Hidden Rules And Underground Laws For The Ruling ANC
Madonsela report on Nkandla upgrades
The Indictment Of ANC-Led Government By The Poor People Of South Africa
Leadership Crisis: Reflections On The Nkandla Report
I have written some articles here on HubPages to expose and breakdown the ANC's corrupt rule, inefficiency ,lack of ethics and and what now has been labelled as maladministration by South Africa's Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela.
There is a deeper leadership crisis of which Zuma has become a symptom. But he isn’t the sum total of the incumbent government’s problems. And this is the central confusion many ANC voters suffer: an inability to take non-legal standards of excellence seriously. Ethical leadership is a necessary condition for us to overcome our major, shared national goals.
The same goes for technical competency within the state. Unless top public servants and political principals have the capacity to execute well-thought-through policies, we won’t reach our potential.The Nkandla report clearly shows that ethical and technical competency is in short supply within the government, including President Zuma at the top.
And ANC members, like everyone else, should be disturbed by the implications of the report. It emanates from the evidence-based work of a credible constitutional authority, the public protector. It’s also crucial for many ANC voters to reflect on the horrible truth that the Nkandla report is not actually about Zuma. "It is about the ANC government." Zuma is merely a central character in the Dystopia.
It is 20 years into democracy and the African majority remains massively impoverished and excluded from opportunities to flourish. South Africa is a deeply unequal society, and becoming more unequal in some respects. But after 20 years of democracy it is time to take stock of both the achievements and limitations of public-interest litigation.
It is important that we never take for granted the radical break from a past in which Parliament reigned supreme to the present, where constitutional supremacy is the bedrock of our democracy. The practical consequence of this change is that rights are better protected than before. Better still, socio-economic rights are legally enforceable against the state. Even if the ANC were to try to spin this otherwise, breaking the law has been their creed, and implementing and enforcing the rules on corruption, political malfeasance, maladministration, ineptness, cronyism, nepotism and general disregard for human rights of their polity and decency-has been missing and absent for the past 20 years.
The Poor People Of South Africa Versus The African National Congress
It has been twenty years, and on the last year of the past two decades, were are facing national elections, and the ANC is competing to be reinstated back in to power. The ordinary folks say it plainly that they will vote for the ANC, but they have a bone to pick with the maladministration, incompetence and corruption and so forth that is so endemic within the ANC and pandemic throughout its governance.
Yes, the ANC will win the upcoming elections, and the majority, though whittled a bit, will show up and vote for the ANC, and the ANC will reinstate Zuma(as they trumpet in their press releases and through their talking heads), as the President/candidate of choice for the Presidency of the country. This is fait accompli.
One can discern this recalcitrancy and arrogance of the ANC by considering the following statement from Malala:
"The president of the republic, Jacob Zuma, and his family have been found to have benefited massively and improperly from building at his palatial estate at Nkandla.
"Upgrades costing R246-million have been completed on Zuma’s home and he wants the nation to believe that he did not know about them, had no hand in them and so will not take responsibility for any of them. With wanton looting of the public purse exposed, the president sits in office with impunity and without shame."
"You see, he is not at all ashamed. He appears not to care that he has been exposed, that the world is pointing at him and laughing at him - and at us. He has no shame. And without a sense of shame, an acknowledgement of wrongdoing, he will remain in office and continue as if nothing were wrong. In his warped view, the only thing that could lead to his removal from office would be a jail sentence.
"Twenty years into our democracy we are sliding from high ideals into a free-for-all in which politicians are a law unto themselves and accountability is a word we use only in Power Point presentations."(Malala)
"This is also what the ANC's highest decision-making body between conferences, its national executive committee, is saying about the party it leads. Not a single member of the committee is prepared to raise his hand and say to Zuma: "This far and no further." In the ANC and within NEC, the rot is now endemic [and cancerous].
"It is, of course, easy to point fingers and accuse Zuma, his friends Dina Pule and Humphrey Mmemezi, and others, of all sorts of things. Truth is, they are not the guilty party here. We are-and by enabling the ANC to rule the way it did and still does and they took advantage of that, they are too are guilty more than anybody.
"South Africans deserve these leaders. We deserve a Zuma, because we have rewarded him for his scandals: Guptagate, Khwezigate, Malawigate, the Spy Tapes, Schabir Shaik .The list is long. The truly depressing part is that these "leaders" are busy subverting our institutions and turning them into paper tigers. By the time they leave office - for they shall - they will have done a huge amount of damage. They will have crippled the public protector's office and any other institution that is supposed to hold their like to account.
Smell the coffee, South Africa. Your country is being stolen."(Malala)
The ANC talks from two sides of it governing mouth. They assert that they are going to block any attempt to have Zuma impeached-whilst on the other side of its mouth it sends another message: that they are letting the procedure take its course-and that the Madonsela Report and recommendations should be abided by and implemented. This suits the ANC well, buying time, staling, denying and trying damage control and letting the elections go through, with a pray and wish(literally) that all will go back to 'business as usual'.
On the other hand, in the videos I have posted below on this this Hub, you have ordinary people voicing their concern, and without saying so, have the ANC on their sights, because, they have seen all that for the past twenty years, many of those projects that the ANC is supposed to furnish, finnish and provide completely to the people are just in a stand still or nonexistent. The people have shown their displeasure of unfair employment practices and they demonstrated against their wretched and nonexistent social services and sloppy and shoddy poor service delivery. The ANC government gives grants to poor Africans as a pacifier and government orchestrated hand-outs, and in the their lack of planning, there are no job created for the future.
At the same time, the taxes that are supposed to be collected are measly and dwindling, there are no jobs that are created to be taxed. At the same time, Gas has gone up; electricity is expensive; water is rationed and expensive(because 6,000 liters for a family of 20 is like a drop for one). Food is very expensive; health care is in shambles and not functioning to its full capacity; mental diseases and madness have increased amongst the poor and destitute. The people see whites doing well in greater numbers, and paltry few Africans being seriously rich. Poverty is rife, and drug addiction rampant.(Although the ANC has recently said that it will criminalize Nyaope/Wunga and other drugs), but the people have yet to see its application and implementation) There is still no policy or action taken against this drug epidemic and pandemic.
The people have a lot that they want corrected and the whole ANC revamped, and for the past twenty years, they decry the fact that this government has not really delivered on its promises. The RDP houses and malls, bridges[which are crumbling and falling] and incomplete public toilets dot the landscape, and the people are very much disenchanted with this rule and the ANC/Brand. It might be that the people are going to vote for the ANC(Because they still have fresh memories of their lives under Grand Apartheid), but now, they have had twenty years to learn about the ANC and its shenanigans-they think that they have no other choice given the field. And as matters stand, there are very angry(all races) and the Zuma scandal and saga has left them infuriated and calling up on the ANC to remove Zuma. The ANC, which now considers itself "Ngangaras"(another terms for Bass) in our parlance, and we are really a number for votes putting them into power, and that it
With the ANC digging in its heels by refusing to oust Zuma, knowing that they are going against the grain, this has become now a tug of war of the Poor people of South Africa against the ANC, but in way the people are still figuring out how to deal effectively and finally with the ANC. The Jury is still out on this part of the people's struggle. Now, the Nkandla scandal, as has been listened to in the video above by Madonsela, gives the viewer a sense of how ANC rules, and breaks the rules, and is arrogant as they they steal from the power and enrich themselves and Zuma with funds that were supposed to help the poor in Nkandla. so that, I am going to try and approach this conundrum of the Nkandla Scandal from various angles.
So, what do we find in terms of ANC reaction: "
ANC MPs launched a scathing attack on Public Protector Thuli Madonsela, labelling her "condescending" and accusing her of "overstepping her mark" in her report on the multimillion rand "security upgrading" of President Jacob Zuma's private Nkandla home. The problem is that in attacking her, few have really read the entire report
This is also what the ANC's highest decision-making body between conferences, its national executive committee(NEC), is saying about the party it leads. Not a single member of the committee is prepared to raise his hand and say to Zuma: "This far and no further." In the ANC NEC, the rot is now endemic and and a cancerous cherry at the top of the Corruption pile/cake.
It is, of course, easy to point fingers and accuse Zuma, his friends Dina Pule and Humphrey Mmemezi, and others, of all sorts of things. Truth is, they are not the guilty party here. We are. The ANC is responsible, and the Nkandla Scandal is the Scandal of and about the ANC, caused and created by the ANC
South Africans deserve these leaders. We deserve a Zuma, because we have rewarded him for his scandals: Guptagate, Khwezigate, Malawigate, the Spy Tapes, Schabir Shaik .The list is long. The truly depressing part is that these "leaders" are busy subverting our institutions and turning them into paper tigers. By the time they leave office - for they shall - they will have done a huge amount of damage. They will have crippled the public protector's office and any other institution that is supposed to hold their like to account. And yet they are canvassing for votes under the pretext and falsehood of Democracy.
Smell the coffee, South Africa. Your country is being stolen"
In order to clarify this scandal mess, I would like to state earlier on that it is true, Zuma has been caught with his pants down and his hand deep in the cookie jar. I maintain and insist that the scandal of Nkandla is a microcosm of the scandal of the whole ANC-led government. And I will be delving much deep down in this hub about my assertions: The Zuma Nkandla Scandal Is The ANC Corruption, Technically Inefficient and Maladministratively Incompetent and displaying debilitative Ineptness in their governance of South Africa. Prior to getting to that, which is further down in the Hub, here is a summary of Madonsela's report:
1. Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s report on the security upgrade at President Jacob Zuma’s Nkandla home is entitled Secure in Comfort. It is just under 450 pages long and has a 75-page executive summary.
2. The final costs of Nkandla are “conservatively estimated” to amount to R246 million, but could be higher.
3. The initial cost was R27 million, but it escalated rapidly after Zuma’s private architect, Minenhle Makhanya, was appointed by the department of public works. He often recommended more luxurious and expensive options instead of going with the cheaper options and made R16.5 million (calculated as a percentage of costs) from the Nkandla project.
4. Zuma and his ministers should have acted when the Mail & Guardian blew the whistle in 2009 on the R65 million the project cost at the time, but the spending increased after that. Zuma violated the Executive Ethics Code by failing to contain state spending and benefiting from it. He wore “two hats”.
5. Zuma told Parliament that his family had built their own houses and that the state had not built any from which they benefited, but this wasn’t true. Madonsela accepted the evidence that he had told them this “in good faith”.
6. Zuma must pay for the non-security upgrades at his home, which include a visitors’ centre, an amphitheatre, a swimming pool, a cattle kraal, a culvert, a chicken run and extensive paving. In the planning stages, there were constant references to Zuma having to repay these. Mail & Guardian calculated these to cost around R20 million.
7. There was little precedent from previous presidential upgrades for the upgrades done at Nkandla. Former president Nelson Mandela, for instance, built his kraal at his own expense and didn’t require a “fire pool”.
8. Proper tender processes weren’t followed at any stage, contrary to Treasury regulations. It was justified by the department saying that it was urgent, that private works had already started, for security reasons, and that only one supplier could supply the particular service required. Still, there were delays over which Zuma himself complained in March 2010.
9. There was “massive” scope creep – Nkandla became a project with runaway costs because of bad management of service providers by relevant state organs. This created a “licence to loot” situation.
10. The National Key Points Act was “inexplicably dragged in” halfway through the Nkandla building project (in 2010) and then its provisions were not applied. Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa failed to apply his mind when he declared Nkandla a national key point.
We learn from an article written by Sarah Evans:
Public protector Thuli Madonsela's report uncovered a trail of maladministration, from ministers to officials, starting with a lack of basic knowledge about the laws and policies governing security upgrades for projects such as President Jacob Zuma's Nkandla homestead.
Madonsela said on Wednesday, during a media briefing of her office's findings, that "systemic" policy gaps and "administrative deficiencies" had led to the inflation of costs.
"Key among these being the absence of a cap and an integrated instrument such as the ministerial handbook, where all permissible measures can be found."
The Cabinet policy of 2003 is problematic because it applies to presidents, former presidents, deputy presidents and former deputy presidents.
"The risk of unbridled expenditure in the future is very real and needs immediate curbing."
What constitutes maladministration?
Madonsela instructed Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa to urgently institute a review of the National Key Points Act and to stop any further spending on Nkandla.
The minister of public works at the time, Geoff Doidge, gave Zuma the wrong information about the legal prescripts governing the Nkandla upgrades. The minister of police was no better, she said.
"The minister of police failed to properly apply his mind when signing the declaration of President Jacob Zuma's private residence as a national key point, directing the president to implement security measures at [his] own cost or to properly modify the declaration. This constitutes maladministration."
She said Doidge and Mthethwa "could have provided better executive leadership, especially with regard to speedily assessing the extent and cost of the Nkandla project, particularly when the media broke the story in 2009, and taking decisive measures to curb excessive expenditure."
This also amounted to maladministration, she said.
Supply chain management errors
Officials at the department of public works officials also did not know the basic legal framework surrounding the Nkandla upgrades, Madonsela said.
Many supply chain management errors were therefore allowed to occur: tenders were not advertised, contractors were not properly vetted and costs continued to escalate.
Madonsela also found that funds were transferred from two programmes to build Nkandla – an inner city regeneration programme and "dolomite risk management programme" at the department of public works. This constituted maladministration.
Poverty and Decrepit Housing Persists
William Saunderson-Meyer Writes:
The report is a magisterial 447-page tome, crafted with lawyerly precision – Madonsela was one of the technical drafters of the South African Constitution – to withstand the shit-storm of obfuscatory lawsuits against her office that it will likely unleash. While the writing is consequently careful rather than elegant, there is wry humour aplenty, including in the title of the report, Secure in Comfort, as she catalogues the four-year transformation of “seven small rondavels and a kraal” into “opulence on a grand scale”.
The KwaZulu-Natal health ministry in 2013 identified Nkandla as one of the “most underserved” areas in the province, with poor ambulance services and an inadequate police presence. Yet instead of citing the medical and policing upgrades where they could also benefit this stricken community, all the police housing was established within the Nkandla compound, as was the “private medical clinic”.
Madonsela writes that the security costs for Zuma’s home were “obscenely excessive” and at several points made the point that the foundation of a constitutional state is that “public resources should primarily be deployed to meet public needs”. The “public needs” she cites are immense.
Some 44% of Nkandla residents between the ages of 15 and 64 are unemployed. Around 10 000 households in the area have no electricity, 7 000 have no piped water and 12 000 have only pit latrines. It was “excessive and unconscionable” that the so-called security upgrades created “an island in a sea of poverty and paucity of public infrastructure”.
Madonsela has marshalled some startling statistics in support of her argument. The estimated cost of the Nkandla project escalated from R28-million to R224-million in just 18 months to December 2010. The figure of R246-million today is a “conservative” estimate and does not include any provision for maintenance of these facilities after Zuma leaves office.
The imperial nature of Zuma’s presidency is apparent when the report compares security expenditure on the private homes of South Africa’s previous presidents. PW Botha’s, in today’s currency, was a piffling R173 000; FW De Klerk cost all of R236 000; Nelson Mandela, with two private homes, cost R32-million; while Thabo Mbeki cost R8-million. How extraordinary that apartheid’s leaders – widely loathed and undoubtedly assassination targets in the liberation war – clearly didn’t fret much about security, while today’s supposedly beloved man of the masses has to live behind gilded battlements.
