanlda thuggery, 'he is a man of the people." A man after the people's mind and hearts." Through his actions, he performs to win 'the hearts and minds of his followers and those on the fence, etc. As far as our media goes, this was successful.
Talk was cheap in this rally, action shouted and roared more louder- jump on the stage, you will have cut short a long and involved speech. The government is using the 'show and tell' technique, by being 'live' in their 'organized' events exhorting the vote. And Television and other social media and the rest, beam all to the expectant, troubled, but captured audiences. Some have seen a vision of a better ANC after these elections staged shows. A tinge closer to the Eurporia when the ANC ascended into power. Now, as we speak, they are pulling out all stops, and tactics to make sure they secure their rule.
Now, if you come to the Townships, the story of the ANC is something else. It is not only the ANC on the prowl for votes, but many 'strange' people tarry on the fringes on these ANC stronghold, and are not really getting traction. Many people around any corner, Tavern, household, street, Mall, funerals, talks with a certain amount of disdain for the opposition parties. When it comes to the ANC, they are more vicious. But come voting time like now, well.. "The Matter Of Fact Is That There Is some Changes We Can See..." Giving anyone a true sense of what's going to happen in the upcoming elections
But, now that votes are going to be needed, they are singing a different tune(Both the ANC and its voters), I guess it is because of the finality of the oncoming elections. Helicopters dronin incessantly in the skies over Soweto-are an irritation to the already hyped up voter core.
In one Instance, DA was reported by word of mouth, throughout the Kasi, that they are having a shindig in some part of the Hood. Some of the citizens, having imbibed some malt/hops, came to the gathering, and one of them, extremely inebriated, but said in the township colloquial:
"Who are you people? Why are you gathered in this Park? You don't even know anything about this park and yet ya'll congregating here.. This Park was built by the ANC for us here in Kasie. You then have the audacity to come here and tell us (expletive) about the ANC." Well, for 'ya'lls information, were it not for the ANC erecting this park, you would all be standing on a reedy marsh..."
Other views and different people in the Twonships talk about various and interesting points. Like a group of ladies and guys who were hanging our and having this Township logic palaver:
"The ANC has made our lives better with this "Mdende". Yes we know there are no jobs, and we are aware that not all of us, can be educated, as we are now.. "Let me tell you something," (a much more elderly lady began to speak).. "During the Apartheid day's, when my grandmother used to get her 'pension'. They received not more than Twenty Rands every other month", and another chirped-in, "It was what Ten Rand, what are you talking about?"One of their friends quipped in: "6 times a year". "Now you look and can say, the difference is huge." As they all nodded and concurred.
Whenever I am in our midst, I eavesdrop a lot, more so to listen and participate/observe 'us' in a social interactive mode and mindset - whilst taking-in at the views people espouse or utter in their state of frustration, elation, conviction, belief, self-assertion, and so on. These are the true markers, for me, of the thoughts people verbalize, especially regarding the matters of the present-day government with all its political gyrations. I think, within the Township people, one gets the rawness of how these issues impact them-and capturing the spirit of their delivery, is what is important. Capturing them in different settings is very hard because some points get lost in translation and writing. But it's worth trying.
My point is then at the point of the 'Bash' which I had begun to talk about in the beginning, and was dubbed "Marikana".. It was as Wild as events get in this corner of my hide-out. There was a throng of old and young bodies doing all sorts of illicit and nefarious, lewd acts that were really consecrating the Name of Marikana 'attached' to this boisterously noisy get-together. Liquor flowed and poured down the lips and gullets of the Youth shamelessly; All sorts of Drugs that were smoked there clogged the air space and a misty pungent form and smell settled on this cantankerous rowdy/bawdy and fierce-looking, seriously wild group.
Being there left one wondering about the lawlessness that was a feature of the this Bash thrown by these youth in the area I call my home.
The Music was disturbing, its tone, lyrics and repetitiveness..Add to this coming from more than 30 cars letting blare their fine custom-made stereos and speakers. The screaming, laughing, many groups going into a dance mode whilst wailing/screeching/barking and drunken-drugged singing-along pierced the night, and raising more and more and shouting at each steps-and tick of the clock.. right through the night .. with no respite. The Police? Where Were they? I had a gnawing feeling they had their feet kicked out next to their heaters, or car heaters.
The Bash was so loud and rowdy/noise from the youth, it somehow lulled us to sleep in the wee hours of the morning, and it was still going strong- with fight breakouts here and there-intermintently. This was a carry-over from the FNB stadium Rally where our leaders were prancing and sliding on the stage. Zuma stopped short of recreating Michael Jackson's Moonwalk. Really?
The Day after the elections, when the votes are in, and the 'winners' are announced, What Then? Having being given the election narrative as a dummy(Pacifier), like I have said somewhere, there's going to be a big downer, weaning ourselves from the present drug-like-intoxicating madness; and then, without any doubt or hesitation: Back Into The Vinegar Bottle, for All Of Us... Same old, Same old...
We are really facing some serious problems, and the future does not look that good. Perusing over some title headings in the press, the pundits lament: "Elections 2014: Everything And Nothing Remains The Same," "I am not Voting Against The ANC," "A Good Story To Tell, For Some," "Voting Is Not Enough: Beyond The 'Good Story/Bad Story' Debate,""A Personal Reflection On The election," KZN: Is The IFP Losing Ground?", "DA And ANC Youth Leaders Battle It Out," "Let The Youth Take Over The ANC," "How DA Rhetoric Propels Black Pathology Stereotypes," "Majority Still support The ANC,""Condemned To Obscurity: The State Of Our Population Register And The Right To Vote," "What Are '(post)Apartheid Conditions," "How The ANC's Gravity Defying Levitation Is Achieved," "On The Fall Of The ANC," which has been written by Siphokazi Magadla, I will cite a piece from her wherein she writeS:
“How did the ANC manage to dupe the people of South Africa?” ask Prince Mashele and Mzukisi Qobo, the authors of a new book, The Fall of the ANC: What next? The 20th anniversary of electoral democracy and the impending elections, all within weeks, force us to take seriously the place of time in the efforts to understand and diagnose the behaviour of the ruling party and thereby ease or feed our anxieties about the future.
"When placed across time, current events are exposed as unremarkable, unspectacular and temporary because time allows us to appreciate continuities and ruptures with the past. At the heart of Mashele and Qobo’s thesis is the view that, looking back, the ANC was not ready to govern and that “a great deal of what the party thought it would achieve was informed by an inflated sense of self and by sheer naivety”.
"For the authors, the end of apartheid caught the ANC by surprise. They posit that until the party started secret talks with the apartheid state in the late 1980s, the Freedom Charter of 1955 had remained the main point of reference of how the party envisioned itself in government until its adoption of the “Ready to Govern” policy document in 1992. It follows then that South Africans should not have been surprised at the drastic move by the governing party from the modest social democratic aspects of the redistributive Reconstruction and Development Programme to the far more distributively conservative Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy.
The ANC is accused of having been too preoccupied with painting itself as a “club of monks” whose outdated views of Marxism would carry the country into the ideal National Democratic Revolution. Time has thus exposed the party as both “naïve” about the requirements of governance and the bankrupt moral calibre of the party leadership, which has reduced it to the “Alleged National Criminal” (ANC) organisation.
"Furthermore, the authors argue that the ANC’s behaviour is no different to those of other national liberation movements in the continent because “the first two decades of democracy has unfolded very much in sync with the wave character of post-colonial Africa”. In this regard the party is placed within the same basket as Kenya under Daniel Arap Moi, Ghana under Kwame Nkrumah, and Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe.
"South Africans are accused of allowing the ANC to highjack the ownership of liberation history and to use it to hold them hostage against voting the “rotting” party out of power. Thus by revealing the party as having been unprepared to occupy the seat of power, South Africans ought to feel no guilt with removing it as their government.
"Besides cataloguing, in a highly colourful fashion, the failures of the ANC, this book does not offer the reader a substantive way forward. Part of the challenge of the book is that the South Africans who are the audience are spoken to, instead of being spoken with — the tone of the writing is similar to Mamphela Ramphele’s book, Conversations with My Sons and Daughters. The book, which is based entirely on secondary data in its reading of the ANC in governance, places the focus almost exclusively on the manoeuvres of the leadership of the party.
"Ordinary members of the party are thus presumed to be mere spectators in the theatre of “Big Men” and not co-producers of such a political culture within the party. The ordinary people who are being encouraged to take charge of their hard-worn constitutional rights are not placed at the centre of the analysis in a manner that would have given Mashele and Qobo fresh insights into how the ANC can be buried, as in indeed they suggest.
"According to the authors, our best bet is the formation of a new party as the current opposition parties are rendered illegitimate. This insight is of course not new. Neither is the insight that the liberation generation is dying out and that future political leadership belongs to those with no liberation credentials.
"The distinguished Tanzanian scholar Issa Shivji has warned the current generation of African intellectuals to be vigilant about how we study our societies in the midst of the supposed changing position of Africa in the global order — where Africa is said to be “rising” while the lives of most Africans are declining. Shivji insists that in order to understand forces of change in the lives of African people emphasis must be placed on examining the sources of agency within African communities. So ordinary South Africans may not be faulted in declaring impatiently to Mashele and Qobo — undixelela zonke izigigaba zika rhulumente ngoba ucinga ukuba bendilele yonke leminyaka? (You are telling me about all the failures of the government because you assume that I have been asleep all these years?). Even further I would venture to say, why don’t you ask me what I think should be done.
"In a recent article in the African Affairs journal on “Neo-patrimonial Politics in the ANC” (2014), Tom Lodge argues that “the degenerative changes that are observed within the ANC … appear to reflect a global trend in which mass parties are being replaced by electoral machines that depend less and less upon militant activism” and more on transactional exchanges between the electorate and the political elite. Amid these electoral limitations, what becomes the source of agency for ordinary people to instruct change in governance?
"There is utility in showing the ruling party that the people are watching and taking account of the multiple ways in which the ANC is betraying its promises and thereby facilitating its own demise. But that project cannot be done sufficiently if the voices and actions of the people are not placed at the centre of the analysis that shows the party the ways in which the people are thinking about their futures beyond the ANC.
"The authors themselves state that intellectuals failed to predict the uprisings in North Africa and elsewhere precisely because little attention was given to the organising and thinking of ordinary people while scholars were fixated on the escapades of the leaders Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak and Muammar Gaddafi.
"Using the lives and thinking of ordinary people as a lens through which we arrive at answering “what next” after the ANC, none of us including the ANC, will be caught by surprise when they are eventually willed out of power by the people. After all, it is just a matter of time."
For me, the Xhosa citation is the whole article. What I have been saying above is that it is better that we begin to have an approach to our people and listen to them talk, for as I have said, their raw answers are a colorful way the express their misgivings and destabilized life, but they know how to answer the curious, and inform those seeking to know and understand their perspective-not according to some well-off person seating on a computer and not having a face to face encounter with the real and living ordinary people.
I also pointed out above that we, the voters, are regarded as just a percentage(say 63% of the voters will insert ANC into Power again).. We are nothing but that. In matters of how our wealth and rights are dealt with in our land, we are never consulted, and we really know nothing about the mal-administration Thuli pointed, that some of us are saying, investigate and purge the whole government. The problems for our inability to solve the present social ill in our "Nation" is that, for example, the articles I cited above are written by White authors for a White reading public. The White people are known to always talk amongst themselves, and this is not new. That schism, enables and empowers the present government to divide and conquer. there are many other examples of this divisive technique employed
Their SABC saga, for some Media Communication/Technology/Internet nerds, The ANC is trying to control the Internet, TV and with the help of the American investors, Radio and newspapers. Bills have been proposed to this effect of Censorship. This topic can be an article on its own, but suffice for now I will make mention of it in passing. With such a spirit of the times(some would crisply say "Zeitgeist"), we have to begin to wrap our heads around it all and begin to put it into focus and perspective. The elections that are upon us are nothing but a pacifier, to ensure the crooks get back into power, and can fleece, pillage and empty the public coffers for the next five years.
It is a fait accompli that our government is in the Deep pockets of Foreign and Local big Capital. It is also clear that our leaders are the small fries of the World leaders, and our(The Leader's) role is to gawk at them and obey. That is the diplomatic relations between Mzantsi and the much more powerful countries. In many ways, our leaders are lackeys of the governments that helped them in Exile, and their 'new' American friends (who used to label the ANC a terrorist organization, are now in cahoots with our handkerchief heads leaders.)
These elections like the four or so before them, are a fiasco, farce and a time to remind us how powerless we are. Things are purported to Change so that they can remain that way and the same. Whether the ANC is still learning on the job(if any learning on their part is evident?!), the way they have desecrated the Bill of Rights of their constituencies, who really do not know or aware of their rights and are 44% of the voters, is what will always hold us back.
I still believe people have some modicum of intelligence, although, collectively, we are still divided by the way Apartheid divided us, and are busy dividing ourselves into a myriad bits of pieces of no significance-that in a word. We are Being Disappeared as the Indigenous of Mzantsi. So then, it is either they(Crooks in government) are removed or we are 'disappeared' as the indigenous of South Africa. It is the 'removing' part of the ANC from power that has not yet satisfied the voters as being a real reason, and how to go about it, that is the conundrum
Our hope, I still believe, lies with our own people. If we can Master that, We will be able to form a Nation and control Our Country, Culture, History, and all its resources. But the main resources, still untapped, but ready to go, is our own People of Mzantsi.. We should raise our awareness and know-how on how to harness the power of the people-the people's power... And, there are many ways for us to achieving and attaining this power Through and with our people of Mzantsi..

The Struggles Continues: Contemporary Resistance In south Africa

Women wave as South African president and leader of the African National Congress (ANC), Jacob Zuma, arrives to cast his vote in Ntolwane, rural KwaZulu Natal province, South Africa, Wednesday May, 7, 2014. The country goes to the polls in the fifth

Women wave as South African president and leader of the African National Congress (ANC), Jacob Zuma, arrives to cast his vote in Ntolwane, rural KwaZulu Natal province, South Africa, Wednesday May, 7, 2014. The country goes to the polls in the fifth

During The voting, There Anger Carries Over To Post Elections Reality

Aislinn Laing writes:


In this shanty town one hour outside Johannesburg, everything is filthy.

ater taps are shared between 20 blocks of cramped housing. The most popular game for young children is seeing who makes the biggest splash with rocks thrown in open sewers. Large rats scamper through the piles of rubbish that seem constantly banked up at the end of every unpaved lane.

Today South Africans across the country go to the polls to elect their national and provincial governments.

But while the ruling African National Congress will doubtless retain its 20-year grip on power, disaffection is building. Anger is rising over the ANC's failure to tackle poverty or to stamp out corruption in its ranks after being so long in power. And few places represent this anger and failure more than the town of Bekkersdal.

The town has all the problems associated with "service delivery," as it is known -- of delivering basics like decent electricity, water and plumbing. The town has crime problems, much of it petty theft to fund drug habits.

“Even when you hang your clothes out to dry, you have to watch them," says Boitumelo Nkuna, a local community leader. Otherwise, "they will be [stolen] to sell and buy nyaope [a cocktail of marijuana, low-grade heroin and ground-up HIV pills].

For weeks in the South African election run up, Bekkersdal’s citizens have, like others around the country, been bombarded with party pamphlets and visits by beaming politicians.

But there’s one party that residents won’t tolerate – the ruling ANC. The ANC is the party legitimized and championed by South African hero Nelson Mandela. Yet the ANC brand has deteriorated to such a degree that when ANC provincial leaders risked campaigning here in March, they were greeted with brickbats and burning tires, prompting their bodyguards to open fire with live ammunition.

Bekkersdal citizens considered that event, according to Mr. Nkuna, as their own “Marikana,” a reference to the shooting by troops of 34 striking miners in August 2012 in the town of Marikana, a case where the ANC appeared to be involved. However, in the Bekkersdal instance, no one was killed.

No-go zone

Since then, Bekkersdal has become a virtual no-go zone for the ANC ruling party. Its premier in the region, Nomvula Mokonyane, has responded that she doesn’t even want the community's “dirty votes.”

Nkuna says that with unemployment in the community at 80 per cent, and with few basic amenities like running water, rubbish collection or electricity, the ANC has no right to complain about the reception it gets.

“The ANC says on its election posters it has ‘a good story to tell.’ But what about us? Are we part of that good story? We have been abandoned,” says the articulate young man, who trained to be an accountant but has no prospect of work.

Nkuna is not alone in his disillusionment. While there’s little doubt the ANC will be voted back into office for its fifth straight term on May 7, few within the monolithic party dispute that its share of the vote will drop. They even admit they could lose control of the powerhouse Gauteng province that is home to Johannesburg and Pretoria, the capital.

To some extent, the waning support is inevitable for one of Africa’s longest-serving liberation parties. ANC president Jacob Zuma argues that it could never have reversed apartheid’s legacy quickly enough for its impatient population.

Even so, the noisy optimism of the ANC in this campaign season is not eclipsing a widespread frustration at the slow pace of change in South Africa, which has one of the biggest wealth gaps in the world.

The ANC government has rolled out social grants to 15 million people. But with half of young 18- to- 24 year-olds absent from education, employment or training, a "lost generation" has been created that will never pay the taxes needed to fund a growing social security bill.

The ANC has had genuine success in getting children into school, in boosting access to power and running water in some places, and of maintaining economic growth and providing drugs to slow the progression of HIV to Aids. It has built millions of apartments and houses.

Crime, corruption

But the number of informal shack dwellings in the country has increased. The notoriously violent crime rates have turned upwards after years of decline. And chronic and largely unchallenged government corruption has seen public funds that might have changed lives siphoned off to elites.

Since November 2013, support for the ANC has dropped by a fifth -- to as low as 53 percent of voters. The polling firm Ipsos blames the drop on factors including fury about the police shooting at Marikana and the recent $19 million in taxpayers’ money spent on President Zuma’s private home in Nkandla, in the KwaZulu Natal region.

Although the ANC's share of the vote has improved slightly in polls this month, it is still thought that it could dip below 60 per cent for the first since 1994 when the ANC came to power.

This will be the first election in which the so-called “born free” generation -- that never knew apartheid -- are eligible to vote. But a lack of inspiring choices means that just over a third of them have bothered to register.

Instead, ordinary born-frees are joining a growing number of violent protests that operate in a destructive cycle -- where police often respond with a level of force that results in deaths and serious injuries, and that makes local folks even angrier.

In Bekkersdal, home to 150,000 people, the government pledged about $100 million for social projects including a brick factory, a sports stadium and an information center that served also as job-search agency.

Large amounts of that allocated money seems to have disappeared from the public coffers. The brick factory never opened. The only sign of a new stadium is two rusting goal posts and a roofless clubhouse sitting on a patch of open land.

Last year, the partly built information center was burned to the ground by angry locals during riots.

Volunteer carer

Among those let down by the collapse of the ANC’s investment in Bekkersdal is Antonia Makereke, a trained nurse who scrapes a living as a volunteer community care worker whose only compensation is paid expenses.

Each evening, Ms. Makereke arranges a torn pink mattress on the floor of her two-roomed tin shack before helping her elderly mother to the makeshift bed.

She kisses her children and grandchildren sleeping on sofas nearby goodnight, fastens a small padlock to her door to deter the local drug addicts, and snuffs out her paraffin lamp.

Cooking in the Makereke home takes place on a Primus or paraffin stove that is illuminated by rays of sun that pierce both chinks in the walls and bedsheets hung up to keep out the cold as winter approaches in this part of the planet.

On the wall is a 2014 calendar featuring a South African flag and a picture of Nelson Mandela. Next to it is pasted a tattered photograph of Makereke in her nursing graduation gown.

In another corner is an old television projecting a fuzzy image of a popular soap opera and a bare light bulb plugged into a dangling, sooty socket.

Asked if she has power, Makereke looks shamefaced and says a “kind neighbor” tapped her in to an illegal connection he rigged up via cables that trail over the nearby road.

Twenty years ago, Makereke remembers, she joined the joyful queues that formed across South Africa before sunrise to cast her first vote as a black citizen of a new, full democracy that included her.

Like more than 12 million of her fellow countrymen, she excitedly put her cross in the box of Nelson Mandela’s ANC which pledged to build a “better life for all” after the inhumane treatment of blacks by whites during apartheid.

But today, as she goes to the polls again, she plans to abandon the party that carried her dreams, and will vote instead for the opposition Democratic Alliance.

“Democracy came but nothing changed here,” says Makereke. “I’m voting DA but I’m not sure it will make a difference. These people promise us things when they want us to vote for them. But the ANC made the promises too and did nothing."

Presidential spending

Gwede Mantashe, the ANC national Secretary General, said recently that the spending on Zuma’s home in Nkandla was simply a media obsession that meant little to ordinary people.

But in Bekkersdal, it appears to have been the straw that broke the camel’s back.

Each person recites exactly how much was spent on the president’s cattle pens, swimming pool, private school and health clinic.

Thuli Madonsela, the official public watchdog who exposed Zuma and his cronies’ profligacy in a recent, damning report, is a hero here.

“I can’t say the name of that place, it makes me crazy,” says Sylvia Mantshupi, who holds a carpentry diploma she can find no use for. “I don’t have a job so I can’t afford to buy my son shoes.”

She points to an unsmiling, dusty little boy who clutches her lower leg. “We paid for a playground for Zuma's kids, but our kids play among rats and rubbish.”

Far from going to their local ANC representative to complain about the squalid conditions, locals stay away. They are afraid of the two security guards paid to guard his home, which is hidden behind high, whitewashed walls topped with razor wire and plastered with ANC posters.

They refuse to point out the house by foot, saying the party official would arrange for them and their families to be “shot.”

“He’s the biggest tsotsi (gangster) here,” one said. “He isn’t from here. The ANC put him here but we never see him. Most of them have big houses elsewhere and only come here from time to time.”

Corruption Index in Africa...

Botswana continues to top the Sub-Saharan Africa ranking at the global rank of 30 with a score of 64 and followed by Cape Verde (rank 41, Score 58) and Seychelles (rank 47, Score 54). Denmark and New Zealand tie for first place with scores of 91.

Botswana continues to top the Sub-Saharan Africa ranking at the global rank of 30 with a score of 64 and followed by Cape Verde (rank 41, Score 58) and Seychelles (rank 47, Score 54). Denmark and New Zealand tie for first place with scores of 91.

Alternatives To Corruption..

Here are some suggestions from the 'think tanks' abut what should be done to ameliorate this situation. CESA(Consulting Engineers South Africa) penned the following article:

Consulting Engineers South Africa (CESA) President Naren Bhojaram has cautioned that corruption is paralyzing the country and eating away the moral fibre of our society.

He states that “While we all acknowledge that corruption is a huge stumbling block to service delivery, there seems not to be a political will to eradicate the scourge”.

Bhojaram presented CESA’s 2013 theme, of ‘Sustainability is Everyone’s Business’, at a media breakfast in Johannesburg. He stated that while big ticket items such as global warming, environmental pollution, and the like are important, there are basic and fundamental human needs which are top of mind issues for the average person in a developing country. He is concerned that there are still huge backlogs with proper housing, essential services such as water, sanitation, energy, mobility and food. For the average man in the street in developing nations, provision of these services mean sustainability. He contends that sustainability is more than this.

“Sustainability is also clean governance and economic freedom. This means job creation and self-sufficiency. We collectively have to balance social, political and economic issues with the wide spectrum of complex environmental issues and awareness about what the earth can provide and how carefully we use the earth’s natural resources, especially those which are not renewable.”

Whose problem is it?

Bhojaram questioned whether sustainability was the responsibility of global institutions and organizations such as the United Nations or is it the responsibility of civil society or business leaders. “We can also turn to global voluntary associations such as The International Federation of Consulting Engineers (FIDIC) or local associations such as CESA. We could park the responsibility with our predecessors or make the current political leadership of the day responsible.”

He added that the easiest thing in the world is to blame others for our environmental woes, but when all is said and done, each one of us in the present is collectively responsible.

“You and I are responsible for sustainability,” he averred adding that President Jacob Zuma cannot be blamed for corruption in our country because his job is to create a platform for business to operate in an ethical, responsible and sustainable way and for him and his government to lead by example. We cannot escape our collective responsibility. Therefore, let us deal with it”.

“The world perception of South Africa with respect to business integrity and corruption is deteriorating at an alarming rate. The immediate but unfortunate consequence of this is the imminent driving away of foreign investors. In addition to this, it is demoralizing to the average person trying to earn an honest living. Corruption forces honest hard working citizens to leave the country. Those who leave because of the demise of an honest and fair business environment are invariably the ones who are making a positive contribution to the economy at large. Businesses that were once loyal to South Africa also consider their options in this regard.”

“Strong action is required from all stakeholders to curb the scourge of white collar crime and we need the Government to take the lead in this. As business we are committed to playing our part.We have noted that business confidence dropped in South Africa in our sector in 2012 and more of our members are moving to serve clients beyond our borders, taking advantage of the pockets of opportunities in countries outside South Africa.”

He went on to state that South Africa dropped, to CESA’s dismay, further on the International Transparency Index and now ranks number 9 on the African continent, behind Botswana, Cape Verde, Mauritius, Rwanda, Seychelles, Namibia, Ghana and Lesotho. Transparency International ranked South Africa 69 out of 176 countries, with a score of 43, which is also the global average.

“The ANC’s December Conference in Mangaung saw President JacobZuma win a second term as expected. The President has promised to do much more to curb corruption in our country and this is great news for our industry. We are also positive about the election of CyrilRamaphosa as the Deputy President and believe that his business skills and acumen will bring positive energy to government operating as a business and more to stabilize the jittery economic position we find ourselves in as a country.”

Key sustainability indicators for South Africa
Bhojaram stated that there are a number of challenges that the country face. CESA believes that the focus should be on the key sustainability indicators and deal with these in a systematic way with cooperation by all stakeholders in order to achieve success. The key sustainability indicators for South Africa in CESA’s view is that education should be declared an essential service and the profession should attract the country’s top brains at commensurate remuneration. The provision of adequate education infrastructure and equipment as well as top notch educators is the key ingredient to a sustainable South Africa.

A financially prosperous South Africa is a sustainable South Africa saidBhojaram. “In order for us to achieve financial prosperity, we need sound economic and investor friendly policies. Political certainty is essential and whilst we are and should remain a proud democracy,destabilising elements, statements and nuances should be dealt with categorically and without delay. There is no need to keep investors guessing or waiting for answers. Delayed decisive statements regarding nationalisation of the mines is a case in point.”

CESA and its members can assist in addressing the key sustainability indicators. On education, our members are actively involved in providing additional lessons for school students, lecturing and doing research and innovation projects with universities. CESA member firms are also active in mentoring undergraduate and post graduate phases of their careers. The School of Consulting Engineering run byCESA provides a large array of courses for individuals from member firms and client bodies.

Curbing corruption was CESA’s theme for 2012. Members firms are obliged to comply with the CESA Business Integrity Management System as a condition of membership. CESA are willing to sign such a pact for all projects undertaken and invite our clients to do the same. Members firms are also encouraged to use the various whistle blower schemes to report all incidents of business integrity.

“The appointment of the ‘right leaders’ is paramount to doing clean business, “proclaimed Bhojaram.

He stressed that all leaders, whether they are business leaders, political leaders or spiritual leaders, must be selected on the basis of their ethical balance. Qualities such as IQ (intelligence quotient), EQ(emotional intelligence) and PhQ (your physical quotient) should be taken as given. A sustainable future depends on our ability to put leaders in place with the highest ethical balance.

CESA clarion Call to government:

  • Provide a good quality and high standard of education rather than a free education in substandard facilities with an inadequate number of lecturing staff that is of poor calibre.
  • Be duty bound to report unethical behavior - break the silence for a sustainable South Africa!
  • Make decisions now which will be relevant in 100 years’ time. Short term decision making is not sustainable

Bhojaram concluded by stating that sustainability is everybody’s business and made an impassionate plea for the media to supportCESA in lobbying Government and the private sector in its drive to expose corruption to ensure a sustainable life for all.

“Embrace new ways of doing things and most of all; let us all pull together towards a sustainable future. Sustainability is everyone’s business”.

There has been much discussion about the impact of the ‘born frees’ — those between the ages of 18 to 19, who have never experienced apartheid. Some felt that this generation of voters, without any living memory of apartheid, may be more politically engaged. However, it is not clear that they will be a significant factor. So far, about 30 percent of the ‘born frees’ have registered to vote. With 676,685 registered voters in this age bracket, they represented approximately 3 percent of the 25,362,786 registered to vote. Now, with the earlier dissolution of the ANC Youth League, even this small portion of the youth vote may be even more difficult to access and convince.

Impact on 2014 Elections and beyond

The ANC currently controls 264 seats out of 400, but this may change in 2014. The declining support for the ANC reflected in theIpsos polls, the fracturing ANC base, and the increase in service delivery protests threaten the ANC’s absolute majority in parliament. Some of this has been foreshadowed by the 2011 municipal elections. The ANC won the 2011 municipal elections with 66 percent of the national vote, but the main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA), — which has 67 seats in parliament — picked up 21 percent of the vote. Then, as now, there was Sharp criticism of the ANC’s weakened connection with its base. Notably, the Ipsos Pulse of the People survey shows that 18 percent would support the DA, up from 13 percent in November 2008. The DA clearly tried to harness such dissatisfaction by nominating Mamphele Ramphele on January 28 as its presidential candidate. However, the deal fell through just days later, due to disagreements over the fate of Ramphele’s party, Agang SA, in a union with the DA.

Corruption In Mzantsi (South Africa)


Lucia Tisconia offers this perspective about Corruption in the following article:"On Corruption In South Africa"..

When it comes to corruption, there is no North-South divide. Neither is it a problem of the centre versus the periphery, or the poor versus the rich. In many accounts, it is presented as a global malaise that thrives as a result of weak institutional arrangements that allow enough room for man oeuvre on the verge of illegality.(Transparency.org)

South Africa, despite the apparent increase in corruption coverage, is not an exception. With increasing frequency, the media, NGOs and academia are drawing attention to the pervasiveness of corruption across society. They highlight the illicit or illegitimate activities of public officials, point to the threat that corruption poses to the creation of a healthy democracy, and present analyses of potential causes and remedies. Its increasing prominence on the national agenda has coincided in recent years with the escalation of protests (often violent) demanding improved quality and quantity of public services. It does not require an expert to connect the dots: when practices that allow the inappropriate use of public funds are entrenched, it becomes a structural impediment to socio-economic and political inclusion, and threatens the consolidation of democratic practice in the longer term.

"There is broad consensus about the importance of internal institutional safeguards to discourage corruption within various arms of government, as well as the need for dedicated anti-corruption bodies to fight it. Yet, the South African case seems to challenge this assumption. Despite having a comprehensive suite of laws that govern rights of access, financial management and service delivery in the public sector, and an impressive array of oversight institutions (Asmal 2007), corruption in this sphere seems to have become increasingly rampant. Although there are supervision mechanisms, corruption persists. The question is why.

If we were to regard corruption as an essentially managerial problem, answers to its eradication could be sought simply in administrative reforms to make managerial practices more watertight.
It is argued here that the remedy is not that simple. This paper seeks to show that institutional performance cannot be divorced from the social environment within which it operates. If corruption is understood and analysed as embedded in social relationships, then, managerial solutions alone will not suffice. This is particularly relevant to South Africa, with its exceptionally high levels of social inequality, manifested not only in income level disparities but also in access to services.

Given the issues highlighted in the recent Public Protector reports on the procurement of offices for the South African Police Service (SAPS)2 and subsequent repercussions, this paper takes its cue from the saga to shed light on the questions of what corruption is, its effects in terms of institutional performance and its implications for governance, considering the broader socio-political context and how it affects the very notion and practice of corruption.

At its core, corruption implies an abuse of power. Probably the easiest way to define it is as a transgression of rules that govern officials’ custodianship of public resources. Jonathan Hyslop (2005: 775–776) suggests that: ‘It involves the breach of laws or administrative rules governing the allocation of public resources for purposes of political or economic gain, or in order to gain coercive power over individuals or groups’. He suggests that it is important to distinguish corruption from patronage relationships and rent-seeking activities, which may or may not be corrupt. Patronage implies exchanges between individuals in different positions of power or status. For example, a supervisor can recommend one of his or her subordinates for a promotion. Rent-seeking behaviour is involved in any activity that aims at increasing income; for example, asking for a pay rise. Transparency International (TI) defines corruption as ‘the abuse of entrusted power for private gain’. The distinction that TI draws is between what they refer to as: ‘according to the rule corruption’

and ‘against the rule corruption’.(transparency.org) Such differentiation implies that it is possible for corruption to be perpetrated within or outside the limits of the law.

A proper grasp of the term is important from both a normative and a practical perspective. Concepts like these shape how decisions are made in a society; they speak to our sense of
‘right’ and ‘wrong’; and, by extension, they circumscribe our framework of values. Moreover, in an environment of limited resources, conceptual distinctions are important inasmuch as they point out dimensions that require focus and appropriate strategies to be remedied. If we accept that corruption can occur without breaking the law, differentiation between practices becomes more difficult. Although some concrete actions might be morally questionable, labelling them as corrupt becomes challenging if they remain ‘within the rules’. A definition of corruption that strictly focuses on the legality of a practise, therefore, will not suffice if our intention is to address its underlying sources.

Another element that makes the delimitation of corruption intricate is its locus. Many of the definitions of the term emphasise the state as the preferential arena for corrupt practices to develop. An assumption is made that corruption is counterproductive to the achievement of those virtues that have been deemed to distinguish democracy from other forms of government (Jordan Smith 2001). Most certainly, the notion of ‘corruption’ has normative connotations. The interpretation of such norms is framed by the legal-political-administrative system comprised in the notion of ‘state’.

There is a system of institutions that has been devised to define what is moral and what is not. According to Douglass North (1990: 3), ‘Institutions are the rules of the game in a society or, more formally, are the humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction’.

Still, ‘it is the informal constraints embodied in norms of behaviour, conventions and internally imposed codes of conduct that are critical’ (North 1998: 506, in Fjeldstad 2004: 557). Indeed,
there are norms that define the morality of actions which are not materialised in formal rules and procedures. Understanding how such norms are produced and reproduced is an integral part
of accounting for how corruption works. Thus, as Daniel Jordan Smith (2001: 344–345) argues,
both social and moral elements constitute corruption and ‘much of what critics might gloss as “corruption” can look like moral behaviour from local perspectives’. This is not to justify corruption; in order to fight it, a deeper understanding of its social roots is necessary. Understanding why strategies to deal with corruption fail requires an enquiry into its mechanisms of social reproduction. A complementary perspective is added to this when the relationship between the state and ordinary people (as opposed to powerful individuals) is observed. A richer narrative can be built by looking at how such relationships contribute to the perpetuation of corruption.

In contexts of high economic and political insecurity, people may be more likely to rely on social ties than on rules and regulations governing official conduct. In a study of this phenomenon in Nigeria, Daniel Jordan Smith (2001: 345, 360–361) explains that a significant portion of the population prefer to rely on kinship relations than on official sources for their livelihood, because the ‘offices of the state are unreliable when it comes to delivering basic services and assistance through formal channels’. He notes that, ‘it is, in part, the very demands of clientelistic networks to deliver public resources based on moral obligations and affective attachments that makes it almost impossible

for office holders to run their offices in anything other than a prebendal manner’ (that is, through patron-client relationships). Yet, engaging in corrupt activities generates distrust; people take part in this sort of activity under the recognition that it is counterproductive and even negative, but there is a perception that participation is necessary to gain access to certain resources or benefits (Jordan Smith 2001).

In the South African case, there appears to be agreement with regard to what corruption means. However, there is disagreement when it comes to its scope and foundation (Hyslop 2005). Research seems to point towards social factors as an element that contributes towards explaining corrupt behaviour. Specifically researching the South African case, Odd-Helge Fjeldstad (2004) stresses that governments can reduce clientelistic relations by generating and promoting policies that increase social protection, particularly of the poor.