The best line in Madonsela’s morality tale goes not to Zuma – who shift-shapes in the background of the narrative, a ghostly presence communicating only through intermediaries – nor to any of the bombastic politicians or unctuous civil servants that she interviewed. It goes to that new epitome of cultural cringe and the post-colonial inferiority complex, Minenhle Makhanya, Zuma’s private architect, who was paid R16.5-million for his efforts.
When asked why a cattle culvert and chicken hok costing millions, he replied: “This is how they do it in England…”
It can be said that in South Africa, twenty years of ANC rule presents an ongoing and deep crisis of governance which has seen no effective response from the left up to now. In times of crisis, a Master is necessary to basically wade through complex propositions of specialists into a simple equation of "yes or no", such as in times of war.
"the function of a Master is to enact an authentic division – a division between those who want to drag on within the old parameters and those who are aware of the necessary change". Interestingly he says such a division "is the only path to true unity". We can therefore say that the main problem of the left up to now is the fear of the master, hence the absence of true unity and authentic action. Incidentally, capitalism has no such fears, as we have seen in the symbolism of Coca-Cola.
he fear of the master is also an outcome of the horrors of the cult of the personality which defined the Stalinist era in Russia. Truth is, the capitalist bloc has done a great job of projecting any revolutionary leader who comes to symbolise the great moment of revolution as an egotistical Stalinist, and thereby helped to spread the pseudo anarchist radicalism based on hyper individualism that has seen well meaning people worshiping ideas such as 'we are all leaders', which leads to dead ends and no possibility of enacting a real authentic moment of rebellion.
We have seen the tragic result of leaderless revolutions in Egypt, Libya and now Kiev. They end up taking instructions from Brussels and Washington DC. The initial euphoria evaporates into deep depression and mutual destructive violence and directionless. Of course all revolutions and their leaders can go bad, but this is not because there is a leader seen as the symbolic representation of the moment.
The quasi religiosity that accompanies radical politics can be read as the necessary transcendental energy so beautifully captured by Thomas Sankara, when he said, "You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness".
Madonsela unpacks Nkandla report
Change Of the ANC Guard
How Corrupt Is The ANC? Access To Corruption Is Why The ANC Rules
News24 informs us:
"Let me just say corruption in South Africa by the ANC Government is shocking.
Professor Micheal Savage, a sociologist at the University of York in England,wrote:
"Theft, fraud and violence, South African MP's do it all. A culture of impunity has made the South African parliament one of the most scandal-ridden govrnments in the world whereby MP's are arrested for drunken driving,shoplifting,fraud and varied corruption offences.
Of the 535 MPs, 29 have been found guilty of domestic violence, 7 have been arrested for fraud, 19 have been accussed of bouncing fraudulent cheques,117 have been involved in at least two businesses that have gone bankrupt, 71 cannot obtain a credit card because of their bad credit ratings,14 have been arrested on drug-related charges, 8 have been arrested for shoplifting, 84 have been arrested for drunken driving.
Tony Yengeni,the former chief whip of the ANC,who was convicted for fraud in 2003 while chairing the country's defence committee said this of their ANC elite of which he's part of:"What does the high court got to do with my life?I don't have to ask permission from them to do certain things...
When asked about his numurous luxury cars which includes a MASERATI and two BMW's he replied "many other people have cars including white people who still have all the wealth of this country".
For those brought up in the townships politics becomes the doorway to self-enrichment. Survivalism in SA is seen as political entitlement.Few MP's ever goes to prison.
2.The Washington Post newspaper wrote this:
South Africa loses billions of dollars due to negligence and corruption by the ANC Government.
"A South African government minister reportedly spends the equivalent of nearly $70,000(US) of taxpayer money on a trip to Switzerland to visit his girlfriend in jail who is facing drug charges, then tells his president that he was on official business. He claims to have been on sick leave since February. Another minister and the police chief were implicated in an unlawful deal to lease police buildings at inflated prices, which then cost taxpayers more than $250 million(US).
These incidents pale beside the sprawling,routine corruption and negligence in South African governance exposed by Willie Hofmeyr,the head of the anti-corruption agency known as the Special Investigating Unit. Hofmeyr told Parliament that around 20% of all government procurements or more than $3.8 billion,go missing each year-most of which gets stolen and the rest untraceable because of negligence.
The South African government barely blinked when that report was made.
Hofmeyr is currently investigating more than 900 cases of questionable contracts and conflicts of interest,valued at more than $635 million.The worst theft, he said, takes place at the local government level, where there wasn't that much oversight.
Recommendations were made to Zuma to act against corrupt ministers. And what is Zuma's response to all that? A presidential spokesman said at the time "that Zuma would respond to the recommendations when he is ready".
3.From the New York Times newspaper tells us this:
South Africa Slips From the Moral High Ground says ALAN COWELL.
"South Africa has never liked to see itself in any way as run-of-the-mill country, instead preferred to cast itself as aloof from the corruption, strife and misrule so often associated with the continent to its north.
Hence Thabo Mbeki's calling the country's first democratic election in 1994 as "an African Renaissance".
However South Africa have become a different country under its newest coterie of the most powerful that surrounds President Jacob Zuma and has since lost its claim to the moral high ground.
Archbishop Desmond M.Tutu, said recently of the ANC "Mr.Zuma,you and your government don’t represent me...You represent your own interests."
The archbishop’s remarks provoked some sharp reactions from the ANC.
“In the GREATER scheme of things,who is Bishop Tutu?A prelate who was won honors because he raised his voice against apartheid? Who did not?” said ANC veteran Thula Bopela.
Corruption and patronage have replaced principle and promised transparency in South Africa.
Author Njabulo S. Ndebele wrote "South Africans have become corrupted by the attractions of instant wealth, reflecting a potentially catastrophic collapse in the once cohesive understanding of the post-apartheid project as embodied in our constitution.The ANC functions as a state within the state, and it thinks it is the state."
Dr.R.Simangaliso Kumalo,the head of the School of Religion and Theology at the University of KwaZulu-Natal,wrote:"Pretoria seemed to side with dictators like President Robert G.Mugabe in Zimbabwe or Col.Muammar Qaddafi in Libya blending its debts to those who supported it in the liberation struggle with a hard-nosed pragmatism.
Political analyst Eusebius McKaiser said in a lecture in August, discussing South Africa’s role in the Libya conflict:
"It is clear to me that we do not have a moral foreign policy. There is little indication that our foreign policy is consistently and genuinely informed by a thorough commitment to project our domestic constitutional principles onto the international arena.”
Indeed, those principles —or the threats to them — lie at the center of the debate.Two years after their first free election in 1994, South Africa created a new constitution guaranteeing rights that much of Africa had shunned,ignored or undermined and seeming to lock the land onto the moral coordinates of its struggle for democracy.
But the ground has shifted. Max du Preez,a journalist and author wrote:"Nothing anybody says or does can be taken at face value any longer, because we suspect this can only be explained if one understands what the doer or speaker wants to achieve in terms of his or her factional interest.”
So from a government minister, a front-page sex scandal and claims of a honey trap set by "spooks" determined to crush enemies of the president!
What an interesting government South Africa has in power! Turbulent some might argue,but so very much corrupt as well."
The rot discussed above only goes to show that the ANC is being disingenuous when it refutes the Nkandla report. The rot is so extensive that I suspect the electorate becomes overwhelmed and see it as corruption, but are powerless to do anything about it. Most parliamentarians are thugs, thieves of a criminal type and immoral type, murderers, ignoramuses, skill-less leaders, opportunists, cabals cronyism-simly, corruption unhinged and on steroids. To this, the ANc chooses to ignore, pooh-pooh and dismiss as what those who dislike the ANC always do to smear and castigate the ANC in a negative light. But, the Nkandla report has and other press reading thus far, give us a better and larger picture as to the Brand of the ANC we are stuck with today.
Justice Factor TX24March2014 Nkandla Report Special
Awarding And Protecting Corrupted And Corruption By Leaders and Operatives Within The ANC
We are going to looking at several articles here in South Africa which talk to the corruption in the ANC. Like the Press realse by the Democratic Alliance Press relaese that states:
South Africa: Zuma's ANC Is Not Serious About Fighting Corruption
It has been revealed today that a number of ANC leaders who have made it onto the party's list of candidates to go to Parliament or provincial legislatures are either facing corruption charges or have already been found guilty.
This includes former ANC Chief Whip, Tony Yengeni, who was found guilty for accepting a bribe during the Arms Deal; ANC Northern Cape Chairman, John Block, who has had criminal charges laid against him for fraud and racketeering; former Gauteng MEC, Humphrey Mmemezi, who was fired for misuse of public money and former ANCYL Treasurer, Pule Mabe who faces charges of fraud, theft and money laundering.
This comes on the back of the ANC's so-called commitment, expressed in its election manifesto, to fight corruption by requiring "... any ANC member or ANC public representative found guilty by a court of law to step down from any leadership positions, in the ANC, government and society."
This "commitment" has been shown up to be nothing more than a smokescreen. It is hypocritical and cannot be taken seriously by South Africans.
It also shouldn't come as a surprise. The reality is that the ANC cannot commit to the fight against corruption when their very own leader, President Jacob Zuma, does everything possible to delay the release of the spy tapes in order to avoid having to answer for over 700 charges of corruption in a court of law. Moreover, the ANC does nothing to hold its president to account for the spending of over R200 million of public money on his private residence in Nkandla.[For if they were to do so, then they will be accusing the Whole ANC clique or leadership and its followers].
South Africans can now see that the ANC has no political will to fight corruption. Instead it has again been revealed as a political party that awards corrupt leaders and officials by placing in them in important positions.
Indeed, it is the clearest indication yet that Zuma and the ANC have completely abandoned the legacy of their predecessors.
Also, one can read a report on the ANC by Richard Pithouse titled:
Zuma's Legacy: A Rotten ANC
Zuma’s name will go down in history as the name of the moment when it became clear that the ANC was rotten, says Richard Pithouse.
Jacob Zuma will not be redeemed by a “Lula moment” or “second transition”. His name will go down in history with Marikana and Nkandla(included is rape, Guptagate, gun smuggling, etc-my addition)
Different people will call the precise moment at which the conflation of the idea of the ANC with the altogether more tawdry realities of the existing ANC became both irrational and immoral differently.
For some people the tipping point was the SACP’s embrace of the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956. For others it was the repression of the mutiny in uMkhonto we Sizwe in Angola in 1984(Paul Trewhela, discussed a bit below, revealed this expose). The demobilisation of popular forces in the 1990s was a turning point for some people. The decision to voluntarily implement a structural adjustment programme in 1996 was the final straw for some.
There was a large group of people for whom the election of Jacob Zuma to the Presidency of the party in 2007 – on the back of a thuggish campaign, despite clear evidence of corruption and Zuma’s atrocious behaviour during his rape trial – made it impossible to continue to see the party as an emancipatory project.
There are people for whom Zuma’s inaction during the xenophobic pogroms in 2008, and the failure to hold anyone to account for the pogrom, marked the end of the dream.
The brazen attacks on Abahlali baseMjondolo in Durban in 2009, openly backed by the state and the ruling party, was the point of no return for others.
The televised murder of Andries Tatane marked the end of a dream for some people. The relentless accumulation of corruption scandals around Zuma, his family and other figures in the party, have also corroded the ANC’s standing.[I still maintain that the exposing of the scandal of Nkandla by Thuli Madonsela, is the ANC Scandal]
But it has been Marikana and Nkandla that have done the most damage to Zuma and the ANC.
The fact that Zuma has presided over a massacre of striking workers – a massacre for which no one has been held accountable – while building a palace for himself with public funds, makes any attempt to defend him or his party simply and entirely scurrilous.
With a licence to kill and a licence to loot the ANC has become a predatory excrescence on society.
Elite nationalism tends to conflate the interests of the people as a whole with the interests of elites. It remains a powerful force in our society for many reasons, one of which is that for as long as wealth and power remain concentrated in white hands, there is a progressive aspect to the accumulation of black wealth and power.
But elite nationalism also functions to reproduce and to legitimate exploitation, exclusion and repression.
Marikana and Nkandla both, in very different ways, mark a major breakdown in the ability of elite nationalism to claim that it is in the interests of the people as a whole.
Marikana marks the moment at which it became untenable to continue to pretend that workers’ interests should be subordinate to those of elites claiming to represent the nation as a whole.
Marikana was never about the worker in isolation. It was always about the worker in community, both on the mines and in the countryside. But because the worker, as a political figure, is so often imagined in masculine terms, this was often elided.
One reason for this is that much of the theory woven into the standard visions of redemptive alternatives to capitalism places the worker, often implicitly assumed to be male, at the heart of both the struggle for a new order and the new order itself. This kind of theory, common in some conceptions of socialism, is useful for drawing a political distinction between those who produce wealth and those who appropriate it. But just as some forms of nationalism function to exclude people who are not part of the elite, some forms of socialism reduce the people to the workers and function to exclude both people who are not workers in the formal sense, as well as sites of struggle outside of the workplace, from the political imagination.
We have a long history of the community and the home becoming sites of crucial political import. The struggle to build and sustain a home was central to many mobilisations over the last century, including moments like the popular power built by the Industrial & Commercial Workers’ Union in Durban in the late 1920s and early 1930s, the squatters movements around Johannesburg in the 1940s, the struggles against eviction in the late 1950s and the struggles in the shack lands around the major cities in the 1980s, perhaps most famously in Crossroads in Cape Town.
And given the way in which the regulation of space was central to Apartheid, the act of building and sustaining a home often had, even when it has not connected to overly political forms of mobilisation, deeply political consequences. Cooking, cleaning, washing, ironing and raising children all become practices with real political weight.
This is not unique to our experience. US author and social activist bell hooks writes that in the US: “historically, African-American people believed that the construction of a home-place, however fragile and tenuous (the slave hut, the wooden shack), had a radical dimension, one’s homeplace was the one site where one could freely construct the issue of humanzation (sic), where one could resist. Black women resisted by making homes where all black people could strive to be subjects, not objects, where we could be affirmed in our minds and hearts despite poverty, hardship, and deprivation, where we could restore to ourselves the dignity denied us on the outside in the public world.”
In post-Apartheid South Africa the community and the home are often still sites of real political intensity. The courage and tenacity with which people rebuild their shacks again and again after violent evictions and, in Durban, state-backed murder, is astonishing.[We should not forget that these struggles have been ongoing even just as intensely during Grand Apartheid rule-my addition]
This sphere of politics is not taken seriously. The standard theories for imagining better societies, and strategies for getting there, are often not well equipped to make sense of it. When this sphere of politics does show up in the elite public sphere it is often silenced by being automatically presented as a ‘service delivery protest’ or presented, sometimes in plainly racist terms, as an irrational and threatening eruption of violence and criminality.
But the contrast between the palace that Zuma has built for himself and his family with public money, some of it taken directly from budgets allocated for public housing, and the tenacity and courage of people, many of them women, who strive to build and sustain homes for themselves and their families in the face of a brutal and contemptuous state, is instructive.
If we examine Nkandla together with the land occupations named after Marikana in Durban and Cape Town, both of which have been subject to unlawful state violence, it becomes clear that the state and capital are both sites of appropriation and repression, that the workplace and the community are both sites of struggle, and that the wage and the home both remain subject to intense contestation.