Could it be that, in spite of the existence of formal bodies that work to regulate corruption, the persistence of informally institutionalized mechanisms in society conspires against those formal structures?

A Complementary Interpretation

In a modern democracy, it is probably reasonable for citizens to expect to have ‘good’ institutions to rely on (that is, institutions that respond to their demands). Such responsiveness is the result of a combination of two factors: effectiveness and legitimacy. Effectiveness is determined by the state’s capacity to perform its functions (delivering services, law and order, security) well. It will also be legitimate if its actions are deemed fair (Goldstone 2008). Yet, whether institutions are ‘good’ or ‘bad’ cannot be separated from the context within which they operate. Perceptions of legitimacy emanate from that context, and very often perception, or practice, clashes with the official yardsticks for good practice. Assessments of the pervasiveness of corruption, therefore, cannot be isolated from the social and economic environment within which it occurs.

As such, the narrative above suggests a two-way relationship between institutions and citizens: although institutions are ‘the rules of the game’ and regulate human interactions, human interactions also (re)define the way that institutions operate. If corruption is seen as the means to get services delivered, it is highly likely that the procedures in place to deliver those services will be affected.

In South Africa, citizens’ expectations for more and better service provision increased after the
end of apartheid. In the years since the political transition, other profound societal transformations have been reshaping the relationship between the state and citizens. As a recent report from the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) points out, the emergence of a new elite (together with a new subaltern class that lives in extremely precarious conditions) is generating tensions regarding the processes of inclusion (and exclusion) of these new groups.

The same report highlights how citizens perceive their rights to be affected according to their different levels of education, income and gender, among other factors. If the state is not able to put in place policies that compensate for and alleviate those differences, the new subaltern class mobilises violently, which is not surprising in the South African context, where there is a history of violence used as a legitimate means to produce social change (Von Holdt et al. 2011).

Institutional performance that is shaped by corrupt practices eventually distorts governance and results in an inability to deliver on basic mandates. This provides fertile ground for questioning
key assumptions about the authority and legitimacy of the state. If it becomes clear that official channels are unable to meet core needs, discontent and disillusionment will convince citizens of the utility of corrupt practices. The cycle is completed when citizen withdrawal from official channels of interaction ultimately undermines institutional capacity to deliver. Taken to an extreme, this entails a risk to political stability.

Unless the structural violence produced and reproduced by corrupt practices is dealt with holistically,4 prospects for healthy governance – ‘institutional process and the rules of the game for authoritative decision-making’ (Grindle 2007: 555) – run the risk of being jeopardised. This suggests that tackling corruption involves more than improving managerial practices; it should also be regarded as symptomatic of other distortions and power imbalances in society.

In the following section, an analysis of recent events relating to alleged mismanagement in the SAPS aims to show how these realities are borne out in practice.

"The Fabric Of Corruption In The South African Police Service

Contrary to what is suggested directly and indirectly by some commentators, corruption is not a distinctly post-1994 phenomenon. The apartheid era is replete with accounts of extreme corruption and brutality. In democratic South Africa, new forms of corruption underscore Jonathan Hyslop’s (2005) assertion that different regimes produce different types of corruption. Yet, they often coexist with inherited ones.

As is the case with the general term ‘corruption’, the concept of ‘police corruption’ is a complex
one to define. It has sometimes been equated with the term ‘misconduct’. Although there is no consensus on the notion of police corruption, it is broadly accepted to mean ‘any illegal conduct
or misconduct involving the use of occupational power for personal, group or organisational gain’ (Sayed & Bruce 1998). A recently released report on these issues in South Africa identifies nine types and dimensions ranging from ‘corruption of authority’, which does not necessarily involve breaching the law, to ‘direct criminal activities’ (Newham & Faull 2011: 6–7). The same report argues that the complexity of the definition of police corruption in the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act 12 of 2004 is probably one of the reasons why it is difficult to apply in practice.

Explanations as to why police corruption occurs encompass not only individual and organizational reasons, but also environmental ones. Dissatisfaction with the police after apartheid has been explained by perceptions of poor service and corruption, and by an increase in crime rates during the 1990s. Also race-related friction within the police service has been identified as hampering the consolidation of its esprit de corps (Newham 2004).

After the end of apartheid, the SAPS went through several institutional changes in order to be aligned with the prescriptions in the new constitution (Newham 2004). Measures were taken at
all levels to tackle police corruption. Among other initiatives, a National Anti-Corruption Unit was created and a Service Integrity Framework was devised. Yet, analysis has indicated that these bodies lack effectiveness (Newham 2002; Newham & Faull 2011). Some of the problems identified are a shortage of resources and capacity levels too low to implement the policies devised, together with lack of hope at the management level that any changes are possible (Newham 2002). Also,
the need for more responsible citizens has been raised as an essential element in dealing with police corruption: ‘A change in civic culture that takes action against all police misconduct, and supports and rewards police professionalism, will inevitably lead to changes in police organisational culture’ (Newham & Faull 2011: 46–47). Facilitating access to ways to report incidents, like special telephone lines, is proposed as a means of encouraging responsible citizenship.

There are also distinct organisational challenges to the eradication of corruption in the SAPS, such as fear of change and failure, distrust and lack of incentives (Matthews 2000). Policy-making itself presents challenges as well. As Newham (2004: 232) argues, ‘having good policing policy on paper is one thing, while effectively implementing it is another’. The phase of implementation of any public policy is probably as complex as its design phase; interests of different stakeholders come into play, which may hinder or change the original policy objectives. Also, the amount of resources allocated by the government in order to pursue policy is an indicator of how much of a priority that policy is. Ultimately, the problem of corruption within the police service seems to have been assessed as

a management problem. When it comes to prescribing solutions, policy recommendations stem from the diagnoses previously made. Alternatives have ranged from increasing the punishment of individuals, to changing organisational culture, to devising mechanisms to empower managers further (Newham 2002; Newham & Faull 2011). In the light of the discussion above, available options seem to address only part of the problem.

The literature on organisational and managerial factors that produce corruption in South Africa
is extensive. However, non-managerial explanations have been explored less. Nowadays, the proliferation of informal markets in South Africa, probably mainly due to the high volumes of low- skilled labour, makes individuals more prone to involvement in some form of corruption, owing to their vulnerable position.Von Holdt et al, 2011) Lower ranks of police officers are also in a vulnerable position (poorly paid, lacking training) and frequently experience the need to supplement their incomes to make ends meet. The interaction between these two domains of vulnerability reinforces and perpetuates their existence. An example of this is constituted by illegal markets. Sometimes, police will be bribed to ignore illegality, thus having access to a source of additional income. In turn, for many individuals who live in precarious conditions, being able to work in those markets becomes a question of survival (Newham 2002).

However, poor administration that verges on corruption also seems to occur in spheres within the police service where vulnerability is not necessarily the source. Alleged interference by National Commissioner General Bheki Cele to secure a tender for ruling party benefactors, when it came to the selection of new police headquarters, is suggestive of this (Newham & Faull 2011). However, the ‘fabric of corruption’ – the existence of corrupt practices at different levels in society – allows and reinforces such practices at both the top and bottom of the hierarchical structure. As Jordan Smith (2007: 231) notes, ‘Corruption and the discontent it produces operate at the interstices between state and society, public and private, local and global, pragmatic and moral’. These interactions become visible when scrutinising peoples’ perceptions. According to recent data, almost 60 per cent of citizens had some degree of confidence in the police in 2010, as opposed to less than 50 per cent in 2008. Yet, 42 per cent of the people in 2010 thought that it was alright to ‘get around the law’ to resolve problems (Lefko-Everet et al. 2010: 24).

At the same time, perceptions of poor police performance correlate with a growth in the private security industry.6 The proliferation of ‘private security’ questions the Weberian notion of the state’s ‘monopoly on legitimate violence’. Most probably, it contributes towards undermining it as well.

As Clifford Shearing and Michael Kempa (2000: 205) explain, ‘paid security agencies pursue t

he security priorities of their employers...meaning that security ends up less a democratic right than a commodity’. Reduced accountability of the state is, arguably, among the most profound implications of the privatisation of security. It also promotes an understanding that the provision of security no longer falls within the realm of the state; more importantly, it represents a withdrawal from the democratic process, understood as the collective negotiation by citizens regarding how state revenue is to be used. Shearing and Kempa (2000: 209) suggest that ‘Wealthier persons who are paying directly for private security are not likely to also want to pay for its public provision through state taxes, the result being a paucity of resources available’.

Weaknesses in the SAPS are probably also coupled with lack of control mechanisms in other institutions. In this regard, Robert Mates (2002) presents an interesting perspective on the South African Constitution and the lack of accountability of members of parliament (MPs), as well as a lack of ‘checks and balances’. According to him, the Constitution establishes that any MP who
is expelled from his or her political party is automatically removed from Parliament. This creates negative incentives towards favouring opinions contrary to the party. Moreover, the separation of powers between the executive and Parliament is not effectively guaranteed in the Constitution, further undermining the capacity of the legislature to control the executive.

This also holds specific relevance in terms of appointments within and oversight of the SAPS. Recent assessments have alluded to the question of why social issues escalate to high-level institutions instead of being handled by intermediate bodies designed to prevent corruption (see Hofmeyr 2011). Perhaps, this reaction is the result of a constitutional design that provides for checks and balances, but does not guarantee their efficiency(Asmal, 2007).

Although public spending on the police budget is significant, spending appears to be inefficient and probably also biased towards particular interests(Sunday times, 2010) The definition of priorities is certainly not only a question of the amount of resources allocated to an institution, but also how those are used. Where resources are directed within the police is undoubtedly more than just a technical decision, it is a political one (Vetten 2005).

Still, when looking at crime figures, police performance seems to have improved. According to a recent SAPS report, the number of serious crimes decreased by 2.4 percentage points between
the period 2009/2010–2010/2011, and the ratio of serious crimes to population decreased by 3.7 percentage points (SAPS 2011). It could be argued that whether there is corruption is not relevant as long as results are achieved. However, corruption tends to perpetuate power imbalances, eventually undermining the institution’s capacity to deliver. Moreover, in a context of increased social tensions, the need for the police to be perceived as a trustworthy mediator is essential to maintain political stability.

As the account above shows, the avenues that seem to have led to the apparent weakening of the SAPS’s institutional capacity are diverse and not limited to the sphere of the state. This narrative suggests a two-way relationship, or mutual influence, between citizens’ perceptions and attitudes and institutional performance. It also provides a different perspective on how and why corruption occurs, portraying it as a phenomenon that transcends the realm of the state. This observation probably requires further empirical analysis and research to show the extent of the relationship and its potential consequences.

Conclusion: Corruption And Its Implications For Governance

This paper seeks to shed some light on the complexities of the phenomenon of corruption and,
by extension, institutional performance. It focuses on the SAPS to illustrate its assertions. As a key institution responsible for social order in a country with a history of high levels of crime and conflict, the SAPS has a pivotal role to play in the normalisation of post-apartheid South African society. This piece points to the detrimental impact of corruption in this regard, which emanates from, among other things, a convoluted relationship between citizens’ negative perceptions of corruption and, ironically, a need to engage in such activity to fill the void that is created by the unpredictability of

outcomes under conditions of precarious provision of public services. More importantly, perhaps, corruption is also a result of social practices that collide with assumed notions of good bureaucratic practice associated with the prototypical Weberian state, as well as the vulnerabilities of civil servants and ordinary citizens in particular social contexts. Much more needs to be explored around these complexities relating to the relationship between citizens’ attitudes, opinions and behaviours, and institutional performance.

Corruption in the police (and, it could be argued, elsewhere) is more than a management problem; thus, it cannot be addressed only by means of managerial reform. Organisational changes need to be coupled with alternative strategies to generate trust among citizens, which may involve other institutions beyond the police.

In broad policy terms, to tackle corruption, efforts need to be made in order to formalise informal markets, the educational system needs to create opportunities for citizens to be better qualified and able to access better jobs, and migration policies need to be reviewed. Indeed, this is not an easy task and steps in this direction have certainly been undertaken. The fact that the issue of corruption has had substantial news coverage and that more information is becoming available about it in South Africa should be welcomed.

Assuming that governance – good governance – is key to the promotion of development, institutions that are able to respond to citizens’ priorities and needs are fundamental. Although the police service as an institution needs to be addressed and managerial reforms seem to be necessary,
the whole institutional fibre requires strengthening. In a context of limited resources, an exercise of prioritisation must be carried out. Budgetary allocations need to reflect the fact that strengthening the police as an organisation is a priority.

Certainly, fighting corruption requires not only adequate institutions but also political will and citizens’ active involvement. Still, corruption is largely symptomatic of power imbalances. It is
not the result of an irresponsible private citizenry. If mechanisms to build trust are not in place, administrative change and managerial efforts will be futile. Until now, the focus on citizen mobilisation seems to have been placed on reporting improper actions, not necessarily on building new patterns of relationships that promote greater trust. Most strikingly, it is left to the private will

of citizens to report corruption; it is made their responsibility. Change in citizens’ perceptions is proposed as an avenue for institutional change; yet, institutional change is fundamental if perceptions are to be changed.

From a research perspective, complementary analyses may contribute towards illuminating
other areas. Mechanisms of interaction between institutions and citizens need further empirical exploration. According to Steinar Askvik (2010: 41), ‘popular learning in relation to political support is not merely a matter of how public institutions are performing, but would also encompass how identities develop as a consequence of political, economic and social mobilisation in society at large’. Who trusts or distrusts the police the most? Why? Is this perception equal across the board along ethnic, gender and income lines? What does that say about forms of representation?

Indeed, corruption speaks of a management problem and is a crime. It is, however, also the manifestation of structural violence, a series of conditions that oppress individuals, lack of job opportunities, and other social factors. Therefore, any policy strategy aiming at building a more inclusive society should treat the issue of corruption as symptomatic of processes of exclusion that need to be addressed. The structural constraints that lead people to engage in corrupt activities

in South Africa need to be further explored. Likewise, understanding the political economy of corruption, who the ultimate beneficiaries are, and what institutional arrangements are functional in sustaining those practices can be of help in devising new strategies to address it.

SA Government Service Delivery Panel OI 2012

Covert Racism and whitewashing Black Concerns

Gillian Schutte wrote the following article..

The furore over the cartoon depicting the ANC parliamentarians and their electorate as a bunch of inept clowns is indicative of how far we still have to go in terms of embedded and unconscious racism in South Africa. There is nothing wrong with critiquing government in satirical depictions, but there is something horribly wrong when those depictions verge on 19th century Blackface stereotypes and entirely overlook the racial demographics of our land.

In this offensive cartoon we see the spotlight solely on black people in Parliament. There is no focus on the Freedom Front or the Democratic Alliance, as part of this “buffoonery”, which is depicted as an exclusively black “condition”. There is no mention of the Indian or coloured demographic either. It is wholly about representing black African government and their black African electorate as hapless, foolish and gormless. The derogatory textual commentary that accompanies this cartoon is also telling as it is infused with sneering condescension and superciliousness disguised as humour.

But more telling in terms of these racist incidents that continue to erupt on our social landscape, is the apparent shock and horror expressed by the white echelon that support this type of humour when they discover that black people may be offended by this racist depiction of blackness. This is most apparent in the nonplussed reaction to the outcry from the creator of the cartoon, John Curtis, who maintains that the depiction was not racist but a valid critique of the government.

Really? Then why was it so offensive to many black South Africans and why was this concern written off as buffoonery too? And it was not only ANC supporters who decried this cartoon racist.

Again, as in The Spear debacle, this has become a battle of wills between a sizeable group of white and educated liberals and a critical mass of black people — with the white side shouting about “freedom of expression above all” and black commentators asking if freedom of expression is always going to be about white people being given the space to depict blackness in such negative and offensive terms? This is about the whitewashed master narrative that has been entrenched in our society for over three centuries, battling it out and trying to overrun an emerging dissenting narrative that says the racism inherent in this discourse is no longer acceptable — redundant even. It is worrying how mainstream media seems to uphold the master narrative and assist in the silencing of the dissenting narrative.

But more worrying is the fact that if the content is not recognised as racist by the creators then the default expectation is that it is “not racist” and again black dissenters are written off as reactionary and unreasonable by the purveyors of this contemporary dominant discursive trend.

Nowadays there is a tendency for gatekeepers to downplay and even write-off concerns about the racist element in the white narrative in an attempt to sanitise the public discourse of the notion that racism is still a problem. Added to this dominant discourse is the “nouveau liberal” element of race denialism and it is very clear how the discourses of power, social discourses and media discourses seek to temper, evade and even ignore the issue of racism in contemporary societal narratives. These societal narratives, though infused with racial bias, are now disguised in polite liberalist linguistics, satire and of course, an inbuilt disavowal of the possibility of racism.

Since independence in 1994 we have become a South Africa in which explicit racism is frowned upon and those who are outwardly racist have had to curb their verbose racist impunity. Those with a more liberal and less right-wing ethos who still embody “unconscious” race-bias, have found a new form of expression for their predisposition — a disguised form of racism which, although does not appear to be overtly racist certainly contains implicit and implied racism. Instead of saying, “the kaffirs are bladdy lazy and useless”, the expression becomes one that “reasonably” or “humorously” blames the poor for their poverty and asks questions such as, why the poor have “so many children when they cannot afford to feed them?” Or “Why don’t they just get a job instead of waiting for hand-outs from government?” Or simply depicts “them” as a thoroughly obtuse bunch that unthinkingly vote the useless ANC government in over and over again.

These questions and depictions are devoid of the acknowledgment of historical or structural oppression and contemporary racialised bias, nor is there any awareness of the role that white privilege plays, both economically and discursively, in the marginalisation of the poor. The creator of this particular cartoon does not seem to even imagine that there is any thought and consideration given to who the electorate votes for or why they opt not to vote for any of the alternative parties, most of which, in fact, are just as neoliberal and anti-poor as the ANC has become.