As the ANC limps into its decline, sustained by the idea of what it has meant to people rather than its tawdry reality, and buttressed with patronage and repression, there are no credible electoral alternatives.
The DA, together with Cope and AgangSA, offer nothing other than the promise of a less corrupt version of the economic arrangements that continue to condemn millions of people to permanent destitution. None of these parties are willing to allocate land, in rural and urban areas, on the basis of social need rather than private profit – or to put an end to evictions and forced removals.
The EFF claims to subordinate capital to the state. It also tells some of the truth about how, 20 years after apartheid, our society continues to be predicated on highly racialised forms of exploitation and exclusion. But with its deeply compromised leaders – at national and provincial levels – its active attempts to generate a personality cult, its militarism, its masculinism, its crudity, its evident complicity with xenophobia and its profoundly authoritarian conception of the political is what Antonio Gramsci called a “morbid symptom” of our crisis rather than a credible response to it.
Although WASP gets a fair bit of media coverage, often as a result of having a young white woman as a prominent member, the fact is that it, along with parties like Azapo and the PAC, is simply irrelevant to our national drama.
Zuma’s name will go down in history as the name of the moment when it became clear to anyone willing to confront reality directly that the ANC was rotten. But it is a lot less clear whether or not we will be able to build a democratic politics, rooted in the workplace and the community, as well as universities, prisons and sporting and religious organisations, that can affirm the equal humanity of everyone and is organised and sustained at sufficient scale to bring the state and capital to heel."
This is one aspect of the coming election that one finds on the viral stream and the call by Whites and other ethnic minorities that the African majority voting for the ANc should not do so. Yet, the people live and experience what Richouse is talking about. The African people's conundrum and of the optionless alternative handed to the them by other parties is what will bring back the ANC into power. The majority poor have been ''coping' and 'tolerating' the ANC because no one is better or different. The unemployed and poor know that if they replace the ANC, the incoming crew is going to do the same thing because they are not 'morons'.
The Ostrich Act: Burying The Government's Head In The Sand
The Woes and Confusion of and within the ANC are growing larger and louder-since they affect and effect their followers and those they are ruling over.. We learn from Vinayak Bhardwj that:
Beyond Thuli: The Nkandla Fight Goes On
The release of the public protector’s report concludes the third inquiry by a public body into the manifestly wasteful public expenditure on President Zuma’s private residence. Advocate Madonsela’s investigation however, unlike the interministerial task team investigation or that of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence based on it, was unique in its unfettered scope, independence and insistence on tackling the high-ranking officials involved in the so-called Prestige Project A, department of public works’ codename for Zuma’s private estate. This is why her findings carry greater significance than the others.
However, a fourth inquiry conducted by the M&G Centre for Investigative Journalism (amaBhungane) is currently awaiting judgment in the high court in Pretoria. This inquiry emanates from a request for information under the Promotion of Access to Information Act (Paia), brought nearly two years ago by amaBhungane.
The case has been central to the Mail & Guardian’s reportage on Nkandla as it highlights not only the abuse of state resources for private gain, documented painstakingly in over 12 000 pages of minutes, memos, purchase receipts and correspondence which amaBhungane eventually secured from a reluctant department of public works. But it also highlights the extent to which official secrecy on the basis of spurious threats to national security is used by our public officials to prevent embarrassment.
In July 2012, well before the Nkandla scandal broke, amaBhungane lodged a request at the department of public works for information pertaining to public expenditures on President Zuma’s Nkandla home. The request highlighted amaBhungane's interest exclusively in information that was not security-sensitive. The request further pointed out that Paia obliged the department to redact security-related parts of the requested information, while making available the remaining documents.
In its initial response the department rejected the request on the basis of apartheid-era secrecy laws including the National Key Points Act, Protection of Information Act and the Cabinet policy document called “Minimum Information Security Standards”.
No mention was made of a single provision of Paia itself.
Under pressure of litigation, the department eventually capitulated on its initial recalcitrance by releasing 12 000 pages of information.
Despite the vast disclosures by the department, there appeared to be significant gaps in the State’s official account of the growing Nkandla debacle. The disclosed documents all derived from the activities of the Department’s Kwazulu-Natal office, which was directly in charge of the project. These painted a picture, of provincial officials, exposed to consultants and contractors for whom cost was no object, agreeing to ever-costlier, ever more wildly unbudgeted ‘upgrades’ to President Zuma’s property. Few, if any senior officials appeared to be directing the process.
Strangely absent from the disclosed records were correspondence and minutes of meetings involving more senior officials and politicians – those who one assumes should have been directing the process from head office in Pretoria, the more so as it involved the president. And thus vital questions pertaining to senior departmental, ministerial and most crucially presidential involvement in the ever-spooling Nkandla yarn remained unanswered.
To answer these questions therefore, amaBhungane persisted with its court action.
In December 2013, amaBhungane’s lawyers argued on the basis of these issues, that the Department was obliged to provide further documents. The Department argued that it had provided the same documents to amaBhungane that it had provided to Advocate Madonsela, that its search had been exhaustive and that any supposedly missing documents either did not exist or had been misplaced.
AmaBhungane’s lawyers refuted these arguments. They argued that given the previous duplicity by the department’s director-general, arguing initially that all information was security-sensitive only to release 12 000 documents without any apparent declassification, the department’s account simply could not be trusted. They then requested that the judge refer the matter to oral evidence on the basis of a legal rule known as “Plascon-Evans”.
According to this rule, if there is a significant dispute of facts between two parties, a judge may refer the matter to oral evidence. This will allow amaBhungane’s lawyers to cross-examine senior officials about the whereabouts of the missing records..
Consequences for failing to appear before court or for lying under oath during a cross-examination may result in public officials being found guilty of contempt of court. Their room for manoeuvre is therefore limited.
The alternative to this scenario, is that the Judge orders these missing documents to be provided to amaBhungane. This too could extend further the public’s knowledge.
In this sense, the public’s right to know might well be advanced further than it already will be through the public protector’s inquiry.
The battle against secrecy however has not been amaBhungane’s alone. The public protector’s own investigation was filibustered late last year when the security cluster sought to abuse a “right of reply” process to thwart her investigation altogether. They claimed that the information in her report revealed “numerous breaches” of security while failing to indicate even one.
They further argued that the report revealed classified information which would compromise national security and that of the president. In supporting her case, she provided as evidence the department’s claim that it had provided to her exactly the same set of documents to her that it provided to us. It could not therefore argue that the very same documents which were made publicly available were now top secret in the hands of the public protector.
The security cluster was once more chastened into an uneasy silence.
The painstaking attempts by journalists, activist organisations and Chapter Nine institutions to unearth the details of the Nkandla story have revealed the power of our laws in counteracting the State’s secrecy reflex.
Hanging over these attempts however is the ever-present threat of the “secrecy Bill” currently awaiting the president’s signature before becoming law.
Among its many pernicious provisions, the Bill will allow the state to determine rules for access to classified information for Chapter Nine institutions, including the public protector. What was previously withheld by foot-dragging will be impenetrably fortified by Draconian legislation.
A very renowned journalist, Allister sparks presented this article he titled:
Nkandla Worse Than Watergate
This is worse than Watergate; worse even than the Muldergate scandal of the apartheid era, which led to the demise of Information Minister Connie Mulder and eventually Prime Minister John Vorster.
Those were global landmarks of political notoriety. But now they have been surpassed by President Jacob Zuma’s Nkandlagate. It is more outrageous and despicable by far.
I say this because Watergate and Muldergate were about political skulduggery. President Richard Nixon condoned the burglary at Washington’s Watergate Hotel to get his hands on his political opponent’s campaign plans ahead of an election. Mulder and his cohorts misused taxpayers’ money trying to buy journalists and whole newspapers to “tell the good story” of apartheid South Africa.
They cheated and lied for political reasons.
Nkandlagate is about personal greed and moral shamelessness. It is about looting public money so that one man and his family can live in extravagant opulence for the rest of their lives – amid some of his people’s most abject poverty.
As Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s report reveals, Zuma’s grandiose estate, set in R10 million worth of landscape gardening covering the size of eight-and-a-half soccer pitches, is in an area populated by 114 416 of some of the country’s poorest people.
Forty percent of them are unemployed. Only 10 000 households have electricity, 7 000 have no access to piped water and 12 000 are still using pit latrines.
Where are those zealous young ANC poo-throwers now?
Worst of all, though, is the fact that the ANC, its national executive committee and its cabinet, are going to stand by this flawed leader. At least Nixon had the decency to resign over Watergate, as did Mulder and eventually Vorster.
That is what Zuma should do if he wants to save any honour for himself, his party and his country.
It would, of course, be a tough call for any ruling party to dump its leader just six weeks before a national election. But they could do so soon after May 7.
I hope so, because to cling to Zuma for another five years would be disastrous for the ANC. Nkandla isn’t going to go away, just as the arms deal scandal hasn’t. Nor will the Guptagate affair. Zuma is tainted beyond redemption and if the ANC leadership decides to rally around him come hell or high water, all its ministers and other senior officials will have to keep obfuscating, lying and deceiving the public for the next five years, by which time they will themselves all be morally corrupted. Which would mean the disintegration of the party.[Which is precisely what they are doing now and the end is sealed-my addition]
And let me say this. Critical though I have been of the Zuma ANC these past few years, it is obviously still the party of the majority of our people, so that its precipitous disintegration would be disastrous for the country.
I believe the ANC is on its way out, because it is strife-torn, has grown tired and is bereft of fresh ideas. But it will be a gradual, incremental decline which will ensure stability through the transition.
A sudden disintegration could lead to chaos. I hope Zuma realises that and acts as he should.
Meanwhile, there is the question of whether Zuma lied to Parliament, which is an impeachable offence, when he told the National Assembly that he and his family had built their own Nkandla homes and that the state had not built any or benefited them. As Madonsela has found, this was not true.
But she declined to make a finding on the question of lying because, she says, Zuma claims he was thinking only about the houses, not the array of other structures that had been added at state expense, such as a visitors’ centre, a cattle kraal, chicken run, swimming pool, an amphitheatre and a string of other expensive amenities.
It may, she says, have been “a bona fide mistake”.
After a close reading of Madonsela’s lengthy and meticulously detailed report, I think that was a generous decision.
The core fault in the Nkandla affair is that it was undertaken as a “cost-shared project”. Before he became president, Zuma decided to upgrade his private home in rural KwaZulu-Natal, which at the time consisted of a few rondavels surrounded by a ramshackle fence. He took out a bond, engaged an architect and a quantity surveyor, and work began on building three new homes the architect designed for him.
After becoming president, standing rules required that this property be provided with prescribed security facilities.
The work had to be supervised by the police and defence forces and paid for by the state. But at Zuma’s insistence his private architect, Minenhle Makhanya, was appointed architect and principal agent for the whole project, in other words the on-the-ground boss of the whole enterprise – without the job having been put out to tender, as required, and without a thought being given to the obvious conflict of interests that might be involved.
Here was the president’s private architect in control of a project in which costs had to be shared between Zuma as his primary employer and the state. With everyone else involved eager to please Number One, the door was obviously wide open for costs to be slipped from one account to the other.
Thus a “safe haven” for the president required by the regulations, which could have been built inside the main house for R500 000, ballooned into an elaborate underground bunker accessible by special lifts from all three of the houses with a secret exit at a total cost R14 million.
Similar escalations happened across the board resulting, in Madonsela’s words, “in substantial value being unduly added to the president’s private property”. Even allowing for the bona fide mistake, can anyone believe Zuma was unaware of this?
That is how the costs of a project initially estimated at R27m swelled to R246m. That is a tenfold, or 1 000 percent, overrun. Madonsela has described it as “unconscionable”. Yet nobody directly involved in the project asked any questions.
Madonsela has excoriated them, including some ministers and whole organs of state, saying they “failed dismally” and finds some guilty of unlawful and improper conduct and maladministration.
But what about the president? He was Number One in this project, officially referred to as “The Principal”. He received many reports, was kept informed by his architect, paid several visits to the work site, even sometimes issued instructions about changes he wanted made.
It is inconceivable that he never noticed the whole project was going over the top to such an extravagant and highly visible degree.
Madonsela seems to think so too. She says there is no evidence he ever asked about costs.
“It is my considered view,” she adds, “that he tacitly accepted the implementation of all measures at his residence and has unduly benefited from the enormous capital investment from the non-security installations at his private residence.”
This failure to act was a serious breach of the Executive Ethics Code and amounted to “conduct that is inconsistent with his office as a member of the cabinet”.
Quite clearly Zuma didn’t want to know. In his world there is a notice on his desk saying: “The buck bypasses here?”
- Allister Sparks is a veteran journalist and political commentator.
LIVE STREAM: The ANC responds to Thuli Madonsela's Nkandla Report
Denial, Obfuscation and Spin
As the dust from Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s 447-page report into the expenditure on President Jacob Zuma’s private homestead in Nkandla refuses to settle and calls for his impeachment grow louder, Lee Rondganger compares some of the government’s spin before the report’s release, to what it actually found.
Durban - Renovations to President Zuma’s private residence in Nkandla were first highlighted by newspapers in 2009. It was estimated at the time that renovations to his estate would cost R65 million.
Then that estimate swelled to R206m. Now it is R246m.
Along the way, a few members of Zuma’s cabinet, and the national police commissioner, rallied around the embattled president and sought to justify the expenditure. They still differ with the public protector’s finding that some of the improvements had no security use at all.
* In his address to Parliament in November 2012 after the Nkandla scandal broke, President Jacob Zuma said his family had built its own houses and no public funds were used on any homes on the homestead.
He said he and his family paid for the construction, and that he was still paying off a mortgage bond.
Quirky Political Spin On Nkandla By the ANC
Zuma said the only money spent by the government on his home was for security features, including fencing, bullet-proof windows and a bunker.
“I was advised that the security upgrades were... necessary in terms of the National Key Points Act,” he said.
“This was not true,” Madonsela found.
However, she said: “I have accepted the evidence that he addressed Parliament in good faith and was not thinking about the Visitors’ Centre but his family dwellings when he made the statement.”
* Public Works Minister Thulas Nxesi, whose department was responsible for the Nkandla upgrade, met the media on Sunday January 26, 2013, with the findings of an internal task team that investigated the expenditure in Nkandla.
Nxesi – with Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and State Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele – insisted Zuma had not been aware of the cost or details of the work.
“Was the president involved?” asked Radebe.
“The answer is no. No money of the state was used for the upgrade of the private residence of the president. There were irregularities, in this instance the manner in which officials in the Department of Public Works procured these services, and all those implicated officials, the law enforcement agencies are going to take their course to find those people involved in order to be accountable for that,” Radebe said.
“Regarding President Zuma’s conduct in respect of the use of state funds in the Nkandla project, on the only evidence currently available, the President failed to apply his mind to the contents of the declaration of his private residence as a National Key Point and specifically failed to implement security measures at own cost as directed by it. It is my considered view that the President, as the head of South Africa Incorporated, was wearing two hats, that of the ultimate guardian of the resources of the people of South Africa and that of being a beneficiary of public privileges of some of the guardians of public power and state resources, but failed to discharge his responsibilities in terms of the latter. I believe the President should have ideally asked questions regarding the scale, cost and affordability of the Nkandla project”.
* Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa, at the same press conference, said the reason for the security upgrade was that of the security threat assessment for any project for any public officer, whether it was a minister or president.
“At the point of the assessment, the conclusion then becomes that these are the kind of things you need and that has to be achieved. Now, whether that would be justifiable or not, I would say, yes. In this case, threat assessment was such that all the things which have been pointed out here were said to be needed in that process.”
“The implementation of the security measures failed to comply with the parameters set out in the laws in question for the proper exercise of such authority. The key violation in this regard is the failure to follow the processes outlined in the cabinet policy and the deviation from the 16 security measures that were recommended in the Second Security Evaluation by the SAPS. This constitutes improper conduct and maladministration. With the National Key Points Act having been inexplicably dragged in halfway through the implementation of the Nkandla Project, its provisions had to be complied with. This did not happen. Neither was there compliance with the contents of the declaration of the Nkandla residence as a National Key Point, as signed by the Minister of Police on 08 April, 2010.”
* ANC spokesman, Jackson Mthembu, responding to the government cluster press conference said the report “vindicates the president and our belief in the (his) innocence on what he consistently said were lies and that he personally built his residence and that the government only built security features that are prescribed”.
That the Department of Public Works had implemented a number of the measures, including buildings and other items constructed and installed by the department that went beyond what was reasonably required for his security.
“Measures that should never have been implemented as they are neither provided for in the regulatory instruments… include the construction inside the President’s residence of a Visitors’ Centre; an expensive cattle kraal with a culvert and chicken run; a swimming pool; an amphitheatre; marquee area; some of the extensive paving; and the relocation of neighbours who used to form part of the original homestead, at an enormous cost to the state.
“Measures that are not expressly provided for, but could have been discretionally implemented in a manner that benefits the broader community, include helipads and a private clinic.
“The failure to explore more economic and community-inclusive options to accommodate the discretional security-related needs constitutes improper conduct and maladministration”.
* On December 19, 2013, Ministers of the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security Cluster (JCPS) and Minister of Public Works, Thulas Nxesi, released the Task Team Report – that was originally classified – on matters relating to the security upgrade at President Jacob Zuma’s private residence in Nkandla.
National police commissioner, Riah Phiyega, explained that in rural areas people had “no fire extinguishers or fire brigades”.
She said the “best we know is to take a bucket, dip it in water and throw it on the fire”.
It was, she said, not a swimming pool but a fire pool.
Lieutenant-General Vijay Ramlakan, the retired surgeon-general who represented the defence force, confirmed that there was “what is referred to in the media” as a swimming pool, but that the department of defence’s original request had been “translated by public works engineers into what is there”.
The chicken run was created to replace a number of “building block” structures which were obstructions and “potential hiding areas for intruders”, said Nxesi.
“The relocation of these loose structures to a dedicated area improved the security on site,” said Nxesi.
The cattle kraal and culvert were important for security the task team found.
False alarms as well as damage to the fence and sensitive electronic equipment could be caused by the cattle.
“The cattle and people were using the same entrance due to the location of the kraal posing a potential risk in the high security area,” said Nxesi.
Regarding the air conditioning, Ramlakan said: “Anybody who has had to be (in a room) with bulletproof windows will know those windows cannot be easily opened”.
It was for this reason, he said, that air conditioning was necessary.
There was no fire pool but a “swimming pool”, she said adding that President Jacob Zuma improperly benefited from measures implemented in the name of security, but which included “non-security comforts” like the Visitors’ Centre, swimming pool, cattle kraal and culvert, chicken run and amphitheatre as well as the brick-and-mortar clinic on the homestead’s doorstep.
The Zuma family benefited from the “substantial value being unduly added” to the president’s private property, she said.
Costs of the non-security installation (those not identified by the two state security assessment) should be born by Zuma and his family, including for the Visitors’ Centre, swimming pool, cattle kraal and culvert, chicken run and amphitheatre.
In August last year, Zuma indicated he would pay for the cattle kraal as he had asked for a larger one to be built.
We therefore learn from the following SAPA report titled:
"South Africa: Timeline Reported Political Killings From 2007 -2012
Govan Mbeki municipality deputy mayor Thandi Mtsweni was killed in Secunda, Mpumalanga for allegedly investigating tender irregularities.
She was shot dead by two gunmen when she arrived home with her husband and 14-year-old son.
The municipality's mayor Sipho Nkosi was arrested for allegedly hiring hitmen to kill her.
- January 4, 2009
Mbombela municipality speaker Jimmy Mohlala, who blew the whistle on alleged corruption in a 2010 construction project was shot dead in his Nelspruit house.
Mohlala had blown the whistle on Mbombela municipal manager Jacob Dladla who was accused of manipulating 2010 construction contracts.
Mohlala was also investigating a fraud case involving a company belonging to Bobby Motaung, Kaizer Chiefs football club chairman, which was responsible for the construction of the Mbombela Stadium.
- January 22, 2009
Inkosi Mbongeleni Zondi, the grandson of a famous Zulu King and a strong ally of ANC president Jacob Zuma, was shot dead in Durban's Umlazi township.
Zondi was travelling along Stimela Avenue when his car was sprayed with bullets.
- January 22, 2009
The chairman of the ANC Youth League in Umgababa on the south coast of KwaZulu-Natal, Sthembiso Cele, was shot.
He was shot through the window of his house. He was taken to hospital but died the next day.
- January 31, 2009
ANC leader Bongani Ngcobo was shot in Nongoma in northern KwaZulu-Natal.
Ngcobo was allegedly shot by an Inkatha Freedom Party councillor in full view of his colleagues at the ANC offices in that area.
- March 5, 2009
ANC member Jabulani Khumalo was shot dead in Nongoma, northern KwaZulu-Natal.
He was shot outside the gate of St Benedictine Hospital where he worked.
IFP councillor Hezekiah 'Fish' Ngwenya was arrested for Khumalo's murder.
- March 14, 2009
North West municipal councillor Moss Phakoe was shot dead outside his home in Rustenburg.
This was after handing over a dossier detailing corruption in the municipality to high-ranking ANC officials, including secretary general Gwede Mantashe and Zuma.
Former Rustenburg mayor Matthews Wolmarans and his bodyguard were arrested and jailed for Phakoe's murder.
- January 8, 2010
Sammy Mpatlanyane, the spokesman for the Mpumalanga department of culture, sport and recreation was gunned down in his house in Nelspruit.
His murder was blamed on the same people who killed Mohlala.
- October 8, 2010
Controversial Mpumalanga politician James Nkambule was found dead. He collapsed and died at his home in Mjindini.
Nkandla: ANC's Corruption a la Carte: Repression Repressed And Intensified
The real story will still be told about the corruption of Nkandla involving the President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma. But a much more urgent issue needs to be attended_ The ANC's Corruption and Vulture tactics. As we get to the point of fully discussing the corruption of the ANC and within the ANC, I would like to use the article by Pierre De Vos who wrote the following in an article he titled:
Nkandla - Unlawful To The Last
The Report of the Public Protector on the use of public funds on lavish construction at President Jacob Zuma’s private home near Nkandla found that there was no legal authority for the spending of R246 million on the Nkandla Project. Despite suggestions to the contrary, neither the applicable Cabinet Policy nor the National Key Points Act were complied with by the various state actors involved in the project.
Although the Public Protector (circumspect to a fault) did not make a conclusive finding on this, her Report suggests that those involved in the Nkandla scandal were at first unconcerned about whether they were legally authorised to spend public funds on the construction at President Zuma’s private home.
Because it was the president’s house, the legal niceties seemed to have been of little or no concern to them. It only seemed to have become a concern when they had to account for their actions and when they realised that the president, unsurprisingly, was not going to take responsibility for the project and was not going to protect them against the fall-out from the scandal.
The Report found that most of those involved in the implementation of the Nkandla Project had no knowledge of the relevant legal provisions applicable to the project. Most of them invoked the Ministerial Handbook (which the Public Protector found was not applicable to the project) as legal authority for the project.
Instead, two other legal documents (had they been complied with) would have authorised some (but not all) of the cost of the construction at President Zuma’s private home.
First, the “Cabinet Policy: Security Measures at the Private Residences of the president, Deputy President and former Presidents and Deputy Presidents”, which was approved on 20 August 2003, allows for the spending of public funds on security measures at private properties that are owned and regularly used by the president.
This Policy provides that at the request of the president or the Presidency, the SAPS, together with the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) (now the State Security Agency) must evaluate the security situation of such a property, based on a threat analysis conducted by the NIA.
The SAPS and the NIA then have to formulate a proposal on appropriate security measures that should be put in place by the State after which the Department of Public Works (DPW) has to prepare cost estimates of implementing these measures.
“Thereafter, the SAPS have to advise the Minister of Police on the proposed safety measures, including the cost thereof. Whatever measures are accordingly approved by the Minister of Police shall be communicated to the president for his or her consent. The SAPS then has to submit the measures, as approved by the president to the Minister of Public Works for approval of the structural components.”
However, the Public Protector found that none of these requirements were complied with (apart from two security evaluations that were conducted by the SAPS). There was no indication that the evaluations were conducted jointly with NIA (SSA), casting doubt on the intelligence estimates on which the SAPS recommendations for security upgrades were made.
It is unclear why – if the security of the president and indeed the Republic was at stake – the NIA was not at all involved in the evaluation of the security risk faced by President Zuma at his private home.
Regarding the flouting of the Cabinet Policy, the Public Protector further found that:
“The Minister of Police probably did not inform the president and requested his consent, as he was required to have done in terms of the Policy, because he was not advised accordingly by the SAPS.”
The Public Protector consequently found that the Cabinet Policy was not complied with “and therefore did not constitute legal authority for the expenditure incurred by the DPW in respect of the Nkandla Project”.
The failure to follow the processes outlined in the Cabinet Policy and the deviation from the security measures that were recommended in the security evaluation done by SAPS was thus found to constitute “improper conduct and maladministration”.
Curiously, halfway through the project, on 8 April 2010, the president’s private residence was declared a National Key Point in terms of the National Key Points Act by the Minister of Police.
No finding was made about why the Nkandla residence was declared a National Key Point at this late stage and whether this was done in an attempt to draw a veil of secrecy over the construction project. (Recall that Ministers in the Security Cluster initially refused to answer questions about the project by invoking the National Key Points Act.)
The relevant Declaration Certificate issued by the Minister of Police on 8 April 2010 in terms of the National Key Points Act declaring the president’s private residence at Nkandla a National Key Point informed the president that he was obliged to take measures at his own cost and to the satisfaction of the Minister “to prevent or counter subversion, espionage and sabotage”.
As the Cabinet Policy was not complied with and therefore did not constitute legal authority for the expenditure incurred by the DPW in respect of the Nkandla Project, the declaration of the president’s private residence as a National Key Point on 8 April 2010 therefore had the result that as from that date, he was required to secure his private residence at his own cost. “His failure to do so without reasonable cause would have constituted a criminal offence” in terms of the Key Point Act.
Curiously, the acknowledgement of receipt of this declaration in the Presidency is dated 7 April 2011, exactly a year after it was sent. Whether this delay speaks to administrative chaos inside the Presidency or to a more nefarious motive to delay incurring a formal legal obligation to pay for the cost of security upgrades in terms of the Act, is not answered in the Report.
The Declaration sent by the Minister of Police was in line with Section 3 of the National Key Points Act, which provides that on receipt of the notice, the owner, after consultation with the Minister of Police, has to take steps at his/her own expense and to the satisfaction of the Minister in respect of the security of the place.
It is common cause that the president did not implement any security measures in respect of his private residence, as was required of him in terms of section 3 of this Act. This means that the legal position is therefore that the National Key Points Act was not complied with. The expenditure incurred by the DPW in respect of the Nkandla Project – in as far as the National Key Points Act was applicable – was accordingly irregular.
The Public Protector did not make any finding on whether the president was prima facie guilty of a criminal offence for failing to secure the National Key Point as required by the Act.
It must however be noted that in terms of the Act the Minister of Police could, in terms of section 3A of the National Key Points Act, have taken over the duties of the president to secure his residence as a National Key Point, on his behalf and with his consent. In such a case, the president was liable for the cost of the steps taken, to the extent determined by the minister.
This was never done. As the Public Protector points out:
“I requested the Minister of Police on several occasions during the investigation to submit the relevant documents and/or correspondence indicating that the president was informed of the actions taken by the Minister as far as securing his private residence was concerned, that he consented to it, that a decision was taken accordingly and that he was informed of his liability for the costs involved.
No such documents and/or correspondence could be provided and I could find no evidence or indication that the minister invoked the provisions of section 3A of the National Key Points Act at any time.”
There was also no explanation of why the Minister of Police's order, issued with the declaration of President Zuma’s private home as a National Key Point, that the president himself had to pay for security upgrades at Nkandla was ignored.
It may be that after the order was made, the president refused to obey the law and to carry the cost. It may also be that the order was never meant to be taken seriously but was merely issued to provide a smokescreen, creating the impression that the president would pay for all security related upgrades. It may also be that all concerned had forgotten about the order or discovered after it was made that the construction at Nkandla may legally be justified by invoking the Cabinet Policy discussed above.
As I tried to make clear, the Report of the Public Protector does not answer all the questions relating to the unlawful and unauthorized expenditure of R246 million on President Zuma’s private home. Most of the unanswered questions can only be answered by the president or by his closest allies in the Cabinet. If the president and Ministers in the Security Cluster were to take their constitutional obligation to account for their actions seriously, they would attempt to answer these questions.
But they probably never will. (DM)
Blocking, obfuscating, spin, lying, stalling, disinformation, breaking the laws, creating secrete handbooks of rules and regulations that contravene the government's own laws and ethics, has been and still is, and will continue to be the modus operandi of the ANC after before, during and after the elections.
The articles above paint a picture of a rogue and vulture capitalist ANC which governs outside the law and constitution, and it is in fact a carte blanche laisez faire of looting and living in opulence, unashamedly. This is done with arrogance and mien unequalled in Africa, since Africa became independent from colonial rule.
But in ANc's case, what we are also witnessing is a group of powerful potentates who are hell-bnet on defending everything wrong that is pointed out to them, and in cases that this is not quelled, they resort to intimidation, isolation, assassinations(which will be dealt with below) and many other covert actions that have a chilling effect on its intended victims, and a free reign for the ANC. We learn more about this reality from the African centered perspective of 'Sbu below.
The Stealthy/Silent(Covert/Overt) Repression Of The Poor By The ANC
The Poor Are Punished For Demanding Our Constitutional Rights
We are informed by Sbu Zikode that:
"The word 'democracy' has often been misunderstood. It has been misused to legitimise certain projects in a way that is incorrect and misleading. For many shack dwellers and other poor people in South Africa, democracy has meant free corruption for members of the ruling party, a life mired in the mud and fire of shacks, illegal evictions and forced removals to transit camps.
For the e-Thekwini Municipality, democracy means that they are a law unto themselves and can act in total disregard of the rule of law. The poor are automatically viewed as criminals even when we act within the law. For those of us who have organised to defend the dignity of the poor, democracy has come to mean death threats, torture, arrest, violence and assassination.
This has been evident in Cato Crest in Durban between September 2013 and January 2014. Violence from the ruling party is worse in Durban than in other cities, but state violence is everywhere in South Africa. The Marikana Land Occupation in East Phillipi in Cape Town has been met with state violence just like the Marikana Land Occupation in Cato Crest. Everywhere in South Africa the state is unaccountable to poor people and tries to control us with violence.