Implied in these suggestions of black idiocy is the coded message that whites know and perform best and that whites exist on a higher rung of rationality. This message, though oblique, is steeped in suggestions of white superiority and infused with racism but comes across as humour and political critique. In fact this discourse becomes more destabilising and thus crueller than outright racism because it is very hard to prove that racism is the creator’s intent. If the purveyor is accused of outright racism, the response is often that the accuser is being “oversensitive” and “defensive” and has missed the point entirely, as has played out in the public spats around this cartoon. Even the apology does not seem sincere and comes with a disclaimer that it is not racist but …

This whitewashing of black concern displays a veneer of niceness and insincere surprise but this insincerity distances and blunts the transmitter from taking responsibility for their own racism and from reflecting on the structural violence inherent in their supposedly well-meaning/funny discourse. It is also passive aggressive and psychologically abusive as it serves to destabilise the recipient because this type of racism has a friendly and natural façade and is thus hard to prove as outright racism — leaving the recipient second-guessing their response.

In terms of the ruling by George Bizos that the cartoon is “not racist” I ask if it is not somewhat inappropriate for whites to be the ones deciding what is “not” racist since whites are not the receivers or victims of racism? This verdict overrules the opinions, feelings and sensibilities of black commentators who have called it racist. It also rips into the integrity and intelligence of the premise for the black backlash and cancels out the concerns expressed in this uproar over the cartoon.

Surely it is also time for “well-meaning” and “humorous” white people to start reflecting on the overt or covert or unconscious racism inherent in these on-going negative and insulting depictions of blackness. Is it not time to recognise that their own inability to authentically acknowledge the awareness and integrity of the black backlash to these depictions only exposes their stranglehold on the belief that white is right and black is “oversensitive”. Those dismissive attitudes only further the oppressive nature of the dominant discourse and cannot be described as anything other than racist. Just because the purveyor does not recognise his own racism does not mean for certain that it is not racist. Perhaps this is a good place to begin to recognise and therefore undo, unconscious racism and to stop calling the recipients of this phenomenon oversensitive and irrational.

Whether overt or covert, racism is still racism.

This Is What Blacks Endured During Apartheid; These Are The Africans, 20+ Years Of ANC Rule, Today


Persisence Of Racism Supposedly Post Apartheid South Africa

I’m the only white teacher in an all-black township school. Teaching the philosophy of Steve Biko has been quite interesting, given the context.

I can relate to Athambile Masola’s “atmosphere of exclusion” in her article "A Biko Moment", where “there are no words or signs declaring the exclusion”.

I’ve had several “Biko moments” although I find the association in the term problematic. From mocking my “white English”, to assuming I’m a spokesperson for all whites, to a strange fascination with my hair, to the request for being someone’s “white friend” to sending me to speak to the white person to sort things out, I can relate to a lot of things Masola has said.

In a post-apartheid South Africa we are all walking stereotypes. If you’re white, you’re rich, privileged, well-connected, selfish, uptight and too strict. You don’t care, especially not about black people. When I explain it’s sometimes the rich people who don’t care, because if they cared they wouldn’t be rich, a light goes on for some, but the stereotype remains. I am them, by virtue of my skin. It doesn’t matter where I come from or how I got here.

It’s these small things that create the atmosphere of exclusion. I’m an inside-outsider. I get on well with my colleagues and students, I know their community well and love it and them with most of my heart and it shows. I’m one of them, but I’m an outsider. I’m white and with that whiteness comes otherness. Some years ago I wrote this poem while working and travelling through East Africa: (Mzungu being the Swahili word for a white person, Umlungubeing the isiXhosa equivalent.)


It’s a hazard
This white skin of mine
Not made for Africa
Burning with guilt
Under the scorching sun

A straight target
“Mzungu, Mzungu”
Bleached, difficult to hide
Signaling “Money”, “Help”, “the Outside”

Outsider in a continent beckoning me in
The continent of my birth
Continent tied to my heart

It’s a hazard
This white skin of mine
In a place I long to call “home”

I feel more at home at the school I currently work at than the predominantly white, middle-class school I used to work at. Despite teaching a class of 68 and a grade 12 class of 50, despite issues with teaching resources and organisational setbacks, I wouldn’t trade my position with that of Masola at the ex-model C school she works at. Even though due to our skin colours we’d feel less excluded if we did. We can celebrate the fact that we have the choice to be where we’re at or we can lament the fact that there are still such divided spaces in this country of ours that create such a feeling of exclusion. At the end of the day it doesn’t eliminate the exclusion.

Biko believed, as did Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael that the role of whites in the liberation of blacks was to work “within their own communities”. To reform their own communities. Every time I teach Black Consciousness and the Black Power movement this comes back to haunt me. Should I go back to a school where the hidden curriculum screams white and fight to reform it when I so strongly feel that that’s not where I belong? Or should I continue to be an example of the fact that white people are not always uncaring, selfish, uptight and too strict? And in a feat of “message over messenger” teach the oh-so-relevant message of: “Black is beautiful, black is strong — be black and proud” that Biko so fervently espoused.

I’m an African and proudly South African. And I do stay on each year because I remind myself that beyond the pitiful and selfish feelings of exclusion that I indulge in, I am fighting a demon of way greater discrimination. Discrimination of black people against themselves in a culture where everything good is seen as white and everything bad as black. I could recount several examples of this here, but suffice it to say that there’s still a practice of saying anything new “smells like white people”, a tendency to label those that do exceptionally well as “coconuts” and to doubt good ideas truly coming from black teachers or students. “No, they must have been Ms D’s ideas — the white teacher.”

Biko reminds us to “liberate our minds” and sometimes it takes an outsider to make you aware of your oppression. Or as Masola has done — make you aware of how you perpetuate the oppression. Liberating minds. We need more “outsiders” in South African contexts, ones with balls and gusto and voices that are heard. Until perhaps one day we’ve eliminated the exclusion our skins create.

20+ Years Of Samocrazy


Ruminations About The 20 Years Of ANC Rule...

Although this report is dated 2010, it helps give a sense and perspective as to why the poor are where they are, now two years post World Cup. I post the article in order to remind us of history of the past two years to date... The past helps us understand the present, so that wean formulate the future, better and informed...

Transcript from Democracy Now and the Interview carried-out by Amy Good, interviewing Mazwi Ndimande and Rev. Mavuso Mbhekiseni

JUAN GONZALEZ: We end today with a look at South Africa, which is poised to host the World Cup, the premier international football competition, next year. While Durban completes the finishing touches on its new stadium, thousands of the city’s poor who live in sprawling informal settlements are threatened with eviction by the ruling African National Congress’s, or ANC’s, slum clearance policies.
Late this Saturday night, an armed gang of some forty men attacked an informal settlement on [Durban’s] Kennedy Road killing at least two people and destroying thirty shacks. A thousand people have reportedly been driven out of the settlement. Eyewitnesses say the attackers acted with the support of the local ANC structures. Members of the Durban Shack Dwellers Movement, which brings together tens of thousands of shack dwellers to demand their right to fair housing in the city, were holding a youth camp when they were attacked.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, last month we interviewed a young leader from the Shack Dwellers Movement, eighteen-year-old Mazwi Nzimande. He is president of the movement’s youth league. He has been displaced by this latest attack. He’s currently in hiding. We also spoke with Reverend Mavuso Mbhekiseni from the Rural Network in South Africa. They were in the US speaking out against the anti-poor policies in post-apartheid South Africa.
I began by asking Mazwi to explain the Shack Dwellers Movement.
MAZWI NZIMANDE: The Shack Dwellers Movement is a movement that was made by the poor people, the people who were waiting for housing since 1994. It’s the movement that is made out of poor people only, because the poor people are feeling betrayed, so they decided to join hands together and approach the government and make the government to be aware. They say there are still poor people in South Africa, because they feel that they are the forgotten citizens of the country. The only thing that is being remembered is to build stadiums for the 2010 World Cup. They don’t talk about the poor people anymore. They’re only talking about promoting the country, so the poor people decided to join hands together and approach the government and say, “Hey, we are still existing in the country, so we are still waiting for those houses.”
JUAN GONZALEZ: What is the [Slums] Act? When was it passed? And what has been the impact of it on the poor communities of South Africa?
MAZWI NZIMANDE: The Slums Act was first a bill in 2006, when the Shack Dwellers Movement was invited at the provincial parliament in Pietermaritzburg, when it was still a bill, you know. So we were invited to come and observe while they were introducing the Slums Act. And it has not been good for the shack dwellers, because the Slums Act says you should not resist eviction. If you resist evictions, you might be fined 20,000 rand or being sentenced at five years. So, most of us cannot afford that, because we want to be in our shacks, we want to be close in the city. I mean, that’s what we want. We want the government to provide houses where the people are, close to our working place, close to our schools, close to the hospital. Plus, we have a right to be close to the city.
AMY GOODMAN: Isn’t South Africa unusual in that it has housing as a human right written into the Constitution?
MAZWI NZIMANDE: It does, yes. But now, it seems like it’s working for certain individuals, not for the poor people, because you will be surprised and shocked when you go to South Africa and see thousands and thousands of informal settlements. And then we just don’t understand, because, I mean, since 1994, these people are still on the waiting list. Each informal settlement has about 7,000 people. And in our movement in Durban only, we have fourteen settlements, and each of those have about 7,000, 5,000. And you will just find it so hard to understand why at this time of the year.
AMY GOODMAN: Mazwi mentioned the World Cup. It’s almost the only way we talk about South Africa today in the United States. But what exactly is happening to people as a result of the World Cup, which is watched by over a billion people and is going to be in South Africa for the first time?
REV. MAVUSO MBHEKISENI: Our government is concerned about developing spaces, not population development. So, as they develop spaces, they move away people. They say people should move away, so to pave way for the development, to help it. So, by building these stadia, they are moving people away from the cities and away from their original places, even in rural areas, because they want to build malls, big malls. They want to build freeways, so that, to us, this World Cup is a mass eviction of poor people. So that’s what is happening in South Africa. We are not going to live and stay in the stadia. We are not going to sleep there. So they are destroying our houses or our homes. Because we can afford those homes, so they say — they call them slums, and so we are evicted. So we are saying this World Cup is accompanied by evictions and destruction of our own — and demolishing of our own homes.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And when you say they are moved out, does the government — where are they being moved to? Is the government providing them adequate housing where they’re being moved to?
REV. MAVUSO MBHEKISENI: Government is promising them that they are going to have houses about fifty kilometers away from the cities, only to find that there are no houses. You will be moved to transitional relocation camps, where they say you have to wait for some — it’s ten years before you get housing.
AMY GOODMAN: Give us a historical perspective. Reverend Mavuso, you were there before the first democratically elected government of Nelson Mandela. You were there under apartheid. Compare that to today.
REV. MAVUSO MBHEKISENI: There is now a widening gap between the rich and the poor. During apartheid, it was the whites and blacks. So, now that is the type of apartheid that we see now, that people are getting more richer, and people are getting more poor.
AMY GOODMAN: Did you ever get a chance to meet Nelson Mandela? You’re eighteen years old, but President Mandela is still alive.
MAZWI NZIMANDE: I mean, I didn’t get a chance to see the days of Nelson Mandela, but, I mean, I’m hearing things that he’s such a wonderful man, he’s such a good man. You know, he has that powerful voice. But I don’t believe, because he is still alive, but there are informal — there are shack dwellers in South Africa, but he hasn’t said anything. There is that huge gap. Mandela is up there, and the people are down there, so it’s very hard to, like, get a chance to meet with Nelson Mandela. Even the current president, I haven’t met him, you know, because those people are high up. The only time they come to the communities is when the elections are going to take place. And they come with bodyguards. So, for me, it’s hard to understand why does a man that we must elect as a president come to our community, has bodyguard. That means he fear us, you know. So how can we access the man who comes with bodyguard in our communities? I don’t understand.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And if it’s true, as you say, that there’s been so many problems in terms of the widening gap in the country, why is the ANC leadership still receiving such huge support at the polls?
REV. MAVUSO MBHEKISENI: People were educated, through what we call domestication, that they should love one party, because that party gave them — will give them freedom. This is a majority party of — and it is a black government, so they say if we vote for another party, then it means it will not be democracy. They think democracy comes with the ANC. So they think ANC is democracy.

AMY GOODMAN: Rev. Mavuso of the Rural Network in South Africa and eighteen-year-old Mazwi Nzimande, president of the Shack Dwellers Movement’s youth league. We only have fifteen seconds, but he is now in hiding after a major attack on their shacks this weekend, Saturday night.
Mazwi, what happened? Very quickly, who did this? Who attacked people, killed two and hurt the shacks?
MAZWI NZIMANDE: Thank you. Firstly, we were not there, but on Sunday during the day, we went back to Kennedy Road to check on how things were, how the conditions were. I mean, it became clear when we saw the ANC guys who were there, you know, enjoying themselves, having that gathering. Even the [inaudible] —-
AMY GOODMAN: We have five seconds. We have five seconds.
MAZWI NZIMANDE: Even, I mean, so clear, it’s the ANC, because they have mentioned it, that they want the whole informal settlement to be known to the ANC [inaudible] -—
AMY GOODMAN: Mazwi Nzimande, we have to leave it there.

World Cup Interview, to be scrutinized and be able to interrogate the present..

The State And Conditon Of Present South African Shamocracy/Democrazy


Revolutionary Democracy..

Amilcar Cabral's Musings on Revolutionary Discipline and Respecting the People:

"In the context of the principle of "revolutionary democracy", to which we have already referred to several times, each responsible worker must bear his responsibility bravely, must demand respect from others for his activities and must show respect for the activities of others. However, we must not hide anything from our people, we must not deceive our people. Deceiving our people is to build a foundation of calamity for our Party. We must combat this in some comrades vigorously. We cannot allow the population to come to the frontier to fetch merchandize for the people's stores, for example, and once they have arrived find themselves obliged to load up with war material. Doing this is behaving worse than the colonialists, it is abusing our authority, abusing the good faith and good will of our people. It is preferable to say frankly to elements of the population they they should prepare themselves to go and fetch war material, because the war is for our land, and if they do not want to go, they will be arrested and taken by force. If necessary they can be arrested, but they must know where they are going. This is better than lying, cheating and looking small in the people's eye, for they, however wretched and suffering, are like any people, and they know the difference between the truth and a lie, justice and injustice, good and evil, and they are wise enough to lose respect for anyone who has lied to them. ... We must put an end to lying, we must be able not to deceive anyone about the difficulties of the struggle, about the mistakes we make, the defeats we may suffer, and we cannot believe that victory is easy. Nor can we believe in evasions like "I thought that".This is one of the great defects of some comrades. 'Comrade, how did this happen?' - 'It seems that...' This is of no use for those who are making a revolution, who seek the progress and happiness of their people through liberation struggle. We must be aware of this. ... There are comrades who are not able to make a clear report on what what is happening in the area where they are. Happily there are other who are capable. I am focusing on the negative aspects, but you all know that there are any positive aspects. That is exactly why we are seated here and it would be disastrous for us if there were only negative aspects. But my duty is to point out what is not going well, so that we can improve and go forward. We must trust appearances, our imagination; we have a tendency to trust our imagination. ... Revolutionary democracy demands that we combat all opportunism, as I have already told you, and that we combat as well the attitude comrades have being too hasty in forgiving mistakes. I am a responsible worker, you make a mistake, and I forgive you with the following intention: that now you know you are in my hands. This is not acceptable. No one has the right to forgive mistakes without first discussing the mistakes in front of everyone. Because the Party is ours, for all of us, not for each of us, but for all of us. We find it too easy to excuse quickly, we must fight this. The time has come to stop finding excuses. There is work to be done; it should be done well without excuses." .... If we can begin to read, seriously, learn and recall/execute what we have read and learn again from the people within whom we work amongst and with, we will further develop a language that is borne out of that struggle experience, and learning and applying these advices from Cabal, we will at least avoid the anarchy of ignorance that is threatening to engulf us. I cannot stress this more than I have done through my pieces here on FB, we need to read, know, control, disseminate and own our intelligence, information and knowledge, because all of them signify power and lead the African to one nation....

Present-day oppression and repression of Africans has taken many forms- and these tactics have merely morphed, added and tried to refine their oppressive and repressive techniques foisted upon the Africans of South Africa. There are all kinds of 'chatter' on the FB amongst the Africans of South Africa who can afford phones that are hooked up on the Internet, and can thus talk to each other and deal with one about everything and anything. Some people are calling for a revolution; the ruling ANC-led government is calling for an educated cadre to come and handle the teetering ship; the masses are dumbfounded and caught up in the calamity that Cabral is talking about above-being lied to and watching people become very opportunistic and materialistic. At this point, it is quite clear that Africans of South Africa are under siege on all fronts imaginable.. What I call "anarchy of ignorance" his being used with a laissez faire carte blanche attitude that even the masses are struggling to wrap their minds around it.

Water Struggle In Mzantsi


Whither Mzantsi: Dysfucntion As Norm And More- Talkinf Sharp With Each Other..

So, Present Day Revolutionaries Burn their Houses, And Call It A Revolt? - Critic And Anti-Critique

I have over time, since I have been here on Facebook as a form of "social Media" written various articles, which I have later transformed and posted elsewhere here on the Viral Streaming Soup. Many of of these articles cover vast subject and use imagery and positive music to buttress the point I am alluding to in every different article.

I have written harsh articles about every subject imaginable, but more specifically, which some may not have seen nor know, more personal articles about life where one lives today. Up to so far in laying out what I am about to say, it is articles that deal with our present way of life that I give some even more serious attention, and these, I publish, and I do not follow-up as to what I have published. I do so using the medium of Facebook to relay messages to the different Timeless/Walls.

I exploit the Streaming abilities of the medium to relay messages. The chatter on Twitter and Facebook from our own here in Mzantsi, is out of this world. Chaos and confusion reign supreme in our land. We really are in the doldrums of dysfunction, and there's still not yet a way out. There is no people here on earth who can succeed they way we are all behaving with and to each other and the people who are from other countries watching us act out and self-destruct as we do here in Mzantsi. Everybody knows every, nobody knowing something: Some Serious Dysfunction.

We cannot pretend knowledge control of information if we really do not know much about what we are saying we know. The propounded revolutionary ideas expounded upon here on these Social Walls is very distressing and depressing. Everything and anything goes or does not go. The leadership or Rulers of the ANC are not very well known by its polity. The ANC arrogantly abrogates is power with heavy dose of mien and arrogance unsurpassed. The followers of the ANC, cling tightly to their vested meagre interests(if any) and collaborate implicitly in [our] oppression.

I say [our] because this encompasses all and sundry. Those who hate and want to 'off' the ANC; those who are dyed-in-the-wool ANC cadres; then the are the ones who are flowing with the tide and are opportunistic, at best-and reactionary at worst. One is left with those who neither care what is the 'bent'-but exist and are coping. Within this mix, it's everybody immersed in this corrupted industry of making money and every man for themselves.

If as a revolution then the participants burn Libraries, Clinics, and schools.. That is anarchy! Disorder and Destruction!... If then we have in that potpourri of dysfunctions, we have cabals, nepotism, cronyism, we then have nothing but a motley crew of people whose interest is what helps them loot and accumulate the spoils of ill-begotten wealth, the zeitgeist then, as in through osmosis, penetrates and permeates through the social membrane and becomes suffused, becomes fused and embedded as reality.

Real reality, then, comprises of multiple mal-governance/malfesceance, corruption, lies, distortions, obfuscation as a way of life; the public makes and accepts the contorted and distorted reality a normal; One must try as hard as they can to get a piece or drop of the Gravy Train.

There Now exists a gulf and chasm between the governed and the rulers. The ANC issues directives as if it is still a government in exile-whereby they claims that they will deal with Zuma through their disciplinary entities within the movement. Ye, they govern over a lie that it is government for and by the people. In the case of Zuma's Nkandla fiasco, they will take care of it in their 'disciplinary committees'. What the people will think of that decision, just as in electing and placing a figurehead of a president is an ANC affair, we can see that we have been took; bamboozled and mesmerized by the pre-existing decrepit social conditions that is what we are dealing with.

It will be worthwhile consulting on this matter with Paulo Freire's eloquent observations:

"The pedagogy of the oppressed, as a humanist and libertarian pedagogy, has two distinct stages. In the first,the oppressed unveil the world of the oppression and through the praxis commit themselves to its transformation. In the second stage, in which the reality of the oppression has already been transformed, this pedagogy ceases to belong to the oppressed and becomes a pedagogy of all people in the process of permanent liberation-[The Fundamental aspect of Mao's revolution]-(Of which above I described how the Oppressed participated in their own oppress, through various events I mentioned therein).

"In both stages , it is always through action in depth that the culture of domination is culturally confronted. In the first stage this confrontation occurs through the chafe in the way the oppressed perceive the world of oppression; in the second stage, through explosion of the myths created and developed in the old order, which like specters haunt the new structure emerging from the revolutionary transformation."

In our case in Mzantsi, we are emerging from a negotiated settlement and an acceptance of conditions as laid for us by Capital and Imperial interests. This is a fact. We did not have a revolution. Oh yes, we here headed in that direction when it was hijacked to what I am talking about as our reality above, today in Mzantsi.

Up to this far in this colloquy, I am buttressing the point I made above that we are conditioned in the corrupted sense that since our Apartheid rulers replaced themselves with the people willing to betray, sell-out their people for mere pittance(perceived as riches-which it is not)-I say, it is these photocopies of our past oppressor we must look at much more closely.
What I regularly call, quislings, sell-outs-turncoats and African gendarme vulture capitalists, that I say, these are the people who affecting and effecting us as we are so smitten today. Now, I pick up on Freire where he instructs:

"The pedagogy of the first stage must deal with the problem of the oppressed consciousness and the oppressor consciousness, the problem of men and women who oppress and men and women who suffer oppression. It must take into account their behavior, their view of the world, and their ethics. A particular problem is the duality of the oppressed: they see contradictory, divided beings, shaped by and existing in a concrete situation of oppression and violence.

"Violence is initiated by those who oppress, who exploit, who fail to recognize others as persons-not by those who are oppressed, exploited, and unrecognized. It is not the helpless, who cannot love because they love only themselves. It is not the helpless, subject to terror, who intimate terror, but the violent, who with their power create the concrete situation which begets the "rejects of life.

" It is not the tyrannized who initiate despotism, but the tyrants. It is not the despised who initiate hatred, but those who despise. It is not those whose humanity is denied them who negate humankind, but those who denied that humanity (thus negating their own as well). Force is used not by those who have become weak under the preponderance of the strong, but by the strong who have emasculated them.

"For the oppressors, however, it is always the oppressed (whom they obviously never call "the oppressed" but-depending on whether they are fellow countrymen ornot-"those people" or "the blind and envious masses" or "savages" or "natives" or "subversives") who are disaffected, who are "violent," "barbaric," "wicked," or "ferocious" when they react to the violence of the oppressors.

"Yet it is - paradoxical though it may seem - precisely in the response of the oppressed to the violence of their oppressors that a gesture of love may be found. Consciously or unconsciously, the act or rebellion by the oppressed (an act which is always, or nearly always, as violent as the initial violence of the oppressors) can initiate love. Whereas the violence of the oppressors prevents the oppressed from being fully human, the response of the latter to this violence is grounded in the desire to pursue the right to be human.

"As the oppressors dehumanize others and violate their rights, they themselves also become dehumanized. As the oppressed, fighting to be human, take away the oppressors" power to dominate and suppress, they restore to the oppressors the humanity that they had lost in the exercise of oppression.

"It is only the oppressed who, by freeing themselves, can free their oppressors. the latter, as an oppressive class, can free neither other nor themselves. It is therefore essential that the oppressed wage a struggle to resolve the contradiction in which they are caught; and the contradiction will be resolved by the appearance of the new man.

"If the goal of the oppressed is to become fully human, they will not achieve their goal by merely reversing the terms of the contradiction, by simply changing posts. This may seem simplistic; it is not. Resolution of the oppressor-oppressed contradiction indeed implies the disappearance of the oppressors as a dominant class.

"An 'act' is oppressive only when it prevents people from being more fully human. Accordingly, these necessary restraints do not in 'themselves' signify they yesterday's oppressed have become today's oppressors. Acts which prevent the restoration of the oppressive regime cannot be compared with those which crete and main tai it, cannot be compared with those by which few men and women deny the majority their right to be human.

"However, the moment the new regime hardens into a dominating "bureaucracy", the humanist dimension of the struggle is lost and it is no longer possible to speak of liberation. Hence our instance that the authentic solution of the oppressor-oppressed contradiction does not lie in a mere versa of position, in moving from one pole to the other. Nor does it lie in the replacement of the former oppressors with the new ones who continue to subjugate the oppressed-all in the name of their liberation"

I could go on citing Freire up to no end, but would like to point out that our present situation here in South African is just what Freire is talking/writing about above. WWhat has then happened to us is that the Apartheid regime wa s replaced by the ANC, and there is ample evidence to show that this "class", has wormed its way into power by selling out its people and the struggle straight up. There is no question about that, especially if w=one were to read the whole citation above, a picture emerges of our real-reality and its essence: We have been gypped; been had; and made important as a revolutionary people into an oppressed class that is perpetuating its own demise and oppression by being complicit with the reeling hooligans in power. One can think of Biko here...

But then, we say we have a democracy. Well.. If we consult with Caral, We quickly find out that our present Democracy is nothing else but a "Shame-o-Cracy" .. Cabral intones:

Amilcar Cabral's Musings on Revolutionary Discipline and Respecting the People:

"In the context of the principle of "revolutionary democracy", to which we have already referred to several times, each responsible worker must bear his responsibility bravely, must demand respect from others for his activities and must show respect for the activities of others. However, we must not hide anything from our people, we must not deceive our people. Deceiving our people is to build a foundation of calamity for our Party. We must combat this in some comrades vigorously. We cannot allow the population to come to the frontier to fetch merchandize for the people's stores, for example, and once they have arrived find themselves obliged to load up with war material. Doing this is behaving worse than the colonialists, it is abusing our authority, abusing the good faith and good will of our people. It is preferable to say frankly to elements of the population they they should prepare themselves to go and fetch war material, because the war is for our land, and if they do not want to go, they will be arrested and taken by force. If necessary they can be arrested, but they must know where they are going. This is better than lying, cheating and looking small in the people's eye, for they, however wretched and suffering, are like any people, and they know the difference between the truth and a lie, justice and injustice, good and evil, and they are wise enough to lose respect for anyone who has lied to them. ... We must put an end to lying, we must be able not to deceive anyone about the difficulties of the struggle, about the mistakes we make, the defeats we may suffer, and we cannot believe that victory is easy. Nor can we believe in evasions like "I thought that".This is one of the great defects of some comrades. 'Comrade, how did this happen?' - 'It seems that...' This is of no use for those who are making a revolution, who seek the progress and happiness of their people through liberation struggle. We must be aware of this. ... There are comrades who are not able to make a clear report on what what is happening in the area where they are. Happily there are other who are capable. I am focusing on the negative aspects, but you all know that there are many positive aspects. That is exactly why we are seated here and it would be disastrous for us if there were only negative aspects. But my duty is to point out what is not going well, so that we can improve and go forward. We must trust appearances, our imagination; we have a tendency to trust our imagination. ... Revolutionary democracy demands that we combat all opportunism, as I have already told you, and that we combat as well the attitude comrades have being too hasty in forgiving mistakes. I am a responsible worker, you make a mistake, and I forgive you with the following intention: that now you know you are in my hands. This is not acceptable. No one has the right to forgive mistakes without first discussing the mistakes in front of everyone. Because the Party is ours, for all of us, not for each of us, but for all of us. We find it too easy to excuse quickly, we must fight this. The time has come to stop finding excuses. There is work to be done; it should be done well without excuses." ....

If we can begin to read, seriously, learn and recall/execute what we have read and learn[t] again from the people within whom we work amongst and with, we will further develop a language that is borne out of that struggle experience, and learning and applying these advices from Cabal, we will at least avoid the anarchy of ignorance that is threatening to engulf us. I cannot stress this more than I have done through my pieces here on FB, we need to read, know, control, disseminate/analyze collect and own our intelligence, information and knowledge(as a collective), because all of them signify power and lead the African to forming one nation and full humanity for all....

Present-day oppression and repression of Africans has taken many forms- and these tactics have merely morphed, added and tried to refine their oppressive and repressive techniques foisted upon the Africans of South Africa. There are all kinds of 'chatter' on the FB amongst the Africans of South Africa who can afford phones that are hooked up on the Internet, and can thus talk to each other and deal with one about everything and anything. Some people are calling for a revolution; the ruling ANC-led government is calling for an educated cadre to come and handle the teetering ship; the masses are dumbfounded and caught up in the calamity that Cabral is talking about above-being lied to and watching people become very opportunistic and materialistic without pause. At this point, it is quite clear that Africans of South Africa are under siege on all fronts imaginable.. What I call "anarchy of ignorance" his being used with a laissez faire carte blanche licensed attitude that even the masses are struggling to wrap their minds around it.

Fro the grapevine one hears murmurs of saith-the nobodies, one who not even know to exist except as a totaled statistic to indicate how many of those like himself might be there-numerically. But really understanding our situation as just described above in various ways, we need to dig just a little brit deeper into Freire, for I find in him relevance that is suited for this discourse. In this instance, Freire gives account of the relations between the oppressor an the oppressed:

"Once a situation violence and oppression has been established, it engenders an entire way of life and behavior of those caught up in it-oppressors and oppressed alike. Both are submerged in this situation, and both bear marks of oppression. Analysis of existential situations of oppression reveals that their inception lay in in an act of violence-initiated by those in power. This violence,, as a process, is perpetuated from generation to generation of oppressors, who become its heirs and are shaped in its climate.

"This climate creates in the oppressor a strongly possessive consciousness-possessive of the world and of men and women. Apart from from direct, concrete, material possession of the world and of people, the oppressor consciousness could not understand itself.

Fromm said of this 'consciousness' that "without such possession, it would lose contact with the world." The oppressor consciousness tends to transform everything surrounding it into an object of donation. the earth, property, production, the creations of people, people themselves, time,-everything is reduced to the status of objects at its disposal.

"In their unrestrained eagerness to possess, the pressers develop the conviction that it is possible for the to transform everything into objects of their purchasing power; hence their strictly materialistic concept of existence. "Money Is The Measure Of All Things", and "Profit the primary goal. For the oppressors, what is worthwhile is to 'have more'-always more-for even at the cost of the oppressed having less or having nothing. For them, "To Be Is To Have" and 'to be' the "class of "The Haves".

Power, Money, control, Ownership and so on, emanate from the tendency of the powerful to "in-animate" everything and everyone it encounters, it its eagerness to possess, unquestionably corresponds with a tendency to sadism.. Fromm Writes:

"The pleasure in complete domination over another person (or other animate creature) is the very essence of the sadistic drive. another way of formulating the same thought is to say that the aim of sadism is to transform a man into a thing, something animate into something inanimate, since by compete and absolute control the living loses one essential quality of life-freedom."

I could go on deeper into Fromm, but suffice to say for now my point has been that these transformative social malise and realities that we exist under, and these affect and effect us in various ways and manner/at different times and setting. Looking methodically and much more deeper into the relationship we have been steeped under since 1490, to be precise, it is important we begin to study ourselves and how we the way we are; and exist as such-we on the other hand believing it and acting it out, even when we have freedom, but are escaping from it.

I mull over the point made by Gunder Frank:That Marxism and and bourgeois as orthodoxes are inadequate in their propounding the 'development' theory, and that their existence makes it much urgent need to reject these and apply those ideas indigenous to the place.. Frank asserts that both these theories and the polices they promulgate, from whence they emerge, are inappropriate and ill-suited to the different experiences and historical realities/needs of these so-called Third World.

What Andre Frank proposes is that "the need for a theory that is able to encompass the entire historical process, past and present, that simultaneously generates development of Underdevelopment."

Our present here and now is generated from the imposed policies that that generated our underdevelopment. "It is essential to understand, then-contrary to what is explicitly and implicitly so commonly claimed-that Asia, Africa, and Latin America are not not now underdeveloped because their peoples were or still are ignorant of what is good for them, and that that is why they now need the gracious help of the US know-how-this is Western orthodoxy. Gunder Frank adds:

"This is ignorance theory of history", no less than the remainder of orthodox theory is false because it is empirically totally unfounded. But since the thesis is about ignorance of other peoples cultures is even more insidious than most orthodoxy theories let up; it is especially important to negate it before gong on to look for alternative theory of underdevelopment," which is the thrust of this piece.

Here in Mzantsi we need to begin to acknowledge that we can think for ourselves, and should not be what or where we are now today. All said and then some.. It is the goodwill and lives of the millions of African people who have entrusted their trust and hope in the leadership they have been electing for the past 20 years that is the main focus here We Are Much Better Than This... We Are Much Better Than This...

Struggle For Water In South Africa


Struggle For Water In Mzantsi

Water Has Become More Precious Than gold

The theme that constantly jumps at the reader is the oft repeated comment by the poor that "the ANC promised us free water and they said it is our basic right", and one resident wryly observed in one article above that' the(the ANC) has overturned our basic right to water and has put it up for sale." The struggle of water in South Africa, and in particular, the Big Suburb/Ghetto of Soweto) has begun to set up the stage for a future war(which people sense is coming) or revolution, which has some ANC people worried.

Activists in the forefront of these popular struggles are facing intimidation and constant harassment for enabling the residents whose water has beens liters has run out, since the wir water has been commerically outsourced and commercialized to foreign companies and this has required the residents to pay over R10.00 per liter for Water, of which some say they really are not getting the allotted amount. so that, within the articles, one can see the whole modus operandi of the ANC and its handlers to profit.

The residents are made to pay exorbitant water and electric bill, of which, the water water, which has been sold to a French company, and that same company pays the City of Johannesburg and R60 million in interest, and R40 million in 'greasing' the loan they got hen they paid R187 million, and were able to pay R116 million, of which the R71 million will have to be paid by the poor residents, plus the raising interest on the payment, that, in the final analysis, there is really no payment made, because people have no money to buy or pay for water and electricity.

Even the local ANC leaders, who are now facing pressure, like those that were in a meeting this Friday with the resident, really do not understand what I have just said, or as cited by Bond in his article above. The question that come from the locals are met with a sense of obduracy, arrogance/ignorance and disregard by these ANC representatives for the problems facing them.When one of the local resident in effect told the ANC reps that they came to their communities to tell them about the way water has to be paid, without asking the resident what they think of it and/or should be done-he was hauled out of the meeting by some ANC spooks and honchos.

Right now, there is a problem facing the denizens of Soweto where people in areas known as "Deep Soweto" have to go about at night stealing water from the taps of their neighbors for they have none to drink or wash with. In fact, the ANC cadres could not answer the people in this meeting in Diepkloof, soweto, when they asked them what are they supposed to pay after their 6,000 liters run out, per liter. None of the Officials could answer the public. Instead, these officials are intimidated by the members of the locals who are feisty and articulate about the Water Wars that have begun since the ANC sold their Water to the French, and they are getting commission from these companies. The locals are ignored, and intimidated

What the ANC is ignoring is what Samora Machel said:

"The truth is that we understand fully what we do not want: oppression, exploitation, humiliation. But as to what we do want want and how to get it, our ideas are necessarily still vague. They are born of practice,corrected by practice. ... We undoubtedly will run into setbacks. But it is from these setbacks that we will learn."

The theme that constantly jumps at the reader is the oft repeated comment by the poor that "the ANC promised us free water and they said it is our basic right", and one resident wryly observed in one article above that' the(the ANC) has overturned our basic right to water and has put it up for sale." The struggle of water in South Africa, and in particular, the Big Suburb/Ghetto of Soweto) has begun to set up the stage for a future war(which people sense is coming) or revolution, which has some ANC people worried.

Activists in the forefront of these popular struggles are facing intimidation and constant harassment for enabling the residents whose water has beens liters has run out, since the wir water has been commerically outsourced and commercialized to foreign companies and this has required the residents to pay over R10.00 per liter for Water, of which some say they really are not getting the allotted amount. so that, within the articles, one can see the whole modus operandi of the ANC and its handlers to profit.

The residents are made to pay exorbitant water and electric bill, of which, the water water, which has been sold to a French company, and that same company pays the City of Johannesburg and R60 million in interest, and R40 million in 'greasing' the loan they got hen they paid R187 million, and were able to pay R116 million, of which the R71 million will have to be paid by the poor residents, plus the raising interest on the payment, that, in the final analysis, there is really no payment made, because people have no money to buy or pay for water and electricity.