The ruling party has worked hard to make sure that housing is only allocated to its members and their friends and families and to exclude those who are critical of them as a punishment. Evictions are political; only those who are not loyal members of the ruling party are having their homes illegally destroyed without court orders. In Lamontville, residents of Madlala Village who went to the Constitutional court on 12 February 2014 were told by local party structures and their councillor that their shacks would be demolished if they brought any party other than the ANC to the settlement.
A day after the Constitutional Court heard their appeal, the e-Thekwini Land Invasion Unit were instructed to demolish all the shacks in Madlala Village. This was a form of punishment for taking government to Constitutional court. In 2009, we were attacked and driven from our homes by armed members of the ruling party. The police refused to come to our aid. This was also a punishment for taking the government to the Constitutional Court.
It is not just housing that is corrupted. The ruling party has worked hard to make sure that only its loyal members benefit through the tender system and employment through Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP). In Durban this is evident in the Kennedy Road, the Forman Road and Cato Crest settlements.
Local councillors have become gangsters and hit men during the night. They only act as leaders during the day and to impress the public. We have seen this in KwaNdengezi near Marianhill and in Cato Crest.
The politicians and the rich are trying to divide the poor. In Durban, Xhosa speaking residents have been told to ‘go back to Lusikisiki’ by senior politicians in the ruling party. Those who are from neighbouring countries are told to return back to their respective countries because they are taking jobs from South Africans. Sometimes it is said that they are taking girlfriends from South Africans. And xenophobia in this democracy does not only come from senior politicians. We all remember the attacks on people born in other countries in 2008. Now some rich businessmen in Durban are trying to tell poor Africans that our real oppressors are Indians.
Democracy from above is working very well for the members of the ruling party and their friends and families. For the rest of society it is a new form of oppression. In fact it has become a crisis. People are protesting everywhere.
There is a danger that this crisis will cause some people to give up on democracy. There are now lots of forces including NGOs, political parties and businessmen looking for tenders that want to capture the anger of the poor for their own purposes. It is clear that most of these forces want to use the poor as ladders and cannot be trusted. It is clear that the solution to this crisis is not to have different people use the poor as ladders. It is time to take the ladders away.
Abahlali believes that every person’s humanity must be recognised and that every person’s life and intelligence must count the same. We therefore believe in a democracy from below. We believe in democracy that comes with responsibility and dignity. We believe in democracy from below as a form of struggle and as a goal of struggle.
We believe in a democracy that allows general members to set an agenda without being forced to engage in an agenda already formulated to further someone’s interest. We believe in leaders who are there to facilitate democratic decision-making. We want a responsive government that will cater for the needs of the people equally, starting with the worst off. We understand that this will only happen when the poor have organised to build their own power and to reduce the power of the politicians and other forces like business and NGOs.
We organise from below to fulfil and strengthen our voice. We organise in the dark and confined corners of our society so that we can move, together, out of the spaces where oppression wants to keep us. We protest peacefully in order to show our strength and to give voice to the oppressed.
We occupy land and struggle to defend land occupations because we need to start reducing the power of the rich and politicians to make all decisions about how land is allocated. People are alive now and their urgent needs have to be met now.
It will not be easy for democracy from below to replace democracy from above. It is clear that we will need to continue to risk our lives and to speak out in the mist of all the death threats and violence. We will need to not fear intimidation, violence and death. None of us can do this on our own. Our strength comes from our togetherness."
The voice of the poor is raw and real. In their concerns is an immediacy that is lived and here-an-now. The ANC and its handlers may connie, scheme and work as hard as they can, but the core of the poor is in the background, which they, The ANC and its foreign handlers, see and find a need to repress, oppress, depress, suppress and stamp-out this form of resistance and thinking. It is not good for business. The very ANC that was once labelled as a Terrorist organizations-today it uses approximate accusations against its poor people-"Umdlwembe".
Why then do we chronicle history as it happens now and as it has happened in the past, whilst trying to forecast what it will be(which is not easy) as it evolves. We do so so that the record for the public's right to know might be openly read and critiqued, but not censored to the poor who have no voice here on the Web, Viral stream and social networks-media and communication systems. The ANC maligns and disrespects it African followers, as I have said, they are just an election number/percentage that will get them into power-and then business will go on as usual
As for the please,concerns, groans, moans, cries and every form of pleading that comes from their African masses, it is of no consequence because they are too busy cutting deals and signing contracts in order to enhance heir commission, and keep investment on an even and protected keel. The poor can and should pull themselves with their own bootstraps, and everyman/woman/child for themselves
But when the poor talk and act, it then becomes noticed by the ANC, and they simply resort to hit-men, thugs, operatives and withdrawing the police, as described by 'Sbu above, which then allows these cretins to murder and intimidate the community out of the purview of the other ethnic groups and the press/media. Repression is real here in Mzantsi, and one is better-off watching what you say to whom, when and how. Because, if one gets careless and ignoring that reality-an ominous outcome is often the result-death by assassination. this is what S'bu is talking about and is happening throughout South Africa, as of the writing of this Hub.
For instance, Sipho Hongawane reported:
South Africa: The ANC's Provincial Criminal Enterprise Problem
The ANC is facing a very serious crisis in the provinces: people are happy to resort to criminality to get their way. Sometimes it is rampant corruption, and in the case of Moss Phakoe in the North West, it is murder. Again we ask: is Luthuli House happy to sit on its hands as its provincial structures fall apart?
The African National Congress is facing a meltdown of terrifying proportions out in the provinces. There are two assaults on the soul of the party: in the one, powerful party bosses like John Block in the Northern Cape and David Mabuza in Mpumalanga are running the party - and the province - like their personal fiefdoms, to be looted at will.
In the other, factional battles within the ANC are playing out in extreme ways. A few days ago, former ANC mayor of Rustenburg Matthew Wolmarans and his bodyguard were jailed for the murder of ANC councillor and whistleblower Moss Phakoe in 2009. In Mpumalanga and KwaZulu-Natal, political assassinations are starting to multiply - and it's not different parties killing each other. This is all happening within the ANC.
The alarm bell that has been shrieking ceaselessly in the ANC has come from outside the party proper: its political ally, the Congress of South African Trade Unions. Its general secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi, eulogised Phakoe in City Press. He wrote: "Moss Phakoe's tragic story provides a shocking insight into the crisis of crime and corruption in our country.
He sacrificed his life for blowing the whistle on corruption in the Bojanala Platinum District Municipality in North West.
"Just before his assassination, Phakoe handed Wolmarans a dossier that implicated numerous politicians in acts of corruption in the municipality. He also had evidence of fraud in North West drought-relief projects. R33-million had been allocated for drought relief, but none of the money reached the communities in need. Instead, it was siphoned off through companies," Vavi wrote.
The reason why Wolmarans and his bodyguard are behind bars today is because North-West Cosatu secretary Solly Phetoe led a campaign to bring Phakoe's killers to justice, the general secretary said. The situation for this man got so fraught that Cosatu hired bodyguards to protect him.
And still, the rot goes deeper. Vavi mentioned even more instances of corruption in that province.
"Former Madibeng municipal manager Philemon Mapulane was arrested and charged with fraud and corruption for allegedly receiving bribes for tenders worth R100-million," he said. "Other Madibeng officials have been arrested and charged, and no fewer than 28 cases of fraud and theft involving amounts ranging from R61,000 to R30-million are being investigated." And this is just one province.
In Mpumalanga, political assassinations are all too common. Caswell Maluleke, a council speaker in Ehlanzeni, was shot 14 times in April 2000. He was the mayor of Bushbuckridge at the time and had been appointed to help re-establish the bankrupt and destroyed Bohlabela District Municipality in Limpopo. In 2009, Mbombela speaker Jimmy Mohlala was killed after he blew the whistle on tender corruption around the construction of the World Cup stadium in that city. Last year, Ehlanzeni chief whip John Ndlovu was murdered.
In KwaZulu Natal, a similar trend is emerging. The province is usually cast as homogenous and aligned in one purpose - to anoint ANC president Jacob Zuma for a second time. Yet, all is not as it seems. The Mail & Guardian interviewed a party member in the province who said that he carried a gun wherever he went in case one of his own party members attacked him.
"That ANC comrades in the province are packing heat to defend themselves against their 'own' indicates that the political temperature has reached boiling point: there have been three assassinations, allegedly political, in the province in just more than a year and a half, which debunks the notion that politics in the region is homogenous," the M&G said.
Nkandla Report press conference
Nkandla: The Epitome Of ANC Corruption
Nkandla Is Our Disempowerment As Poor Peoples
Trying to impugn meaning as to the events of the corruption of President Zuma's appropriating the public funds for his lavish lifestyle, is one way to begin to learn about what our government is all about. Also, we must look forward to finding and tabulating the information of the corruption of the ANC, as it has been exposed through Zuma, that it is all round those within the loop of what the organization is all about. This then is the corruption not only of Zuma, but that of the whole ANC-led government. Raymond Suttner tells another angle of it in the following article he wrote:
"It does not seem that president Zuma in the days after release of the Public Protector’s report had any appreciation of the magnitude of the scandal that he has allowed/encouraged and visited on the people of South Africa, in the home improvements at Nkandla. He simply carried on dancing as if there was nothing untoward and everything continued as before.
Likewise, there is no sense of responsibility on the side of the ANC to explain how funds required for providing basic needs were diverted into Nkandla upgrades. This is a year where we have had countless protests around the right to live in conditions fit for human beings: rights enshrined in our constitution, rights which the president and other public representatives are constitutionally obliged to uphold and advance. Some of those who cry out in pain and anger would have been able to enjoy clean water, live in safe housing and walk in paved streets had money not been diverted, had the constitution not been subverted.
One of the reasons why president Zuma has a sense of tranquillity is that he will not suffer and may in fact gain materially from the fall out. For all we know he is unlikely to repay any of the funds for the improvements, as recommended and if he were - compelled to do so he would simply call on one or other shady character to help him out. That would be readily done for the person who assists knows that s/he is part of a cycle of mutual enrichment and that s/he will be repaid in one of a range of ways, including lucrative contracts. In the end, if past patterns are followed it may well be that Zuma earns even more from this process.
The Nkandla scandal is more than a huge fraud. It is a crisis of democracy and epitomises a wider series of crises, (including the question of violence and broader governance crises). What is the weight of our constitution if we cannot hold Zuma and the many other mini-Zumas, proto-Number ones accountable? The ANC will be voted back into power. From what we can see, even if they were to ditch Zuma as too embarrassing there are many others who would come forward and play a similar role.
The crisis may suggest a more profound phenomenon signifying our simultaneous enfranchisement and disenfranchisement as a people. We have the vote but its effect has been neutralised. The struggle for universal suffrage was a central feature of the struggle for liberation.
The franchise is referred to as a universal right and that immediately counterposed it to Apartheid law. It is referred to as a right accruing to adulthood and that resonated for a people who were treated as children, called ‘boys’ or ‘girls’ no matter what their age. That is why early African nationalism often deployed the discourse of ‘recovering manhood’.
The crisis for us, the citizens of South Africa, is that the power of the vote has been undermined. One of the hard lessons of the last 20 years is that there is a very limited relationship between what one votes for (in manifestoes) and what one gets. The current ANC leadership, by negating their oaths of office, by failing to abide by the constitution, have devalued the significance of enfranchisement."
The struggle for the vote was a long and hard one for which many people gave their lives. One cannot lightly dismiss the importance of elections, even if their value is being undermined. But if we wish to defend constitutionalism, we need to build organisations and processes additional to electoral contests. This does not mean oppositional politics alone, for what is needed now is not only resistance to legislation attacking peoples’ rights and acts of violence and fraud. We also need a broad coalition of people to advance a programme that can defend and advance democracy and transformation. Current efforts to build alliances and unity need to be broadened. NUMSA has said that the Freedom Charter must be implemented ‘in full.’ Without fully interrogating what that means, the spirit of that demand is for realisation of rights affecting all those who suffered under Apartheid and continue to experience denial of their basic needs. For that sentiment to be realised, current unifying initiatives need to be augmented. Broad social forces need to be harnessed, including all who are ready to defend the constitution and the poorest of the poor, wherever they are located, who still do not enjoy the rights for which we struggled.
The Structures Are the prrof that the poor stand no chance under Zuma - Zuma's Upgraded Homestead in Nkandla, Natal... South Africa
The Beginning Of The Fall Of The ANC Brand
Jacksonville, situated deep in Port Elizabeth's "northern areas" – is too small even to register on the map. Residents registering for municipal services use the nearby township of Bethelsdorp as a proxy address.
And yet, on March 15, the parched, hilly township of Jacksonville – much of it an assortment of uneven RDP houses – placed itself on the map when reports of President Jacob Zuma's booing during a visit to the township made national headlines.
Although the ANC was quick to defend its president, calling the people booing a "handful of noisy residents" who were "drunk", anger in Jacksonville is neither misplaced nor imagined. More than 1 000 RDP houses, some of them about 15 years old, have been undergoing "rectification", which residents say has compounded their problems instead of fixing them.
Barely a week since Zuma's photo opportunity at her house, Crystal de Mar still can't understand why she has been left out of the rectification process, along with 16 others. A letter from Stemele Bosch, the manager of the project, says that her house falls under category "0" – meaning it doesn't qualify for the corrective renovations and yet her neighbours' houses had also been extended either for comfort or business.
"They won't fix my roof," she says, pointing at the heavy, damp chipboard squares that make up the ceiling of the extended portion of the house. "I told Zuma that I did what I could [to extend my house] and now I'm being penalised for it. We can never find the councillor, we are always running after him."
No beef with DA
Jacksonville falls under a Democratic Alliance-run ward but De Mar feels the need to clarify that she has no beef with the DA, "just the councillor". She says when the president visited her house, he "just listened", making "no promises, no calls and no follow-ups".
For De Mar and her neighbours, the prospect of voting ANC is as remote as the planet Pluto. They see the rectification process as emblematic of the ruling party's failures to provide dignified housing through parts of the province.
In 2009, the provincial department of housing admitted in a statement that "the quality of the houses built in the province began to collapse" following the introduction of "the people's housing project, which envisaged contractors training housing owners to build their own homes".
This programme, the housing department said on its website, was mismanaged by contractors – who did not train people. This year half a billion rand has been set aside for the rectification of more than 5 000 homes in the province. It is to fix the mess first admitted to five years ago.
The terms "corruption" and "maladministration" roll so often off tongues in the Eastern Cape that they would seem hackneyed and devoid of meaning if they weren't so apparent.
That the words punctuate the sentences of politicians eager to prove their parties' inroads into traditional ANC strongholds such as Buffalo City (where the ANC scored a significant 68% of the vote in 2009's national elections) is to be expected.
In a telephone interview last week, the DA's Bobby Stevenson told the Mail & Guardian that "just yesterday and today there were stories [in the local press] about how R22-million was spent out of the infrastructure budget [from the Eastern Cape Development Corporation] for the Nelson Mandela memorial and R777 000 was spent on takeaways.
"You can't spend infrastructure grant money on food. Of that money R5-million was spent on T-shirts and it is meant to be used to upgrade hospitals and schools."
The corporation's chief executive, Sitembele Mase, has been suspended following the revelation.
The ruling party can illafford negative publicity related to Mandela's death, particularly as it is also using his passing in December as an opportunity to canvass the legacy vote. Political analyst Somadoda Fikeni says, ultimately, the scandal might not hurt the ANC's chances at the polls as it was not a province-wide scandal. "It simply exposed some of the leaders' tendencies, which are at variants with what Mandela stood for," he said. Fikeni added that the ANC's list conferences had been relatively strife-free, suggesting that it was possible to regain lost ground.
Reports of the ANC's shaky provincial support are largely based on the party's erratic election performance in 2009.
In the local government elections in 2011 Nelson Mandela Bay the ANC took just 34 wards to the DA's 26.
In a municipal by-election early this year in Buffalo City's Ward 3 the DA not only retained the ward, but also increased its margin from 53% in 2011 to 82.6%. The ANC declined from 38% to 17.7%.
On the party's provincial website, DA provincial leader Athol Trollip said: "The R9-million taxi scandal may have played a role in that." This refers to the fees charged by businessperson Mzwandile Sokwali to the Buffalo City Metro to transport mourners from East London to a memorial service held at Nelson Mandela Bay Stadium.
In 2009 although the ANC received 68.8% of the Eastern Cape vote, the figure represented a drop of some 10% when compared with 2004. In 2009, new entrant Congress of the People (Cope) received almost 14% of the provincial vote, usurping the DA as the official opposition in the province.
With Cope having endured prolonged factionalism that split the party into Mbazima Shilowa and Terror Lekota camps, it seems unlikely the party will maintain its strong position. In late February, Shilowa announced that his supporters, which represent a disputed figure of 800 branches, would support the UDM in the upcoming elections. Cope, now definitively led by Lekota, unveiled a new provincial premier candidate in the form of Bishop Lievie Sharpley, an affable man in a toupee who speaks fluent isiXhosa.
On the door-to-door trail in Motherwell, north of Port Elizabeth, last weekend, Sharpley showcased his multilingual skills by telling a woman cradling a baby that the ANC's "good story to tell" slogan could be directly translated to "we are peddling in fairy tales".
Port St Johns
Six hours away Port St Johns' town hall looks straight out of the1950s – the only ventilation is an ancient fan that packed up during ANC general secretary Gwede Mantashe's speech last Sunday. The party pamphlets came in handy as makeshift fans for the 300 people to stave off the oppressive, humid heat.
Mantashe tried his best with the ANC's "good story to tell". It was a vague "score card" about the numbers of children at university, ARV access and the need to tame the Wild Coast. A young man named Siviwe Ngcingwana told Mantashe that, in the days of the Transkei homeland, "local people owned local businesses but now not even one is owned by locals".
Outside, the facts don't back up the "good story": sewage runs through the centre of this tourist town and, as the residents explain, water and sanitation services are run from the OR Tambo municipal seat of Mthatha.
As one resident put it: "Mthatha doesn't care if Port St Johns doesn't have water or a honeysucker [sewage removal truck]."
Poverty Favors Opportunists
The Eastern Cape is a politically fragmented province.
"In politics, everyone with an idea to form a breakaway party makes the call in the Eastern Cape," political analyst Somadoda Fikeni said. "This is because it is a highly politicised and conscientised province, but there are also deep levels of poverty, which sets the stage for anyone to launch a political party in the province.
"Do not confuse fragmentation and the proliferation of political parties with the ANC losing ground."
Fikeni said poverty may be the root cause of the persistent municipal woes. "Many of these are small municipalities with a small revenue base in a climate of poverty. So people see it as a source of income. Politics then becomes the only way of social mobility, through the controlling of tenders and so on."
ANC Eastern Cape Losing Members'
SAPA reported that:
The ANC in the Eastern Cape lost 28 000 members in 11 months.
The Dispatch online reported today the province registered a record loss of more than 35 000 members before the African National Congress elective conference in Mangaung in December.
ANC provincial secretary Oscar Mabuyane said the latest plunge in membership was a major concern, but he did not see it having an impact on election programmes.
“We still have vibrant election teams at branch level. They helped the party secure a 74% vote for the ANC in the 2011 local government election,” he said.
“These leaders are still there and are not affected by membership audits.”
The publication reported that last year in January the province had 225 597 ANC members. By June 2012 the figure dropped by 38 597 to 187 000."
The suffering of the poor is not the figment of their imaginations. but the bungling policies ANC and its structures are failing the poor people of South Africa at all levels, and they have the gall to deny it. They also make it like the poor are morons who have no say and their complaints is just from a fes that dislikes the ANC. This is the official line and spin, but the articles and the people telling their stories in them are not just imagining this nor drunk, or rabble-rousers. No, they are they ver people who are face with voting in a party that has a litany of mismanagement history and, corruption and maladministration. When the ANC really falls, it will be not that if fell at the very time the final breakdown takes hold. It will be for all the shenanigans that they were heaping on the poor over the past w0 years that will have made this possible.
ANC's Provincial Criminal Enterprise Problem (PArt Two)
"Several provincial ANC members said the political landscape was just a few bullets and funerals away from 'Mpumalangaisation', a reference to the province where political murders are nearly as commonplace as potholes."
In the case of figures like John Block, the troubles take on a different form. Block was arrested and is being tried for widespread corruption.
Yet he enjoyed the support of large groups at his trial, and even the premier Hazel Jenkins. At this point, there is absolutely no indication that Block is going to be kicked out of the party.
On 20 July, the ANC's PR machine released a statement on Wolmarans. It said: "The ANC values (the) lives of all South Africans and is disappointed that a senior member of the organisation who has served in important positions as a PEC member and a Mayor in the North West has been found guilty of the murder of a whistle blower and a fellow ANC Councillor. It is not only disgusting, it also erodes the values on which the ANC is founded: values of interpreting selflessness and respect for one another and respect for life. Corruption has no place in the ANC or its government at all levels. We are therefore disgusted that in the court proceedings it emerged that Comrade Phakoe was murdered with intentions to cover corruption."
The feeling that the ANC would not have made a big deal of Wolmarans's arrest had Cosatu not intervened hangs thickly in the air.
For now, the country has been spared the murderous appetites of the provincial bosses at the national level. Luthuli House leaders merely content themselves with polluting the state security apparatus with political infighting. Heaven forbid that the ANC's provincial tendencies should find their way to Luthuli House. We'd all be in trouble.
We needn't wait for the provincial bosses to find their way to the national level - questions ought to be asked of the top party bosses right now. Why are they continuing to entertain unspeakable corruption and criminality in the provinces? The answer could, of course, lie in the vulnerability of President Jacob Zuma's presidency. Elected by a motley crew of people who were rejected by Thabo Mbeki, he can't exactly be seen to be lashing out against any one factional leader. He can't lead a move to eject Block out of the party, lest he frighten the likes of Mpumalanga's Mabuza. We all have to wait for Cosatu - easily the most powerful bloc in the tripartite alliance, when all its affiliates sing from the same hymn sheet - to start applying pressure before the ANC moves itself.
Vavi's frustration at the current state of events is fundamental. "The worst problem of all is the emergence of death squads. Political killings are on the rise, in particular in Mpumalanga, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape. If this continues, anyone who speaks out will be silenced, the entire state will be auctioned to the highest bidder and we shall be well on our way to becoming a corrupt banana republic," he raged.
We've said before that as much as the public hates Cosatu during strike season, the federation often acts as the last bastion against corruption in the ANC. Cosatu balances out the powers of the "political hyenas" in the party. No matter what your politics are, you have to acknowledge that we have a lot to be grateful for as far as the unions are concerned.
But again we ask: why is the ANC waiting to be prodded by Cosatu before curbing the largesse of its corrupt regional bosses?"
So, we still have to see the real ANC stand up and reclaim it's shredded image and brand. It was know as the movement of the people, but now it is in service for the financial magnates.
The Past Will Always Inform The Present And Help Us Prepare For The Future
The Dispensing Of Raw Brutality In/Of And By The ANC
For Us to fully appreciate the nature and modus operandi of the ANC regarding democracy and freedom of the peoples of Mzatansi, it would be best to read the book of Trewhela on these accounts'1984 Mutiny in Quatro", that, in order to put the article below in perspective, it is a must read. Below is not a new phenomenon about the ANC, but it is important for the people of Mzantsi to begin to piece the given information about the the ANC-how it comported itself itself in exile, and what it is doing now, today, in South Africa as told below by Trewhela
"Political Killings and Heavy-Handed Military Veterans Are Disturbing Signs Of Repression By The African National Congress' Future"
ANC: A party under violent, criminal siege
Are we seeing the return of violence and assassination in South African politics? It certainly looks as though the dynamic of a top-heavy political system loaded with patronage and corruption is moving towards murder as the normal intercourse of politics.
A chilling remark by a senior ANC political figure earlier this month brings the issue into focus. It was made at the funeral of ANC "fixer" Wandile Mkhize, who was shot dead in a hail of bullets outside his house near Margate in KwaZulu-Natal only days after attending the party's rambunctious policy conference in Midrand.
KwaZulu-Natal Premier Zweli Mkhize was reported by the Mercury as having said at the funeral that, although "the ANC had 'no specific knowledge' of why he was killed, the party had to 'look at the confluence of politics, criminality and business' as it was going to cause huge problems in the party".
President Jacob Zuma's address at the same funeral – words that were cheered as if at an election rally, despite the dead man lying in his coffin – gave no such acknowledgement of the degraded state of the governing party.
It has come to this: a century after the founding achievement of Reverend John Langalibalele Dube, Pixley ka Izaka Seme, Sol Plaatje, Reverend WB Rubusana and their compatriots, and with less than six months before the ANC's centenary elective conference in Mangaung, "huge problems in the party" are described simply by the KwaZulu-Natal premier as "the confluence of politics, criminality and business".
This is a bad, bad place for the ANC to be. The most venerable political party in Africa is increasingly considered not the moral engine of emancipation, but an immoral successor to a hated past.
Within days of the funeral, but at the other end of the country, another ANC member died, this time after an address by Zuma and yet another violent clash internal to the ANC. It took place after several hours of conflict before, during and after the president's talk – on the political example of Nelson Mandela – in a church at Thohoyandou in Limpopo.
Alpheus Moseri (68) was reported by the Mail & Guardian to have collapsed in a bus returning home, after what local people said was an asthma attack "allegedly ... sparked by the fumes of the pepper spray" that uniformed members of the Umkhonto weSizwe Military Veterans' Association used against the crowd outside the church.
Under the command of association chairperson Kebby Maphatsoe, the organisation was "accused of having acted unlawfully" through a "show of force" on behalf of Zuma as election candidate ahead of the ANC's elective conference in December. Members of the crowd were "assaulted and sprayed with pepper spray by the veterans and dozens of other accredited members of the local ANC branches were removed or prevented from attending the lecture", reported the M&G.
Some of the men in association uniforms and some of those using pepper spray appeared to be "too young to be veterans", which sparked claims that "younger people politically aligned to Zuma were infiltrating it for political ends". Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) was disbanded by mid-1994 when members began to be integrated into state forces, so anyone younger than the mid-30s today would be ineligible for membership.
Another M&G article reported the event at Thohoyandou as a "political storm" with "children as young as seven being chased down the road by gun-wielding police officers". Members of the police riot unit, the National Intelligence Agency and the association, as well as private security guards, placed a cordon around the church. Stacks of barbed-wire fencing formed a steel wall around the area. ANC members and inquisitive locals hoping to glimpse the president were chased off with water cannons and tear gas.
Is this the kind of culture now saturating the ANC – not just intolerance of dissent and harsh attempts to control internal splits, but violence?
In Thohoyandou the association, under the command of Maphatsoe, appears to have acted as Zuma's private paramilitary force. A few weeks earlier, the M&G reported that Maphatsoe was cited in a forensic report, which alleged that he and three fellow association leaders had used the organisation as their "personal piggy bank", abusing its investment funds "to pay for jewellery, spa treatments and school drama lessons and to withdraw large sums of cash before Christmas".
This report, by auditing firm SizweNtsalubaGobodo, reportedly implicates former treasurer Dumisani Khoza, former chairperson Deacon Mathe and current treasurer Johannes "Sparks" Motseki, as well as Maphatsoe.
The M&G did not report that the four had been named in court on June 1 as respondents in a case by an association group called "the commissariat". Its secretary, Omry Mathabatha Makgoale, had lain a charge of theft of MK veterans' funds against them.
Makgoale, formerly a bodyguard of the late ANC president in exile, Oliver Tambo, MK district commander in Luanda and resident for nearly five years of the ANC's Quatro prison camp for dissidents, was described by an MK colleague, the late Mwezi Twala, as "a stubborn but good person" who "would not tolerate injustice". Makgoale has since reported "aggressive surveillance" of his house and warnings of assassination made both to him and a fellow commissariat member, Eddie Mogoanatse.
A third member of the commissariat, Obbey Mabena, who led the first group of MK members to arrive in Angola for military training after the June 16 1976 uprising, told the Sunday Independent that the association, "under Maphatsoe, has become a 'hit squad' for people wanting to remain in power" – obviously a reference to Zuma.
According to Mabena, what happened during Zuma's lecture at Thohoyandou is symbolic of what the future holds for the ANC. Criticising the association's use of violence under Maphatsoe's command, he warned: "This is just a tip of the iceberg compared to what is going to happen."
This sharp division in the association, with its strong moral dimension, gains further significance considering that Maphatsoe was accused in May of improper canvassing for Zuma ahead of the ANC's elective conference in December, in breach of internal ANC rules.
The Times Live website reported that he and alleged Zuma supporters such as Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa had angered ANC leaders in Gauteng by holding "secret" meetings with branch leaders in Soweto, the West Rand and Kempton Park. Maphatsoe was quoted as saying: "The Umkhonto weSizwe Military Veterans' Association was at the forefront of Zuma's campaign in 2007. That stance still stands. We have done an assessment of the performance of the leadership. We think Jacob Zuma has performed very well. We don't see why he should not be retained."
On July 13, the National Union of Metalworkers (Numsa) expressed concern about possible threats to the safety of its secretary general, Irvin Jim, after the South African Communist Party congress in Durban. The matter was clarified (or muddied) by later explanations about a premier's bodyguards mistakenly following the wrong car, but Numsa's statement also referred specifically to "the increasing political assassinations, particularly in KwaZulu-Natal, of ANC cadres". And not just in KwaZulu-Natal, the union might have added, but also in Rustenburg in North West, where ANC councillor and whistle-blower Moss Phakoe was murdered by ex-mayor Matthew Wolmarans in 2009, and Mpumalanga, which first gained the reputation for being a hotbed of politically motivated killings.
It all brings to mind Bertolt Brecht's marvellously grim play, The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui, written in exile in 1941, the year of Hitler's invasion of Russia. In the play the Führer's rise to power is given manic comic inversion as the drama of a seedy Mafia boss, Ui, in Chicago in the 1930s, with his henchmen Giri (Göring), Giuseppe Givola (Joseph Goebbels) and Ernesto Roma (Stormtrooper leader Ernst Röhm) strutting their stuff.
Perhaps someone should think about staging Brecht's timely play in Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal Mpumalanga ... and Mangaung.