Even the local ANC leaders, who are now facing pressure, like those that were in a meeting this Friday with the resident, really do not understand what I have just said, or as cited by Bond in his article above. The question that come from the locals are met with a sense of obduracy, arrogance/ignorance and disregard by these ANC representatives for the problems facing them.When one of the local resident in effect told the ANC reps that they came to their communities to tell them about the way water has to be paid, without asking the resident what they think of it and/or should be done-he was hauled out of the meeting by some ANC spooks and honchos.

Right now, there is a problem facing the denizens of Soweto where people in areas known as "Deep Soweto" have to go about at night stealing water from the taps of their neighbors for they have none to drink or wash with. In fact, the ANC cadres could not answer the people in this meeting in Diepkloof, soweto, when they asked them what are they supposed to pay after their 6,000 liters run out, per liter. None of the Officials could answer the public. Instead, these officials are intimidated by the members of the locals who are feisty and articulate about the Water Wars that have begun since the ANC sold their Water to the French, and they are getting commission from these companies. The locals are ignored, and intimidated

In addition to the story of the inhabitants of Orange Farm(as written by Bond above) using 'bootleg' plumbers and 'izinyoka"(snakes) to reconnect and bypass the water systems and give water to their resident, or reconnect those who have no electricity(which has become one of the many ways that the people are learning and fighting back), we will add the issue and problems of water in the following article written by Marti Wenger to show the extant and breadth and depth of this miasma:

All indications are that the controversial water quality problems in Carolina are the tip of the iceberg.

Louis Trichardt (in the Makhado municipality in Limpopo) has been without water for two months now. Ratepayers in the town of Louis Trichardt and parts of the Free State are reportedly preparing to go to court to demand improved water access. In addition, Hoedspruit, Boskbokrand, Brandfort, Winburg, Soutpan, Verkeerdevlei and Marquard have all been left without clean water for significant lengths of time this year.

The question is: what is Minister Molewa's plan to prevent further problems and to ensure that potable water is delivered to these and other towns across the country that face severe water shortages?

I have today written to the Minister to furnish me with a progress report for all of these areas, including Carolina, which is still without safe water.

In the wake of the court ruling against the Gert Sibande Municipality to deliver potable water we cautioned that it was not clear that any of the structural issues contributing to water delivery failure had been adequately addressed. Carolina, along with Caropark and Silobela townships, has gone without drinking water for at least six months. This is six months too long, and reports indicate that safe water is still not being delivered.

The Minister herself has noted in reply to a DA parliamentary question that it is estimated that up to 25% of people who have access to a tap are without an acceptable level of service. This is principally a result of failing municipal infrastructure, but management problems are increasingly highlighted as a contributing factor.

Unfortunately, it appears that the Blue Drop Report that the Department of Water is currently using to aid water service authorities to improve their ability to deliver potable water is not performing adequately as an early monitoring system, despite 'process control management' and 'water safety planning' being prominent scorecard indicators in the Blue Drop system.

The Vhembe water service authority, under which Louis Trichardt falls, scored 74.85% on the Blue Drop Report assessment and was one of the most improved performers in the latest edition of the report. Makhado scored 75% on 'process control management' and 57% on 'water safety planning'.

It is becoming clear that the Department of Water will have to go further than the annual production of the Blue Drop Report. We need stronger action from the Department in the form of directives and even criminal charges against municipal authorities that are failing in their duty to deliver potable water to all South Africans.

The Minister has been at pains to point out that the national department is the regulator and not responsible for water provision on the ground. That is true, but then her Department must do the job of the regulator.

Minister Molewa called the Carolina court action a war against the state and said that it was municipalities' responsibility to ensure water access in their jurisdiction. But municipal water service authorities fall under the ultimate responsibility of the Department of Water Affairs. It is time for Minister Molewa to stop passing the buck and start taking responsibility.

The lack of action in all these places to address the concerns of water shortages in these areas is still not being addressed. Instead, this company is busy putting up meters, as we have see that the very same meters ended being banned in England, so that, what will make them succeed in the Soweto's of South Africa? At present, they are not really succeeding, and in the meantime, the residents,those who cannot afford to buy water or electricity, are suffering and getting very restless and angry.

The ANC, instead of listening to the people, are focused on increasing their commissions and fat checks, and ignore or try to intimidate the locals of these suffering enclaves. The thing about this is that eventually there is a price to be paid, and the ANC does not think that will happen to them.. Well time and history will tell. Water has become a very scarce commodity in a land with many rivers, and most of it is being redirected and channelled to the Coal Mining Interests along the Limpopo and such places. Underground aquifers have been shut down to redirect water to these burgeoning mining companies.. Well, that too, has come within the purview of the poor, and they have begun to learn how to correct their bungling errors, and enter into a revolutionary mode in dealing with their detractors-both the ANC and the the Multi-corporations.



"We need to bridge these words with the meanings of our times" stated Obama."

African people need not only display our fluency in being able to cite intellectuals or coveted leaders only, but their words and actions ought to direct and give meaning to their understanding the action and the roles they need to play and work on. Their words and the meanings of their daring actions need not only be something Africans should only regurgitate, but be blueprints and protocols for the emancipation of their people they should apply. Africans of South Africa have to know by now, since most are Web savvy, what the Web and surfing in the meta data of the viral stream is all about and how it should be used in the case of the social media. Social Media should be the vehicle through which Africans should bridge the gaps of divisions amongst themselves into a collaborative working forum that moves the stagnant struggles they are mired-in, forward.

People in the African communities are besieged by drugs of all sorts they have never had before the coming of the ANC(This will be discussed below0. They knew, then, that Sol Kezner was peddling coke, along with some other well-known soccer magnates and potentates; they also knew that there was something called the Mandrax,and sold through many illicit ways. Now there's a deluge of every drug conceivable circulating in the midst of all the poor African and rich ; children are splurged with violent games and pornography, and, most people save it in their cell phones; Rape is on the rise and rampage, so do some other deadly crimes of "Africans on Africans"; the people who are suffering with HIV/AIDS, are left to wither away before they are given the Anti-Virals; chronic joblessness is creating all kinds devastation and despair not yet calibrated and what it all mean as it is ongoing as of the writing of this piece.

Africans of South Africa know that there is a culture that is practiced nationally by all the African groups that make the nation of Mzantsi. They have to first of all get rid of the hangover that has been the left-over from the Apartheid era. Africans are not "Tribes". By referring to themselves as such, they will be defeating the idea of seeing themselves as a free and united nation. African Consciousness means African awareness of the African's place in the world today, and the possibility as to where they could be tomorrow were they conscious. Knowing more about each other will help in the growth of a holistic understanding and appreciation of their own culture as a unified culture and one Nation.

So that, to be able to see themselves as a nation, they need to be cognizant and aware of their national make-up today as we speak. They have marriage customs and traditions; there are rules governing families and societies in their cultural protocols; there are specific laws and rules for labor and community services; Africans have a given expanse of African history, and within African history's curricula that can serve their needs as an African people, as touched-upon by Clarke above, and deep below in this Hub. Africans have a history of everything they might endeavor to take upon, without borrowing or aping other cultures, customs, traditions, languages, dance and music-the whole bit!

The day Africans in South Africa are able to link their present-here-and-now reality, to historical data and future planning, that will be the day the revolution of any kind will begin moving ahead. Understanding what the Media is and how to use it for one's gains is very important to come to grips with. Media, therefore, is just like oral communication, but using it as gadget medium. I am not here only talking about the TV, Radio or newspaper media, but technological media of the computer sort. Supporting one another and not being careless about their relationships with one another is of prime importance. The fulcrum of African South African culture is "UBuntu/Botho" along with with "Inhlonipho/Hlompho"(Respect). This, if observed, can facilitate for cohesive and tight interpersonal relationships and interactions-and enable Africans of South Africa in building their history, culture and nation.

I am saying all the above because some of the 'have-plenties'(African Elite, in particular)have become so Westernized, that they have imbibed Western values, mores, moral and norms to the detriment of their own culture and people as I have described it above, because they boast and claim to know that "Shakespeare was a great writer and whatever; because Richard Elliot was the greatest poet; because eating out in restaurants has been imposed as a new African normal; McDonald's/Burger King, KFC. et al, is the fastest way in and out for ones daily meal; that is, the Africans of South Africa, in larger numbers, are buying hook-and-sink into Westernized consumer patterns, fashion clothes, parlayed as the sign of modernity(which Clarke addresses in this Hub).

The buying of expensive cars, housing, mannerisms, literature, music and mind-set, has become a way to show-off one's status in society, and sophistication about what others do not have, that one is the only one that has material wealth, and Western education; acquirement of Western individualism and fake accents and fake knowledge of a history, culture, tradition, custom and languages not of their own, is the way to go-the rule-something to be vied for and aspired towards attaining. Africans have and are living large in the shadows of other peoples ways of life, stories, and mannerism, culture, traditions except their own indigenous cultures, customs and traditions. They have discarded their own ways; and have also shown disdain and shame about and for their own culture, that in the end, instead of focusing on building a nation based on what their cultures offers, whereas, they 'pick up their noses' at it as if its unpalatable and has an odious odor, they label it derisively and dismissively in degrading terms and tones.

They brag about their jobs(which they do not own), cars, big houses in the suburbs(which they owe); sporting the finest clothes of Europe and America making them not local people-and that they believe makes them an important people; they wear expensive perfumes(French, Italian and American); they import and purchase house wares, dishes, shoes; go to these foreign countries and spend thousands of Rands on clothes and other trinkets and stay in five star hotels; they hobnob with VIP and Heads of States; they stay in suburban areas areas whose real estate prices could finance whole Townships with everything; they take planeloads of rich fun-lovers to remote Islands and rent-out a whole hotels and party for days. They are pigging away their paltry riches towards their own destruction-especially the monied African Elite and their hangers-on, relatives, friends and the whole nepotism, cronyism network which has huge devastating and deleterious effects on the governance of the poor African masses and the poor themselves.

Nations are not build from such chaotic ways of being and forgetting communal existence in the African sense of living in that cultural manner.. Africans seem to fall into the trap that they are seeing big money for the first time, that this takes them out of our minds and wits as to what to do with it. There are many tales of waste and reckless spending that have become the lore of the rich African elite in South africa. Their children burn clothes and money to show-off the their vanity and ignorance along with boredom, plus lack of direction.

It would be better if African people knew what they were doing than wax political and rant revolutionary on Facebook and other Social media, and to no one in particular. All are pretentious acts that are an effort of a people running away from what is facing them: ignorance, mental illnesses; devastating illnesses like Cholera, TB, Scurvy, Alcoholism, Drug Addiction; rampant and callous corruption; insecurities; gloom and doom; bleak futures; joblessness; decaying communities and cultures, morals, mores, norms, customs, traditions,languages, discarding of sacred rites and practices which are fast disappearing permanently; miseducation and oppression, depression, repression. No Nation Will Ever Arise From A Disunited And Dysfunctional People!

Viewing The Past To Understand The Present-So's To Formulate the Future


Writing Africa Into African History: Decolonization Of African History/Historiography

If one were to look into the history and rule of President Mabutu Sese Seko, one can easily glean what a rascal and turncoat that he was. we should also remember that it was during the Cold War time, with all these 'ideologies' filtering and permeating the 'real politik' of the day. The divisions between The West(Capitalist) and the Russian, Chinese, Cuban and so forth enclaves, that Africa was caught in the middle. The middlemen like Mobutu served Western interest that in the end he acquired massive material gain. This opulence and his ignorance of wealth(now that he was president he was being exposed to it like he had never seen), goaded him into even putting a very exorbitantly priced Chandelier on his porch, that with many of his buffooner-like antics, too numerous to tabulate here, made him the charlatan and very backward of the generation of African leaders that came into power in the aforementioned historical timeline pointed to above.

So that, with his imperfection and glib and comic-like rule of his time, so were we, as African people, caught up in a cycle and the introduction of a system, up to thus far, we had never known. As we critique our leaders, great and dumb/murderous and disastrous to the development of African collective and polity, as we rewrite our African history, we must be cognizant of the fact that what we say we are writing anew, should be so from the way we begin to choose to name and reset out reality and future, that, we must constantly pick up on the good/aphorisms from anyone who will help us build the foundation of African history in the 21st Century.

I say all this in the sense that I am really following on Clarke's dictum:

""Let me explain what I am talking about. No mater where you are and no matter what religion you might belong to, and no matter what kind of schooling you have gone through, you are distinctly an African person. You are a supporter of some loyal feelings for every African person that walks this earth and if you have confusion about that, you have confusion that is detrimental to the freedom of your own people."

This is Key. We need to consciously relate to our History and be true to its dictates. That, be honest about what and how we want to achieve the collective unity all is seeking on these various Walls. There is no place for ignorance and envy-but all the space to recreate and, compose and tell our History in the light of the facts we can garner from all sources and disciplines.

Yes, we must read other people and cite that which upgrades us to meet our desired and stated historical goals. As Malcolm X said, "We need to talk "Sharp" with one another". This is more directed to the people of African descent, specifically. Like, if we are to use English to talk to one another, we should do so with clear erudition and forthrightness-within a firm and well informed African historical perspective- in service of and for all people of African descent to discern easily and use it for their own rehabilitation from the 'hangovers' of Slavery, Colonialism, Imperialism, New World Order and Globalism.

These socialization processes have tainted our way to reaching down into our abilities(each one teaching one; each one reaching one")-with earnestness we dubbed here in South Africa to be "Ubuntu/Botho)-that is recognizing the humanity of others and developing the the trust fro truth from those who have taught us in a myriad of ways throughout Africa and the Diaspora (This concept has been and is being abused and misunderstood by many inside South Africa and Africa/Diaspora), how to shape and form our environments, people, and the whole bit without aping or copy-catting other people, unashamedly.

This is why I opened with a bit about Sese Seko who, in his miserable and quisling existence averred:

"We should always have present in out minds the fact that the world is at a crossroads. It is no longer divided by ideology, nor even all that much by race or by political geography, but by economics, and this is the real essence of the question of relations among the people of the world today. ... It is not enough just to condemn colonialism, imperialism and racism, but it is important too to measure our strengths and weaknesses and to unify to fight
the battle of development. ... That is why I utter a cry of alarm so that we may forget our small rivalries and our small sordid interests in order to constitute among ourselves, in unity, a great force, not a force against the East and the West, but a force which would enable us to sit down and talk as equal partners with both sides."

Those who know Mabutu, on reading this would be petrified, knowing what he is saying is what he has done against the interests of the Africans. But, I use him because what he is saying above, is the yarn spun by all here on the FB Walls and elsewhere. My point is that, in reconstructing and building a History of Africans, we will even take from the gendarme of the type of Mabutu, in order to affect our own Zeitgeist-and from our legendary revolutionary vanguardists; and, from that, form our own Paradigms, which, if we construct them according to the dictates of what we learn from our own African history, will serve as the solid building blogs of African people's Story(Historiography).

It important we cite our past in order to understand the present. What it is we understand about the past and how we come into ways of knowing about the present, will help us formulate, dictate and establish a much needed continuum as to the survival of Ourselves as a people, and be in a position to reclaim the whole continent of Africa for Africans- in the future-without having to apologize to no one or ask permission from our detractors to do so.

Chinewizu intones that we should investigate the Western Styles of Imperialism expansion into Africa during the past 500+ years:

"It is also an investigation, within the context of that expansion, into the man-made causes of Africa's backwardness. It is unnecessary to add any more to our mountains of lamentations. It is too late for us, the imperialized, to weep for sympathy upon the shoulders of those who have brought about our oppression and keep us in our plight. We need, rather, to understand our past defeats if we want to avoid the deadly shocks of our future seems to be holding in ambush for us.

"And to do so, it is imperative that we revise our understanding of the history of which we are products. This message and information and heads-up should be given to the The so-called Third World(to me, this means African people-but not exclusively-but specifically), and especially those who fancy themselves to be the African elite, pleading for a moment to listen closely and analyze the tunes being played to us by the Pied Pipers of progress from the West, before we decide whether and how we should march out after them."

I will write this short history of the intrusion of Western Imperialism in some forthcoming articles I have lined up. I want to pick up Chinweidzu wherein he informs us of his evolution in learning about Himself and his history when he writes:

"In my flight form their intellectual opium den, to discover Fanon, Cesaire and other was like bursting into a head-clearing gust of fresh, crisp air. It was refreshing and exhilarating to discover that others from the African World had left records of their escapes from the colonizers of our consciousness. And above all, quite, quite unlike the authoritative jargon from the official experts and embalmers, what Fanon and Company said made sense-powerful, moving and enlightening sense."

"With the title of his book "Black Skin, White Masks, Frantz Fanon, in just one phrase, diagnosed the malady I shared in various degrees, with most others from our colonized backgrounds..

"And so, I began a journey of the mind; a journey by a mind thoroughly alienated upbringing; a mind seeking complete escape from the debilitating conditions produced by the narcotic of a colonized miseducation. And the purpose of this journey was first to seek out the roots of the Black(African) condition within which my mind suffered."

Now, in writing African History into the Historiography of African history, there are many variables that one has to deal with. Also, the interpretation, thereof, is depended upon our paying attention to the past Master Historians-who have already travelled the beaten path that informs us today. Many of us today, affected and infected and also effected by the burgeoning technologies and their gizmos, have been made into Pavlovian intellectual canines, who regurgitate what they imbibe uncritically, then turn around and present that mess as if it's legit and factual-to the unsuspecting African collective.

Yet, as we read and learn about African history, writing it and into it, spreading the memes and zines that are built-in into its form, we need to pay attention to the African perspective of yarns and information that we ingest and disseminate. We must also be cognizant of the informer and the information. This is critical. We have to understand, if one were to re-read Mabutu's desperate plea, that it is as much our duty and concern as Africans to begin to understand ourselves seriously, take all that seriously and apply it to test its merits and demerits- and then choose the appropriate modus operandi.