Former political prisoner Paul Trewhela worked with Ruth First, Hilda Bernstein and other members of the South African Communist Party in the 1960s and edited the underground Umkhonto weSizwe journal Freedom Fighter. He is the author of Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile History of the ANC and Swapo, published by Jacana
Political assassinations in post-apartheid South Africa
There have been a number of political assassinations in post-apartheid South Africa.[Paul Trewhela] Many have been ascribed to battles around patronage within the ruling African National Congress(Sipho Hlongwane, Mandy De Waal, James Bullock) and it has been suggested that there was an escalation of political assassinations in the lead up to the 2010 FIFA World Cup] However not all assassinations are a result of conflict within the ruling party. TheNational Freedom Party led by Zanele Magwaza-Msibi, with its base largely in KwaZulu-Natal, claims that 21 of its members have been killed since the party was founded in early 2011.(SAPA) The Inkatha Freedom Party claims that ten of its elected representatives have been murdered.[SAPA] According to the Daily Maverick there have been "59 political murders in the last five years".[Niki Moore
According to Raymond Suttner "assassinations have become a regularised way of deciding on leadership and access to wealth within the ANC and its allies".
It has been argued that the situation is particularly bad in the provinces of Mpumalanga and Kwazulu-Natal with KwaZulu-Natal being, by far, the worst.[Duncan; Hlongwane; de Waal; David Bruce] KwaZulu-Natal has been described as the "epicenter of political violence"[Imraam Buccus] while Mpumalanga has been described as "notorious for political assassinations".[Sizwe Sama Yende] Fourteen assassinations have been documented in Mpumalanga[Bruce] and 450 in KwaZulu-Natal. It has been reported that "Since the beginning of 2011, the murder of people with high political profiles has been confined almost exclusively to KwaZulu-Natal, with 27 in the province since February 2011. According to the ANC 38 of its members have been assassinated in KwaZulu-Natal since the beginning of 2011. It has been suggested that support for murders in the taxi industry in KwaZulu-Natal by leading figures in the ruling party legitimated the use of violence in the democratic era which then spilled over into the political sphere.David Bruce]
Conviction rates and a possible 'licence to kill'
There has been one conviction in response to the fourteen assassinations in Mpumalanga and four in KwaZulu-Natal for the forty two assassinations leading one researcher to conclude that some people are starting to believe there may be a "general licence for political killings" but that "this may only be available to people in certain political positions".[Bruce]
List of politicians assassinated in post-Apartheid South Africa
- Thomas Shabalala, IFP MP (and former warlord), Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, 2005[Paddy Harper]
- Thandi Mtsweni, Deputy Mayor, Secunda, Mpumalalnga, 2007[All Africa]
- Rajah Naidoo, Independent councillor, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, 2007[Karshma Ganpath]
- Moss Phakoe, ANC councillor, Rustenberg, North West Province, 2009[Zwelinzima Vavi]
- Caswell Maluleke, ANC Mayor Bushbuckridge, Mpumalanga, 2000[Sipho Hlongwane]
- Jimmy Mtolo, local ANC leader, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, 2009[Canaan Mdletshe]
- Sthembiso Cele, chairperson of the ANC Youth League in Umgababa, KwaZulu-Natal, 2009[Quintal, Genevieve]
- Bongani Ngcobo, ANC leader, Nongoma, KwaZulu-Natal, 2009[Quintal Genevieve]
- Jabulani Khumalo, ANC leader, Nongoma, KwaZulu-Natal, 2009[Quintal, Genevieve]
- Jimmy Mohlala, ANC leader, Mbombela, Mpumalanga, 2010[Sipho Hlongwane]
- James Nkambule, senior ANC politician, Mpumalanga, 2010Paddy Harper, Mnanaledli Mataboge and Sizwe Sama Yende]
- Sammy Mpatlanyane, senior ANC politician, Mpumalanga, 2010[Quintal genevieve]
- John Ndlovu, ANC politician, Thulamasha, Mpumalanga, 2011[Sizwe Sama Yende]
- S'bu Sibiya, ANC regional secretary, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, 2011[City Press]
- Wiseman Mshibe, ANC councillor, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, 2011[City Press]
- Wandile Mkhize, ANC chief whip, South Coast, KwaZulu-Natal, 2012[Paual Trewhela; Niren Tolsi]
- Nhlakanipho Shabane, ANC member, South Coast, KwaZulu-Natal, 2012[Paddy Harper, et al]
- Dumisani Malunga, ANC member, South Coast, KwaZulu-Natal, 2012SABC, 2012]
- Bheki Chiliza, ANC member, South Coast, KwaZulu-Natal, 2012[SABC, 2012
- Mthembeni Shezi, ANC Councillor, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal 2012[ANC, KZN, 2012]
- David Mosiane Chika, ANC Leader, North West 2012[Xolani Mbanjwa]
- S’bu Majola, ANC branch chairperson, Wembezi, Estcourt, KwaZulu-Natal, 2013[Daily News, 2013]
- Makhosonke Msibi, ANC Councillor, Nongoma, KwaZulu-Natal, 2013[SAPA, 2013]Siphumelelo Buthelezi, NFP Councillor, Ulundi, 3 November 2013[Business Day, 2013]
List of other political assassinations in post-Apartheid South Africa
- Sinethemba Myeni, 12 April 2006, Um;azi, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal (former SACP member supporting independent candidate in local government elections)[Press Staement]
- Mazwi 'Komi' Zulu, 3 May 2006, Umlazi, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal (former SACP member supporting independent candidate in local government elections)[Press Statement]
- Scorpion Dimane, anti-mining activist, Mbizana, 2008[Thembele Kepe & Lunisile Ntsebenza]
- Mbongeleni Zondi traditional leader with close ties to Jacob Zuma and the ANC, Durban, 2009
- Mthunzi Nkonki, MV veteran, Port Elizabeth, Eastern Cape, 2010[Jane Duncan]
- Bomber 'Radioman' Ntshangase, SACP leader, Mpumalanga, 2012[Paddy Harper; Jeremy Cronin]
- Kevin Kunene, environmental rights activist, KwaMbonambi, 2012[Amnesty International Report, 2013
- Dalivuyo Bongo, National Union of Mineworkers, Rustenburg, North West, 2012[SABC, 2012
- Thembinkosi Qumbelo, Local activist and ANC leader, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, 2013[Nkululeko Nene, 2013]
- Two unnamed members of Abahlali baseMjondolo, KwaNdengezi, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, 2013[Abahlali baseMjondlo press relase, 2013]
- Steve Khululekile, AMCU regional organiser, Rustenburg, North West, 2013[Nivashni Nair]
- Nkululeko Gwala, Abahlali baseMjondolo activist, Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, 2013[Niki Moore; Nkululeko Nene; Andrew England]Sthembiso Biyela & Buyisile Malusi, (Biyela was reported to have left the IFP to joined the ANC) Durban, 2014[Sihle Mahanda]
List of assassinations of government officials in post-Apartheid South Africa
- Noby Ngombane, Head of the Free State government's policy monitoring and evaluation unit,Blemfontein, Free State, 2005[Paddy Harper]
- Sammy Mpatlanyane, spokesman for the Mpumalanga department of culture, sport and recreation,Nelspruit, 2010[All Africa. 2012]
- Oupa Matlaba, City Power, Johannesburg, 2011[Charles Molele]
- Andile Matshaya, Internal Auditor, Department of Transport, Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal, 2012[Njabulo S. Ndebele]
- Lawrence Moepi, Forensic Auditor at a private firm contracted to the Public Protector's Office, Johannesburg, 2013[The Time, 2013]
- Moses Tshake, Head Auditor, Department of Agriculture and Rural Development in the Free State, 2013[The times, 2013]
The ANC is the immoral successors of the past Apartheid regime. What we have been talking about from 'Sbu to the Wikipidia article on the various types of assassinations that have taken place since 1994(past-Apaartheid Mzantsi is that they are doing of have done, thus far, what we hated the Boers for doing to us. They are doing it with impunity, and the past 20 years have seen this trend grow. It might worsen with the passing of Mandela. Now that they are being exposed for having no ideas for the past twenty-two years, and the ANC does not take well to criticism, much more so when it's on the defense, and their natural inclination is to lash out and torture, kill, maim, assassinate and disappear their opponents.
Articles above have pointed out how the councilors are respectable leaders by day, and hit-men by night, and this too is ignored or overlooked by he ANC. They know all about. They know about the war against drugs involving Pagad, and other struggles of the shack dwellers, of the unions, of the street committees, or underground organization of the type 'Sbu alluded to, and many other types of push pack that is coming from the power. This will increase in intensity with time,and heads will roll.
The coming brutality has had their trailers explained above in the articles and the list of those being killed is still short, because there are those unknown and unreported murders that make no sense to the communities that they happen too, but in most cases, the ordinary folks know that they are political killings; videos and photos to point out this social malaise. The reality about the ANC is that they have not yet faced the consistent and persistent wrath of the people against them, and since half the time Aarrtheid ruled has been their tule, they are much more closer to some serious revolts and anger of the poor.
And The Promises Keep On Coming With Suggestions To Elect The ANC
BBC Question Time in South Africa p2
The Scandal Grows and Persists: The ANC On Chopping Block-Soner Or Later?
Murmurs From The Grassroots
One thing the people of South Are not, is morons. The way the ANC comports itself in servicing the public suggests to me like they are speaking to a horde of barbarians who have no sense at all. Well, in composing this Hub, I wanted to highlight the rarely tabulated views of the respondents to all this rot. Below I will offer a smattering of the views of South Africans to add to the whole theme of how the poorly governed are responding to this 'comedy of errors', only that it is not funny but deadly serious.
One of the tenets of the Secret Bill was to stifle and muzzle the information channels and delivery systems: Newspapers, Radio, Television,The Web and social sites. This has been done in many ways which I have discussed in some of my already published Hubs. I also think that these respondents give us a bit of insight into how and what the people are feeling and thinking.
"The public protector's report on Nkandla has been at the centre of our public discourse for more than two years now. The opposition parties have used Nkandla, and are continuing to use it, as a campaign message against the ANC.
Her report does not provide anything new to the public, except that it uncovered one dodgy character, architect Minenhle Makhanya, who unduly benefited from the project by adding unnecessary measures that had nothing to do with the security of the president. Why didn't Thuli Madonsela make recommendations as to what must happen to this man? It is clear that he played a huge role in defrauding the state.
Madonsela's focus on government and the president in particular make this report more political than anything. One can only explain the inflating of the cost to R245-million as a form of corruption in the private sector.
The biggest problem with the report is that everyone was expecting Zuma to be found guilty of wrongdoing. It didn't go according to their expectation. It goes without saying that Zuma benefited from the upgrade – this is why there were upgrades in the first place." – Sizwe, Malelane
– Who needs Monty Python when Jacob Zuma and his Flying Circus are here to entertain us? First the matter was top secret and then it wasn't. There was a legal attempt to prevent the publication of Madonsela's report, only to be withdrawn days later. Madonsela was at one stage threatened with arrest for the crime of doing her job.
It beggars belief that such twaddle emanates from individuals in powerful positions. I imagine that members of the diplomatic community, here and abroad, must be rolling around on the floor, convulsed in helpless laughter.
Zuma's private architect, without security clearance, creamed off R16-million of taxpayers' money.
No doubt he has made a full and proper disclosure of this windfall to the South African Revenue Service." – John Gardener, Howick
– The Mail & Guardian's front page headline on March 20,
"A licence to loot", is just a statement to mislead voters. The way the public protector has handled this investigation is worrying. She has compromised fundamental principles of justice and fairness and thus the credibility of the investigation. The use of the media, in particular, to leak the provisional report and the habit of making comments on an incomplete process have negatively affected and unnecessarily cast aspersions on the president.
The time spent by the public protector on a parallel investigation was lengthy compared with the interministerial task team's investigation. Already the president has signed a proclamation for the Special Investigative Unit to take up the
recommendations of the team's report. Nothing in the public protector's report suggests the interministerial task team report was wrong.
Before we start to crucify Zuma, we must criticise the spending of R1-billion on security for American President Barack Obama at the Nelson Mandela memorial service. – Thabang Maseko, spokesperson, Eastern Cape Young Communist League
– One has to ask ANC supporters and ANC voters: How do you feel about the fact that state money (your and my tax money) for "a better life for all" has been rerouted to build Nkandla? Money set aside for inner-city rejuvenation and sinkholes has been used for Zuma's private residence.
So, ANC voters, will you stop protesting against failures of service delivery, lack of housing, the bucket system or electricity cuts? The priority of this ANC leadership is not a "better life for all" – it is a better life for Number One, and then for the cronies.
And, to those ANC hardliners who consider Zuma a king and not a president, can I ask: Do you know what democracy is? Or was the fight against apartheid only to gain power (and related credit cards) and not for a democratic, free, equal society based on a strong Constitution and the rule of law? – Theo Martinez, Johannesburg
– Calling for the impeachment of Jacob "Mr Erratic" Zuma is childish, immature and grandstanding by the Democratic Alliance. The president acts cunningly to avoid mistakes, as in his visit to Mauritius, where a diary, an encrypted fax and offshore accounts could have sent him to jail. The Nkandla report could not point to his involvement and knowledge of this "daddy of all scandals".
The report is a victory for the officials who blew the whistle, the media that published details of this abuse of state power, the official who rejected this opulent spending, and the masses whose funds for development were diverted so that the Zuma family can live opulently without paying a cent.
State employees could not get a housing subsidy of just R1 500, but Zuma's cows and chickens can live like kings. Zuma is not a member of the ANC but of the African National Crooks.
The Nkandla report shows that Zuma and his blind Cabinet members put his family first, before the interests of the working class and the poor. Maybe this is a reason Zwelinzima Vavi can now dispute that Zuma is a "friend of the working class and the poor"; he is a feudal lord stealing from the peasants.
The ANC is not going to purge Zuma the way it purged Thabo Mbeki, mainly because the ANC's national executive committee and his Cabinet are full of jobseekers.
Between 1994 and 2009, Zuma could not build his home. He could not pay his traffic fines, electricity and water bills, school fees or rent – Schabir Shaik had to give him pocket money. The state should be reimbursed for his salary of R2.4-million a month, together with the R36 000 paid monthly to his four wives.
The report exposes finance minister Pravin Gordhan, who never questioned the diversion of funds to the Zumas. The media should check whether any companies that inflated the Nkandla costs contributed to the ANC or the Zuma education trust. – Ingrid Ramosa, Tshwane
ANC Sticks With Zuma
Zuma answers on his Nkandla residence
National Union Of Metalworkers of South Africa(NUMSA) marching in the city of Johannesburg
Denial, Obfuscation, Spin and Distortions: ANC's Political Grandstanding And Spying
The Innards Of The ANC
What the ANC is denying is easy to do since not much is revealed and synthesized, by many of us, so as to expose their lies,obfuscation, Spin and distortions about the present reality. I would like to cull a bit, a chapter from Mbeki to enable us to have an even better and deeper knowledge about the present ANC as it exists and operates. The Chapter is very long so I will excerpt those points that are relevant to this Hub's thrust.
"We Are All YesMen And Yes-women Now!"
Now we, too, ride in official limousines And humbly get yes-master, yes-sir, yes-minister, yes-everything The no-people of the struggle have learned yes-habits swiftly and without explanation
– Translation of a poem by Mathews
"On an overcast Saturday in March 2002, former President Nelson Mandela made a passionate plea for the government to distribute the anti- retroviral drug Nevirapine to all HIV-infected pregnant women at state hospitals.