If we are to add consciousness into our historical meandering and attempts to make it serve us, we learn from those who have trodden the path, like Chinweizu, who sattes it this way:

"And in two brief sentences, Hamidou Kane identified the source of the infection in my consciousness, namely, the colonial school:

"Better than the cannon, it makes conquest permanent. The cannon compels the body, the school bewitches the soul."

"Chinweizu adds:

And Aime Cesaire, with few remarkable sentences, showed how to deal with the enchanting lies of the colonial school, the habitual lies of the whole of colonial culture:

"... let us go straight to the principal lie which is the source of all the others. Colonization and Civilization? In dealing with this subject, the commonest curse is to be the dupe in good faith of a collective hypocrisy that cleverly misrepresents problems, the better to legitimize the hateful solutions provided for them. In other words, the essential thing here is to see clearly, to think clearly-that is, dangerously-and to answer clearly the first innocent question: what, fundamentally, is colonization?"

Chinweizu teaches us that:

"I began a conscious effort to escape their prejudices; I began to strive instead for intellectual self-reliance, for my autonomy of perspective, choice and initiative. And I heard Amilcar Cabral's memorable admonition against falling for those universalist fantasies that might tempt me from the needed kind of hard work:

"On the political level, our own reality, however fine and attractive the reality of others may be, can only be transformed by detailed knowledge of it, by our own efforts, by our own sacrifices."

We learn, then from Chinweizu further that:

"That admonition surely applied to our mental reality, for was our consciousness or our reality not a vital part of our political reality? And as I applied myself to the task of understanding the origins of African Stasis and to the task of understanding the workings of the system which maintained the deplorable Black(African) Condition, I came across Pablo Neruda, the Nobel Prize poet from Chile. speaking out of a Latin American experience not essentially dissimilar from African experience today, with one sentence of a single poem; he made concrete and visible the essence of that imperialism which created and maintains our plight:

"If New York glitters like gold
and has buildings with 500 bars,
let me have it written that they were built
from the sweat of the canefields:
the banana plantation is a green inferno
so that In New York they may drink and dance."

Just as this piece below carries a similar theme:

"Americas pets-cats and dogs-now consume $2 billion worth of resources annually, and eat much better than most of humanity, dining elegantly on shrimp cocktails and liver pate at such places as the Animal gourmet restaurants in New York City. Thus, it its most dramatic and obscene form, the question is whether the labor and resources of the Third World nations should continue to contribute more to the opulence of America's dogs and cats than to the elementary food health of the Third World"

Becoming conscious of African history and Aricans around the world, we need to have a seriouls holistic approach and some serious reading needs to be done. We need to know, concretely and clearly what went down in the past, what's happening now, and what are we going to do about it in shaping and formulating the Future and history of Africans around the the Globe, and particularly, in Africa?

Whilst we are at it, I would like to add a perspective I have been working on in some of my blogs of Understanding The Media" by McLuhan..

It is important that we begin to understand the media which is exploding in leaps and bounds so that we can also begin to learn how to manage our information gathering and information propagation. The medium(Internet) facilitates for the propagation of "Messages" and it ends up becoming the message. This postulation is from the way we interact and use the medium in these times. The messages in the media are so vast that we also need to carve a niche for ourselves in the table of the datasphere, by also swirling intensively and extensively in the powerful swirl in the Viral soup.

There are many disadvantage we seem to trip on every time we talk about the interest and liberation of Africans. This has been the case in many instances here o the Web on the FB and various Blogs. It is about that we Africans in Africa and the Diaspora should become part of the McLuhan Global Village when it comes to communication development and proliferation and along with its usage with its embedded techniques and automation/electricity. We learn this much from Rushkof who writes:

"Our society has reorientated itself to the present moment. Everything is live, real time, and always on. It's not mere speeding up, however much our lifestyles and technologies have accelerated the rate at which we attempt to do things. It's more of a diminishment of anything that isn't happening right now-an the onslaught of everything that supposedly is.

"It is why the world's leading search engine is evolving into a live, customized, and predictive flow of data branded "Google Now"; why email is giving way to texting, and why blogs are being superseded by Twitter feeds. It is why kids in school can no longer follow linear arguments; why narrative structure collapsed into reality TV; and why we can't engage in meaningful dialogue about last month's books, and music, much less long-term global issues. It's why an economy once based on long-term is as the wisp of the post in various Walls on the FB.

Today here we are on the Web and communicating with each like never before. We all bring a baggage into this communication arena. We bring not only that, but dictated to and dedicated to the ways and means of using this social format.
We can remove the borders in the present independnent African Glag States, but we have not even solved he present problems that exist in these economic proclivities coveted by big capital, and have been going to extremely inhuman means and ways to keep hold the ownership of information, which according to Professor Clarke, "Not only has the colonizers colonized information, they also colonized Information about the World. This too is one aspect of colonization that this article has been about: Decolonization Of the History Of Africans From The West.

This on my part is the reason why I will keep on stating and calling for us to write our own material, be as original about its ideas and information, and it should be written strictly and specifically from an African perspective, and by African historians.

For me, it is not only being 'edumacated' by the western masters that is my concern only here, but what scholarship that is coming from us be as original and intended for the people of African descent, globally. Learning from the past, because we were not there, means reading about it-to understand the present "pesentism".. If we ignore reading that, or reading-period!, how are we going to manage the present here and now-let alone begin applying our mind-set to the future realities and problems and existence? That to me, as to who provides me with knowledge, is important, but it is also important that I should know what to do or who to deal with that acquired information, education and knowledge.

I think if there is anything to learn thus far, it is how and when and why we will be writing our own stories(Histories) and make sure that we are efficient and knowledgeable when doing that. Other people, of the West, have written so much stuff about us-Yes, we should use it, but we must write our own Stories and History it must serve our needs and purposes-and it must reflect in it our African Intellectual abilities and spirit and ingenuity.. In an African centered perspective.

Who I Am..

Seeking knowledge and self-identification..

Seeking knowledge and self-identification..

African Historical Perspectives

African Teachers And African Knowledge

…Ptahhotep, instructs the ignorant in the knowledge and in the standards of good speech. A man teaches as he acts… The wise person feeds the soul with what endures, so that it is happy with that person on earth. The wise is known by his good actions. The heart of the wise matches his or her tongue and his or her lips are straight when he or she speaks. The wise have eyes that are made to see and ears that are made to hear what will profit the offspring. The wise is a person who acts with MAAT [truth, justice, order, balance, harmony, righteousness and reciprocity] and is free of falsehood and disorder.

—Ptahotep 2350 B. C. E.

We learn from ASA Hilliard that:

Many of us do not know it, but African people have thousands of years of well-recorded deep thought and educational excellence. Teaching and the shaping of character is one of our great strengths.

In our worldview, our children are seen as divine gifts of our creator. Our children, their families, and the social and physical environment must be nurtured together. They must be nurtured in a way that is appropriate for a spiritual people, whose aim is to “build for eternity.”

What a pity that our communities have forgotten our “Jeles” and our “Jegnas,” our great master teachers. What a pity that we cannot readily recall the names of our greatest wise men and women. What a pity that we have come to be dependent on the conceptions and the leadership of others, some of whom not only do not have our interests at heart, they may even be our enemies. Some actually seek to control us for their own benefit through the process of mis-education.

-Asa Hilliard..

Everywhere on the African continent, from the time of the Pharoahs in Ancient KMT (Egypt) to the modern era, great African civilizations in many river valleys, from the Nile to the Niger and to the Cape, were the center of the most sophisticated education and socialization systems ever developed on the Earth. Some of these civilizations developed in Africa long before other civilizations developed anywhere else in the world. The vestiges of these brilliant African creations can still be found in Africa and throughout the African Diaspora


We must consider our ancient traditions; traditions that made us respected teachers all over the globe. Our people must hold their heads high in all matters that pertain to teaching and learning.

African traditional teachers were and are people of high character, who have deep respect for ancestors and for community tradition. African teachers accept the calling and the obligation to facilitate inter-generational cultural transmission. African teachers also strive for the highest standards of achievement in emerging science and technology, areas that have always owed much to African scholarship.

Our genius is a part of the foundation of the revolution in knowledge in physics, mathematics, engineering and cyber-technology. Our genius is present at the deepest levels of the arts and humanities. All of this is in spite of overwhelming resistance to our learning by determined oppressors.

Therefore, for many African Teachers, tapping the genius and touching the spirit of African children is not a mystery. Not only can our children learn, they bring awesome intellects to the task. It is a routine manifestation of the African teacher’s excellence to nurture this genius. Along with teaching content, teaching good character and social bonds are our historical and contemporary strengths.

African teachers, worldwide, share in a cultural deep structure, based upon an African “world-view,” a shared way of looking at the world and the human experience. This world-view channels the focus of African teachers, providing them with appropriate patterns for thought and practice.

While it certainly is a practical necessity to get academic degrees and certification from non-African institutions, such teacher training and legitimation is really minimal preparation for African teachers. We go far beyond these things to reach our traditional higher standards, whether we work in public or in independent settings, whether we teach our own children or also teach the children of others.

For the African teacher, teaching is far more than a job or simply a way to make a living. Students are not “clients” or “customers.” Our students and parents are our family. No sacrifice is too great for that family, for its growth and enhancement.

What is special about an African teacher? It is the world-view and the practice that comes from our world-view, even when it is a dim memory.

A teacher of African ancestry who does not go beyond certification and degrees to know or to embrace an African world-view is not an African! Cultural excellence is the essence of and African teacher. In all of our learning, we must acquire an understanding of ourselves and our heritage. This does not mean that we cannot learn from others. However, we must be critical learners, rejecting anything that is anti-African.

African teaching functions must be embedded in and must serve an African community. Traditionally, African communities have been identified by a shared belief in several key elements. It is these elements that are the foundation for African teachers.

Frantz Fanon


A View Of Racism Will Be In Order Here..

Pertinent Notes On racism: A Fanon-esque Perspective:


To study the relation of racism and culture is to raise the question of their reciprocal action. If culture is the combination of motor and mental behavior patterns arising from the encounter of man with nature and with fellow-man, it can be said that racism is indeed a cultural element. There are thus cultures with racism and cultures without racism.

This precise cultural element, however,has not become encysted. Racism has not managed to harden. It has had to renew itself , to adapt itself, to change its appearance. It has had to undergo the fate of the cultural whole that informed it.
The vulgar, primitive, over-simple racism purported to find in biology-the Scriptures having proved insufficient-the material basis of the doctrine. It would be tedious to recall the efforts then undertaken: the comparative form of the skulls, the quantity and the configuration of the folds of the brain, the characteristics of the cell layers of the cortex, the dimensions of the vertebrae, the microscopic appearance of the epiderm, etc. ... Intellectual and emotional primitivism appeared as a banal consequence, a recognition of existence.

Such affirmations, crude and massive, give way to a more refined argument. Here and there, however, an occasional relapse is to be noted. thus the "emotional instability of the African," the subcritical integration of the Arab," the "quasi-generic culpability of the Jew" are data that one come upon among a few contemporary writes. the monograph by J. Carothers, for example, sponsored by the world Health Organization, invokes "scientific arguments" in support of a physiological lobotomy of the African.

These old fashioned positions tend in any case to disappear. This racism that aspires to be rational, individual, genotypically and phenotypically determined, becomes transformed into cultural racism. The object of racism is not longer the individual man but a certain from of existing. At the extreme, such terms as "message" and "cultural style" are resorted to. "Occidental values" oddly blend with the already famous appeal to the fight of the "cross against the crescent(this can be traced from the time when the Moors civilized Europe via Spain, Portugal, Germany, France and Britain).

The morphological equation, to be sure, has not totally disappeared, but events of the pst four decades or more have shaken the most solidly anchored convictions and upset the checkerboard, restructured a great number of relationships. We must look for the consequences of racism on the cultural level.
Racism, as we have seen, is only one element of a vaster whole: that of the systematized oppression of a people. How does an oppressing people behave? Here we rediscover constants.

We witness the destruction of cultural values, or ways of life. Language, dress, techniques, are devalorized. how can one account for this constant? Psychologists, who tend to explain everything by movements of the psyche, claim to discover this behavior on the level of contacts between individuals: the criticism of an original hat, of a way of speaking, of walking...

Such attempts deliberately leave out of account the special character of the colonial situation. In reality the nations that undertake a colonial was have no concern for the confrontation of cultures. Wa is gigantic business and every approach must be governed by this datum. The enslavement, in the strictest sense,of the native population is the prime necessity.

For this its system of reference have to be broken. Expropriation, spoliation, raids, objective murder, are matched by the sacking of cultural patterns, or at least condition such sacking. The social panorama is destructed; values are flaunted, crushed and emptied. The lines of force, having crumbled, no longer give directions. In their stead a new system of values is imposed, not proposed but affirmed, by the heavy weight of cannons and sabers.

The setting up of the colonial system does not itself bring about the death of the native culture. Historic observation reveals, on the contrary, that the aim sought is rather a continue agony than a total disappearance of the pre-existing culture. This culture, once living and open to the future, becomes closed, fixed in the colonial status, caught in the yoke of oppression. Both present and mummified, it testifies against its members. It defines them in fact without appeal. the cultural mummification leads to to a mummification of individual thinking.

The apathy so universally noted among colonial peoples is but the logical consequence of this operation.the reproach of inertia constantly directed at the "native" is utterly dishonest. As though it were possible for a man to evolve otherwise than within the framework of a culture that recognizes him and that he decides to assume.

Thus we witness the setting up of archaic, inert institutions, functioning under the oppressor's supervision and patterned like a caricature of formerly fertile institutions... Racism is never a super-added element discovered by chance in the course of investigation of the cultural data of group. The social constellation, the cultural whole, are deeply modified by the existence of racism.

By Frantz Fanon:

Dr. John Hendrik Clarke


We should Remember Who We Are: Never Ever Forget

Master Teacher Of African History...

John Hendrik Clarke Teaches: "Once a people knows who they are, they will also know what they have to do about their condition. To make a people almost assume that oppression is their natural lot, you have to remove from them the respectful commentary of their history and make them dependent on the history of their conquerors. To infer that a people have no history is also to infer that they have no humanity that you are willing to recognize. African people the world over need a definition of history that can be operational in different places at different times and operational everywhere African people live. Because we are the most dispersed people on the face of the earth, our operational definition of history must be universal in scope, applicable to people in general, and to African people specifically.
This is my definition: I repeat, "history is a clock that people use to tell their political and cultural time of day. It is also a compass that people use to find themselves on the map of human geography. The role of history is to tell a people what they have been and where they have been, what they are and where they are."
The most important role that history plays is telling a people where they still must go and what they still must be. No people can move into the mainstream of history and be respected when they answer to an ethnic name not of their choosing and worship a God-concept not of their choosing. All people develop within a culture container that includes their geographical background, their religion, and their method of surviving in their original habitat. When you take a people out of the cultural surroundings in which they originally developed, you take away part of their humanity. African people living outside of Africa are so obsessed with surviving under conditions that they did not create that they often lack a universal view of their condition and how it started."
Because Africa is the worlds richest continent a great deal of the economic strength of the Western world and parts of Asia is built on what is taken out of Africa. The continent has things that other people want, think they cant do without, and dont want to pay for. Africa is the pawn in a world power game that the Africans have not learned how to play. I emphasized repeatedly that Africa has been under siege for more than 3,000 years, and this condition did not change with the superficial end of colonialism and an independence explosion that had more ceremony than substance. In most African countries the condition of the average African person has not changed one iota with the coming of flag independence. All too often Africans fighting for the liberation of AfricaAfrica before they strategically planned how they were going to do it. A case in point is South Africans in the international rhetoric against apartheid. Apartheid is not the main issue in South Africa, bad as it is. If the whites in South Africa eliminated apartheid tomorrow, the Africans would still be in difficulty because they would have no economic power and their land would still be in the hands of foreigners.
Land is the basis of nation. There is no way to build a strong independent nation when most of the land is being controlled by foreigners who also determine the economic status of the nation. Africans need seriously to study their conquerors and their respective temperaments. Neither the Europeans nor the Arabs came to Africa to share power with any African. They both came as guests and stayed as conquerors.

Face-Face Talking Has Seemingly Become Obsolete


Cultural Gyroscope: Each One Teach One-Each One Reach One...

Everything Is Everything With Cultural Transmission..

One thing about the cultural festivities and dress of Africans of South Africa, this includes Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland. These cultural societies have their brand of culture represented fully in South Africa. So that, like the Swazi festivities of the Reeds, the traditional dress of the women is part of the showcasing of the culture-you also find this amongst the Zulus, Vendas and so on. This about the cultural dress of women which ma be seen differently by different people, globally, once posted on the Web.

Now, in countries like America, there is a segregated perception and ways of seeing others' and their cultures. So that, the photo below may been seen by Africans as cultural presentation and the beauty/colors and youthfulness of our little girls-this is seen as "nakedness" and "Porn" by many around the world. The Boers did a good job of projecting and presenting us to the world, without our consent/knowledge, and described us as backward, savages, and unclad which just shows how barbaric we are. This is a fact, and is still proliferating throughout the Web, today

The Boers also made it a point in implementing their Apartheid strategies, so that they divided and conquered us. They convinced us that we were and are a '"Tribal" people. This was done not to reinforce our cultural force and cohesion, but to break it down-divide us amongst ourselves and so that we should end up seeing each as different. The Apartheid regime build/ or should I say-created/forced upon us the 'tribal' ideas, like when the Townships of Soweto were built, they created what they called 'sections' throughout the Ghetto: The Sotho sections, Tswana, Shangaan and Zulu's, Xhosa sections in one big Township.

So they ingrained into our psyches that we are a different people, not the same, are 'tribes' which never got along, and are not the same-be it Zulu, Pedi, Sotho, Tswana Swazi and so forth. Today, those of us ignorant and opportunistic of this act, want to reinforce that belief that we are "TRIBES" and we must accept it for it identifies us originally. Balderdash!

This is a flawed and distorted way of Seeing Ourselves and prohibits/inhibits us from seeing Ourselves as A United Nation with One Unique and diverse Culture. Some of us today cringe when we see photos like the ones I have posted below of the Swazi lasses in their cultural element below, etc. I have so far been showcasing the posts of the Xhosas, Pedi, Tsongas, and so on. I decided to add other diverse cultural manifestations of the People of Mzantsi. It is better when we begin to See Ourselves in Diverse Cultural Mode. Some of us truly believe the myth that if we see and think, act and acknowledge ourselves as a Nation we will lose our "Tribalness". What Hogwash!

Cultural Transmission And Retetntion

So far that is fiction, and bogus perceptions and perspectives implanted in our minds. I reiterate: South African African Culture, History, Traditions, Customs, Languages, Music, Dances, Cultural Rites and Practices along with Cultural Dress, are but of One diverse People with not much differences if any. We are presenting and showing off our identities as distinct but of a similarly varied and diverse people, and We are a Nation that is able to have such elements as part of its Nationess/Nationhood.
But Since we have just emerged from the debilitating and grueling slave/concentration-camp mentality and lives under Apartheid, we still have to coalesce our beliefs and ways of understanding and seeing ourselves as a cultural diverse but one people-to that of a United Nation with a diverse culture. Those who oppose this, are comfortable in their slave-mind incarcerated conditioned and low-self-esteem subjected self-confidence-that they are in effect confirming what Apartheid has long tried to engorge in our minds of past dictates of divide and conquer and crass Apartheid regimed and enforced slavery.

This comes with an arrogant chauvinism, in many personalities in our midst, that further dividers and shatters families and all times of relationships in the collective of African people-just because the man maintains their 'triblalness' and can only see as far as the their nose. The clinging to this 'tribalist' mythology is a self-defeating endeavor for our people to be in a position to envision themselves as a Nation. So that, by posting our various groups and elaborating on some, is one way of the African viewers of Mzantsi to see their culture with diverse as one Culture.: in our case this means a heightened our prolific culture manifesting itself as of the Nation of Africans in Mzantsi

It is the same cults, traditions, customs, music, dance and multi-colored traditional dress and very pity and efficient languages. We dance with cowrie shells or whatever percussion we can attach to our bodies, we gyrate, stomp and stomp the ground, we all clap rhythmically to dance and song, we roll, and sit flat hitting the ground; we all sing together in groups and so forth; the dances are the same, 'Mtjitjimbo" for we''s say, Amaxhosa, "Mokgibo" in Sesotho; theres the "Domba" snake Dance in the Ndebele, as found in the Zulus; We all dance and sing accompanied by the Drum-drums of all sizes and kinds.

If we see us as different and as 'tribes', other Nations will take our everything because we are too busy outdoing, out besting, pulling each other down like crabs in a barrel, they will own our everything, whilst we look on in puzzlement as to who the authorities about our culture are-but it will not be us the indigenous of South Africa. If one gets to have a holistic look at our cultural photographs or listen to our music and watch our dances, one is awestruck by this magnificent culture, so variable, and yet uniquely similar and the same-One Nation Of Africans In South Africa dotting the whole landscape of Mzatnsi-like tentacles-interconnected.

South Arican Fashionistas...

anya and Thando Mangaliso started the Sun Goddess in 2001 by selling skirts out of the boot of their car. Since then, the husband and wife design duo has built an empire that includes womenswear, menswear, children’s wear, bridal wear, swimwear and a

anya and Thando Mangaliso started the Sun Goddess in 2001 by selling skirts out of the boot of their car. Since then, the husband and wife design duo has built an empire that includes womenswear, menswear, children’s wear, bridal wear, swimwear and a

The Hub Above In Brief Review...

Mzantsi's Culture En Vogue

If we are saying to ourselves let's Talk About culture… Okay, Let's show what we talking about and look at it holistically, and not 'tribally'. We cannot 'claim' to be African people of Mzantsi and then we know less or nothing about our other 'selves'. It's not only seeing others in our culture and tribes, but as part of a larger Nation, which is diverse. The ways of looking at ourselves cannot be confined to our 'tribal' localities, as some would stubbornly intone. It is these groups as seen together that is the main point here.

If the Boers wished to divide and conquer us but making us believe that we are different, we might as well begin to see ourselves as a nation of African people, despite all our perceived differences foisted on us by our being Apartheidized.

I have collected a smidgen of our photographs of all the 11(eleven) nations of Mzantsi. I choose to see ourselves as a collectives of nations that are part of one Untied Nation of Mzantsi. for us to even think along these terms is a stretch for many of us. Cultural education and transmission should take place in ever lesson or information we impart to ourselves. We are One People, and that is a fact many will have a tough time trying to dislodge.

The pictures of the eleven people I have used is to orientate ourselves to the fact that we are One people. This is important that I keep on reiterating it. We cannot move forward from our "Past"(Apartheidization), so that the complete indoctrination of our entire people, is what needs to be overturned here. Not only must we see ourselves as presented here, we have to begin to learn and know well the ways of others, which, many-a-times, is the same or one with the rest-and how to use all this tour own advantage.

This we will discover when we interact amongst each other with one another-respectfully(Hlompho/Inhlonipho), and we consciously work hard understanding and knowing each other, and in many ways than one; thus when we will more in common than differences in our cultures, custom, tradition and so forth.

When we use the collage above, go through it, see others as we see ourselves, for that is evident and eminent, that one comes to that point of self recognition and recognition of the others(Ubuntu/Botho) — so that, what has been denied us from becoming a being a nation, can come from us being and making a nation by knowing more about ourselves as a diverse collective and authentic nation. Self appreciation bears self knowledge-we can divide how we want to propagate that knowledge to the world and amongst ourselves.

We cannot keep on citing other people when we can do ourselves a favor and studying, knowing and understanding ourselves collectively; be ourselves for ourselves and act and talk about ourselves, and present or cultural manifestations our rudder bearing and also anchoring our moorings to what we dictate, propagate and project .It's easy to dismiss what I have just said, but one is more respected for being what and who they are, than faked selves. We cannot run away from ourselves, so, we might as well deal with ourselves.

The presentation above is one of the attempt I have been working on of many decades, and it is not getting any easier-that of asserting that we are Unified ad Diverse Nation. How we see, can be 'reset' to what we what to see about ourselves and our culture. We wonder why our education is in crisis.. It is so because we control and own nothing. We depend on imports and we export nothing.

We have culture, music, dance, languages, etc., and these are being controlled and taken from us by people who are not us and they profit on them and so forth. I am not saying anything new here, but the discourse needs to broadened, the ways of looking and seeing need to be adjusted from the past to the present, our modus operandi is to resuscitate this African culture and redress our lack of understanding and knowing it, and practice new ways of applying, manifesting and celebrating it, for that is what we can recoup from our lost treasures/land/wealth/history/dance/music/languages and culture.

If we keep on going the way of the herd mentality-modernism and all its accoutrements/assortments to be our final goal, we will forever be slaves, cutters of wood and hewers of water-if not worse-in the land of our birth. I am nationalistic is that's what I am to be termed. It is important that one is, for we still have yet to address our inability that has been embedded in our African psyches that we cannot up to this point see sand say to ourselves that we are a Nation of African people of Mzantsi, without making excuses to any one of attempting obfuscation/confusing the issues.

I cannot see myself as a 'tribesman' when I have lived and been nurtured by all the 11 people I have posted above. I cannot wrap my mind around that unreality that I belong to a 'Tribe'. I am more conversant and seriously belonging to a Nation of African people of Mzantsi, and that if it's an obsession, so be it, for in my reality, "One For All And All For One" is my mantra-We are stronger And Cannot Be Moved Bundled-unless we so wish, and that there is Power…

So that as we transmit our culture to each other, its "Each One Teach One-Each One Reach One". If there is something and one thing with the other people within the variegated nations that form our Nation in Mzantsi: It has more common with one another than would any culture be comparatively and seriously speaking. Some may be lax about this issue because we have been taught that matters that concern Africans are of no use - That we are childish in our bearing and mentality; that we drink beer and make many children; that are lazy and cannot even think or learn-all this was practiced and we were constantly reminded by our Boer tormentors that to be a fact and the undisputed truth about us..

They have used this ruse to indoctrinate many of us to the present generation in our midst. The never forsook their 'divide and conquer strategy' it is still in full use as we speak. The sad thing is that many of us do not need Boer enforces, we, Africans, many of us, have taken this opportunity to try and claim being belonging to the 'tribe,' and the rest can go to Hades… You can't cement a nation with disparate and separated cultures as in our case. You can glue the foundation of a Nation based on the knowledge and commonalities in each and every culture to each other. Ubuntu also means self empowerment and Power in a real sense.

We should be able to speak with authority when it comes to our own clan culture, but have strong convictions in the similarities and sameness of al these cultures, as one diverse culture, then we might be on our way to unchaining our Apartheidized minds and consciousnesses. We also need to be very knowledgeable and articulate eruditely about our own culture and its everything…

Clearly and Authoritatively/Authentically, this is why I have tried to make this article come to light, because many people are busy with other things. But I will stick to culture and its everything about Africans of South Africa to whirl us around from the focus and negatives forces of the past.

Cultural transmission and propagation should be done by us, and we should know each's culture very well and solidly. If we can operate from the fusion of all these cultural boons of a nation of Mzantsi, that would shift the old paradigm, and introduce a new way of communication and cooperating with one another based on culture. custom, traditions, history, music, dances, languages, sacred cultural and customary and traditional practices... with us at the helm, and being the mind force behind it, we shall then be functioning as a nation from a position of unified strength built upon and based on what is relevant and real to all… of the Africans of Mzantsi...

The Disappeared Times Of The Analogue Brain


Our Destabilized Globe

One of the most intriguing and fascinating subject that I have been dealing with here is what I have termed as Rigged Discrimination". Apartheid is a term we used in South Africa to denote 'separate development', and its pernicious outcomes. Today, with the advent of social media, we are now even more aware of this reality existing in many countries, today. Everywhere we look, in Iraq, Iran, Syria, Ukraine, West, North, Central and South Africa, there are Wars by Boko Haram, In Somalia, in Sudan, Nigeria, Cameroon; strikes and demonstrations in Hong Kong, South Africa, Argentina, in the middle East, where we find the actions of ISIL, Al Qaeda; their adherent bombing London, Spain, France, now threatening Rome, and active in Iraq, North Africa and putting the whole world in bind and spiraling warfare.

Many point out to the discrimination that was apparent, if we were to choose a timeline, during the Cold War Era, where the former USSR was supporting certain countries, and the US and Europe supporting others-mainly dictators, reaction counterrevolutionary forces-and these installed leaders in many of the countries above, were impoverishing their people and countries. We can easily trace this rigged discrimination from that epoch, to the flare-ups we see today as I have partially described above. We see the Rise of Fascist, Racist Ultra-right movements all over the world; the persecution of certain ethnic groups, dubbed 'ethnic cleansing'; now recently, I saw on TV that Hitler's Mein Kampf is about to be used in Germany as a part of the historical literature!

The marauding murderous thugs like the Islamist Jihadist, with their hundred and one Fatwas, and their spreading of sheer terror, has polarized an already divided Europe. The Jews and the ordinary Muslims bear the brunt. Since the 9121 bombing of the Twin Towers, these movements have grown bigger and bolder and are using various methods to wage their terror wars against the US, Europe, and Africa. So that, like inFrance and other places, the people are pointing out to the discrimination that has been bought to bear on these Africa, Arab(Muslim), Jewish families-although the latter do not live in Ghettoes like those of Poland of the Second World Wr under the Nazis, but they are still targeted. It is worth bearing in mind that it is part of the mix of the conflagration we are witnessing globally.

One other thing we are seeing come to the fore is the cultural wars that are playing themselves out in an expanded form. It is not only the different cultures at each others throat and intended decimation and obliteration. Masses of ordinary non-combatant people are faced with anhilation that has seen, now of late in Ukraine, the use of some medium unclear weapons in order to cow and annex their lands through brutal and harsh military force.

We can also take a short view of racism and its perpetuation by the merging and emerging media and technologies, that, they themselves, are plain apartheidized and this can be seen in the global Internet access in the map below.

Segregated And Apartheidized Internet Access Globally


Apartheidized Internet Lack of Access Around The globe

Access to the Web can be clearly seen in the Global Map of how this medium is spread. In of itself, this gives the reader the largesse to access of the Internet in the 'developed' countries, as opposed to a serious total lack of internet in the so-called Thrid World couties. Africa in this case, shows an abysmal and neglectful access of the web as displayed above in the Web. The Whole Internet of Africa is very much less than that of New York City. It is literally and figuratively speaking a Darkened Continent, in terms of the web and electricity access to its people.

This also is what I have termed, 'rigged' discrimination,' and it is sad to see that the growth and development of many other countries in the world, is not only linked to all the vagraries and vicissitudes I have noted above, but technological access and development is limited, if none existent at all, and this in of itself says a lot about the state of the World/Africa, and bodes ill for the future of these places that have less Internet access as gleaned above in the World Map.

So, speaking of Democracy, globally, is for us to have the ability to have a broader and indepth view of how this applieds and means to different countries and continents. The maintenance of segragation is the many forms I have delineated throughout this Hub, are a clear indication that whenever we broach this subject of 'Rigged Democracy', we shall have to keep an open mind, and vet-out all the varbiables that make this pehemomenon and social miasma are our constant reality.

With the world in turmoil, this Hub will continue to trace and monitor the shift of these set paradigms, and whether or not, we as the human species have a present into the future that is viable and tolerant-This is till the problem that has not been seriously dealt with. As for racism, in this 21st century, it seems to be rearing its ominous head, and that is reversing all the positive gains that have been made over a century, to date, of life here on palnet Earth. The maintainane of segregated human interaction and, communication is seriously threatened-and has been for the past centuries, and this is a serious cause for concern for those vying for a stable world, communities, and life here in this small planet of ours.

It seems that if we are to look at Global segregation of the sharing of wealth and human entertainemnt and wellness, the posted photo above says in in a billion ways. Africa still has a long way to go, and the electricity and the Web is still lagging seriously behind, and this seems not to be getting any better. I have hope that Hubs such as this one will bring the awarenes and education about the paucity of development of Africa to the fore, and maybe this might help in a small way to move the improvement and betterment of Africa and other parts of the world forward.

First Came The Missionaries, Then The Trader, And Finally, The soldiers


African Society's Rigged And Discriminated Social Underdevelopment

The Structure Of The Colonial Order

I would like to discuss the type of Underdevelopment that was Rigged, or created for the underdevelopment of Africans by European Monopoly Capital. It is important that I rehash, and rewrite how this came about in Africa for the Hub above to remain relevant. Our problems as an African is a lack of coherent account as to what actually happened to African people in their being colonized by Europe. On this matter, I will cull liberally from Chinweizu:

"Under this general arrangement there a European monopoly of profit and resource. Both were creamed off to Europe by White management at the top of the Economic pyramid. Such was the colonial economy:

"An appendage economy of Europe, an economy whose productivity was geared to the requirements of foreign trade, an economy designed to bleed the continent and to neglect African needs."

"To buttress and crown their creation, the founders of the colonial order embarked on a cultural reorganization of Africa. If the African auxiliaries of Empire were to be docile and loyal servants, their allegiance to African had to be undetermined. Total admiration for Europe had to be instilled into them. Besides the technical skills they would need to carry out their practical duties to their employers, they were to be taught Christian values of a servile-making sort. Unquestioning obedience to White men was presented as a cardinal virtue.

"The retooling of their minds and values was entrusted to the schools. Whether run by missionaries hunting for African converts for their White heavens, or run by colonial bureaucrats, these imperialist schools not only taught reading, writing and arithmetic to their inmates, they also stuffed the heads of their victims with church devotional hymns, filled their psyches with submissive Christian attitudes, and undermined their attachment to the culture of their Ancestors.

"These schools inculcated in their wards a Christian theology and cosmology, and a Western individualist ethos that weakened their African identity, destroyed their commitment to an African communalist ethos, and erased their sense o f patriotic responsibility to Africa. Weaned on other folk's tales; schooled in the anthologies of Judeo-Christian lore; fed a truncated history of Africa according to which there had been nothing before the European arrival, save perhaps "primitive savagery"; indoctrinated with an anitnationalist history in which the invading Lugards and Mungo Parks were portrayed as heroic saviors of Africa, if mentioned at all, portrayed as savages and venal obstructors of civilizing European Influences.

"In so much so that, they were taught to venerate the heroes of European history (Napoleon, Prince Henry the navigator of Portugal. Elizabeth the pirate queen of England), the minds processed by the colonial school were left in gaping ignorance of their separate past. Where they were given a glimpse of their separate past, they were taught to hold it in embarrassed and even hostile contempt. They were made to feel that their history, their worthwhile history at any rate, began with their induction into the Western orbit of affairs. Where their separate cultural and historical identity was not obliterated, it emerged confused.

"Their loyalties are consequently transferred from their genetic communities to those of the conquerors. After their indoctrination came to view themselves as Black Englishmen or Black Frenchmen or Black Portuguese. Thus did the colonial schools manufacture meek, grateful and loyally submissive Africans in many of whom had been abolished every desire for that cultural and political sovereignty which their ancestors had fought to keep.

"The substitution of European for African values was carried our everywhere, not just in schools. African values were derided and attacked. For instance, the individual principle of private 'property,' when applied to land and the new laws, attacked those African principles of land "tenure," whereby "rights of ownership belonged to the community as a corporate entity," ad 'rights' in use were periodically assigned to individuals by the community through its trustees, be they Chiefs, Kings or elders.

"On such principles one acquired 'rights' to a given stretch of land for as long as one used it productively; when one ceased to do so, such 'rights' reverted to the community for reassignments to other users. No individual, Chief or not, had the right to permanently alienate or dispose of land. Only the community or its representatives could dispose of land, and then only for a limited time and after adequate consultation within the community... But under the new dispensation, and through the general upholding of European attitudes, more and more land was alienated from corporate trusteeship and transformed into 'private property.'

"Thus did all the colonial institutions contribute to fashion a breed of Euro-Africans, and to refashion African in some debased image of Europe.

"To look upon this colonial order as a purely African entity and ignore its links to Europe, is to find an African class of Chiefs, minor bureaucrats and traders tying the toil and lives of the populace to the interests of the ruling White administrators, businessmen, missionaries and settlers. But to look upon it as part o that Global