His presentation at a watershed meeting of the ANC’s national executive was much anticipated, and the party leadership had set aside the best part of a day to discuss the AIDS pandemic. Prior to the meeting, Mandela had promised that, like ‘any other loyal member’, he would raise his concerns over Thabo Mbeki’s HIV/AIDS policies through party structures.
As the sage elder statesman spoke, candidly stating that the government was being perceived as uncaring by stubbornly refusing to roll out the desperately needed drug, he was heckled. A startled Mandela halted, then continued, but the heckling resumed, louder and bolder and more openly than before.
Ironically, just a few weeks earlier, Mandela had complained at a meeting of the ANC’s national working committee that there seemed to be a lack of internal debate within the party. Not a single cabinet minister, he pointed out, had opposed Mbeki’s views on AIDS.
As soon as he finished his address to the NEC, Mandela left to attend another engagement. No sooner had he gone than the meeting erupted into a flood of invective against him. Senior ANC leaders accused the former president of being ill-disciplined for publicly differing from the official line on ARVs. In a charge
led by then deputy speaker of the National Assembly and fervent Mbeki loyalist Baleka Mbete, Mandela was derided as a dissident. Incumbent safety and security minister Steve Tshwete, KwaZulu-Natal leaders Dumisani Makhaye and S’bu Ndebele, as well as election coordinator Peter Mokaba, bayed just as loudly as the pack leader.
Only two NEC members – MP Pallo Jordan and former secretary general Cyril Ramaphosa – defended Mandela’s right to criticise and hold his own opinions, and even they were careful not to offend.
When Mokaba stridently challenged anyone among those present to stand up and support Mandela’s views, there was an uncomfortable silence. It was common knowledge that Mokaba was Mbeki’s lapdog, and no one in that assembly wanted to be seen to be crossing the absentee president.
Apart from the grievous disrespect the outburst showed towards South Africa’s iconic first black president, it was a worrying demonstration of how the tenets of the ANC’s political style in exile had become the mantra of the ANC in govern- ment: centralised decision-making, unquestioned loyalty, no public criticism and the preordained election of leaders. But the methods required by a clandestine liberation movement facing a ruthless enemy are not the stuff of which a vibrant and dynamic democracy is made. Democracy recognises that in difference and dissent lie strength, that open debate can lead to something other than disarray, that loyalty has to be earned.
When it was unbanned in 1990, the ANC was operating on four levels, each with its own distinct style and culture. Members of all four groups have been accommodated in government, but the exiles, personified by Mbeki, are pre-eminent. Those accustomed to the open and consultative style of the United Democratic Front, trade unions and civics – the inziles – survive in the contemporary ANC only by adapting to the president’s style, as Trevor Manuel and Frank Chikane have done, or keeping their heads down, like Murphy Morobe and Cheryl Carolus.
The ANC in exile adopted an almost military command style, as former MK guerrilla Jabu Moleketi explains: ‘In exile and in the underground things were run tightly. Information was supplied on a need-to-know basis. If information was leaked into the wrong hands it could cause problems for the movement. People had full confidence in the leadership. They believed that even if they did not have all the information, the leaders who did had the best intentions.’
Stepping out of line came at a high cost. Chris Hani was temporarily imprisoned for criticising the ANC leadership, though his punishment was later rescinded. Pallo Jordan was incarcerated for some time because he had accused the ANC’s security apparatus of abusing their power.
He says, ‘During its 30 years of illegal operation, security considerations,
distance between centres and the dispersal of its membership across the globe, the militarisation of the movement as a result of the armed struggle tilted the balance further away from consultative practices. But within those limitations the movement kept alive a tradition of internal debate and discussion that finds expression in its publications, conference documents and other records.’
But Jordan warns that a monolithic ANC and tripartite alliance, in which no debate is countenanced and internal dissent is suppressed, would deprive it of the ‘life-giving oxygen it requires for its very survival’. In his view, ‘President Mbeki and his colleagues are as alive to that danger as anyone else.’
While negotiating the future of South Africa, the tactics used in exile came in handy for the ANC. Negotiators often had to make policy decisions on the trot, with no time to consult the rank and file, such as when the armed struggle was suspended and certain sunset clauses were proposed.
However, this brand of policy-making has now become entrenched in the top echelons of the ANC,5 allowing the government to adopt highly unpopular conservative economic and social policies that clearly go against the welfare of its own mass constituency. Almost everywhere in the developing world, governments embarking on economic reform strategies, known as structural adjustment programmes, like GEAR, have come unstuck amid fierce resistance from the poor masses, who inevitably bear the brunt of such decisions.
So far, except for relatively minor protests, the ANC government has pushed through painful economic reforms unhindered. There have been none of the bloody riots that accompanied economic reform in Zimbabwe, Egypt, India or Nigeria, but this might only be because Mbeki runs a tight ship and none of the opposition parties has the ear of the masses.
The ANC’s dominance of the tripartite alliance has also kept the angry poor on a short leash, but Mbeki deserves credit for his shrewd manipulation of avowed leftists into all the strategically important economic posts: the Treasury, trade and industry, public enterprises, public service and administration, and labour. If contentious policies must be explained to the masses, who better to do so than those with impeccable leftist credentials, who just happen also to be managing the reforms? To quote Vincent Maphai and Keith Gottschalk: ‘Only leftists can confer sufficient credibility on a process of economic reform that is a compromise towards the right, especially within poorer or militant sections of the ANC’s constituencies.’
Protests are allowed, provided they can be controlled or managed and have the ANC leadership’s approval. Demonstrations against greedy drug manufacturers or the World Bank are even endorsed, as long as the government is left out of the equation. Obviously, protests from the political right – white or black – remain inconsequential, unless they suddenly start agitating for redistribution!"
Having read thus far, I do not say I believe and agree with everything I have cited thus far, it is very disingenuous of the ANC to play it in Public as if they cared and respected Mandela, whereas the wolves ind opportunists, carrying on their vindictive dislike and disrespect of their icon-Mandela, as the article above states. So that we see the public face of the ANC during the day in their strutting their stuff and implementing dysfunctional rule, and at night in the streets, hovels and private rooms, there is a division that they would not like the public to see nor know.
Money was the issue above all else: money is the main issue today in the Zuma Nkandla rot.. And any talk of giving money to the poor, that was a no go line and point. They displayed their guardianship of the economic with serious ferocity that is stillg going to bare its teeth and reign its wrath on all thse who think that they are going to talk their way into power, and replace the present cadre of the ANC.
To this atmosphere, "
Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who is no man’s fool, has never hesitated to rush in where others fear to go, and so it was when he delivered the prestigious Nelson Mandela Lecture in the tenth year of democracy – for which he had fought as hard as anyone. South Africa was sitting on ‘a powder keg of poverty’, he said, as long as black empowerment continued to benefit only a small elite group. Tutu also lamented the fact that the culture of robust debate, which had characterised the anti-apartheid movement, seemed to have given way to servile, self-seeking flattery, with sycophancy coming into its own.
‘I would have wished to see far more open debate in the ANC, for instance on the HIV and AIDS views of the president,’ said the feisty cleric.(NIZA, 2003)
Digging much deeper into the History of ANC reveals the tendencies we are experiencing today in Mzatnsi. It is important that we peel off the layers of the onion to see the core. The following historical account is germane to the issue raised herein this Hub.
"His words were not yet cold when Mbeki, ANC national spokesman Smuts Ngonyama and secretary general Kgalema Motlanthe launched an astonishingly acrimonious broadside in response.
‘Evidently,’ fumed Mbeki in his weekly online missive, ‘the archbishop thinks there is something wrong with members agreeing with ANC policies that have been decided on within the organisation’s various forums, including our national confer- ence. He dismisses the members of our movement as “voting cattle of the party.”’8
Added the president, ‘The archbishop has never been a member of the ANC and would have very little knowledge of what happens in an ANC branch. How he comes to the conclusion that there is “lack of debate” in the ANC is most puzzling.’
Naturally the media had a field day, but behind the sensational headlines lay an incontrovertible truth: no one who dares to criticise Mbeki or the ANC government’s policies will escape the wrath of Luthuli House or the West Wing in the Union Buildings. One way of sidelining internal criticism, as shown in the silencing of William Makgoba when he attacked the government’s AIDS policies, has been to equate criticism from blacks, including ANC members, with that of ‘reactionary’ or ‘counter-revolutionary’ whites.
Many ANC leaders have complained that the NEC has become a rubber stamp.9 Fear of being seen as opposing or criticising the party line has become pervasive. Some members might privately express reservations about policies, but would not dare raise their doubts at formal meetings. Essop Pahad and others have frequently asked why, if there is as much dissatisfaction with Mbeki or the government as the media suggests, ANC leaders do not express this in party forums.10 Why, indeed.
"Mbeki’s victory in having many of his allies elected to the NEC at the Mafikeng conference in 1997 was reprised at Stellenbosch in 2000. The national working committee is also packed with Mbeki supporters. Secretary general Kgalema Motlanthe, former general secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers, was elected by the left to provide a counterbalance to the centrists, but has become totally immersed in rebuilding the ANC and spends long periods on the road.11
Independent voices in the NEC, who were critical during the Mandela admin- istration, have been stilled by the retribution meted out to dissenters since Mbeki took office. He and his lieutenants are in total control of the party machinery.
ANC conferences are now held at the same intervals as elections, and are largely stage-managed events. Important decisions are taken well in advance, and though the election of office-bearers is still ‘free and fair’, only the foolhardy stand against candidates pre-approved by the leadership. Given the public nature of the nomination procedure, delegates who support alternative candidates find themselves marked for ostracisation, marginalisation and exclusion from office. The party leadership frowns on any attempt to mobilise support to remove national or local officials. Unless the ANC leadership sanctions this, it is rejected as factionalism.
At his first NEC meeting after becoming president of the ANC, Mandela memorably told members he did not want lapdogs. ‘I want people who are going to criticise me so that, when we go out, we have looked at the matter from all angles and we have the maximum support of our people, including those who had reservations. Once their point of view is expressed without fear or favour, even if it is rejected, a person is satisfied. So we must allow that free debate.’
That said, however, Mandela was quick enough to sack Pallo Jordan in April 1996 over the stance he took on the curtailment of civil liberties to help police combat crime and against government interference in the national broadcasting service. Mandela also fired Bantu Holomisa when he refused to apologise for telling the Truth Commission that then public enterprises minister Stella Sigcau had accepted a bribe from casino magnate Sol Kerzner while she was the Transkei leader.
But the NEC regularly took Mandela to task. While Mandela was abroad in August 1991, the NEC, offended by signs of ‘autocratic leadership’ and lack of consultation during the constitutional negotiations, put Ramaphosa in charge of the process, reducing Mandela to a subservient role. The move was reversed, and in time Mandela joked about it, but he got the message and worked more closely with the NEC thereafter. In 1992, he was severely reprimanded at an ANC policy conference for suggesting that nationalisation should be scrapped. It took a year of intense lobbying on Mandela’s part before he won that particular battle.
Not even Oliver Tambo had as much autonomy as Mbeki. He was often taken to task over lack of consultation with the NEC, and, on one occasion, while still in exile, an emotional Tambo even tendered his resignation after being harshly
criticised for failing to consult party members. He was persuaded to reconsider his decision, but had to promise that consultation would precede all future decisions. Tambo also faced fierce opposition at the ANC’s first conference in South Africa in 1991, when he suggested that economic sanctions should be called off. Tambo, supported by Mbeki, had hoped to pre-empt plans by the international community to ‘reward’ former state president FW de Klerk’s reforms by lifting sanctions, and had to work hard to persuade the ANC leadership to support his position. Cabinet ministers almost never challenge Mbeki, lest they lose their privileged
positions. Asked for her opinion on a specific matter during a cabinet meeting, Sigcau once responded: ‘You decide, Thabo, you know you can count on my support on any issue.’1 By all accounts, this attitude has become the norm rather than the exception.
Parliamentarians, too, have been cowed into submission. SACP general secre- tary Blade Nzimande quit the assembly in 1999 amid bitter private complaints that he had been deliberately marginalised for taking Mbeki and the ANC’s policies to task.
Several other back-bench rebellions have been quashed. When ANC whip Thabang Makwetla demanded more oversight power for the ANC’s parliamentary wing, he was redeployed to the provinces. MPs have long been held in check by a special committee, once headed by deputy president Jacob Zuma, whom the ANC leadership appointed as a ‘super whip’ who reported directly to Mbeki.
The first to feel the sting of the parliamentary controls was outspoken former MP Pregs Govender. She received a severe dressing down from senior ANC leaders for criticising the government’s AIDS policy. Govender resigned, as did Barbara Hogan, head of parliament’s finance portfolio committee, when she was repri- manded over her repeated calls for parliamentary budget oversight. Hogan was per- suaded to withdraw her resignation, but has maintained an uncharacteristically low profile ever since.
Frene Ginwala quit parliament suddenly in April 2004, frustrated by a lack of open debate. ‘We need to reopen the dialogue we had in the eighties and the early nineties instead of going into our laagers and defending our ideas,’18 she said. It should be remembered, though, that during her ten years in parliament, Ginwala frequently cracked the whip against dissenting MPs.
In April 2001, the entire country was shaken by revelations that the police were investigating ANC stalwarts Cyril Ramaphosa, Tokyo Sexwale and Mathews Phosa for allegedly plotting to overthrow the president. Since the information had been supplied to the media by safety and security minister Steve Tshwete, it was given wide publicity and credence, despite the fact that all three of the alleged plotters had quit active politics for the business sector. James Nkambule, an obscure."
If one were to read the history of the ANC in Exile and how they purged those suspected of being Mdlwembe(sell-outs) many people lost their lives. The first to be purged were the Wankie Wars War veterans, and the ANC's killer squad ruled the ANC. What is being discussed above about Mbeki, the security apparatus and the NEC controlling and leading the ANC, is nothing new; the inner fighting, and arrogance and power in the hands of these unknown faces and known, is what is behind the obfuscation, lies, deceit, spin and distortion in order to manage South africa as they did in Exile: not consulting their electorate or membership, and doing as they see fit, and expected no opposition.This is what is happening today in south Africa, and one can see many fingerprints of the laying down of the corruptive structures that characterize the ANC today.
The Securitas Aparatus: (Spooks At TheDoor)
We need to get a different picture of what we are seeing and see if we can find some consistencies with the ANC today as it operates. If the People at Luthuli House and other such entities are the covert/overt operational organ of the ANC, As a historian, I always like to look more into the phenomena I am dealing with. In this case, the case of bad governance must have its genesis in time during its 'away from home''(exile), and what took place there. We learn more about this history written by Mwezi Twala and Ed Bernard in their book titled: "Excerpts: Mbokodo: Inside MK: Mwezi Twala - A soldier's Story:
"In 1981 began a time of terror and death for ANC members in exile. In February a strong ANC National Executive Committee entourage which incuded President Tambo made the rounds of all ANC camps in Angola. Cadres were warned of the presence of a spy network and the need for vigilance was emphasised. Enemy agents and provocateurs were rudely warned by Piliso, in Xhosa, '.. I'll hang them by their balls.' An 'internal enemy' psychosis had been whipped up and whenever ANC leaders visited camps they were heavily guarded. Many men and women were apprehended on suspicion of dissidence were to be exterminated in the most brutal manner in the months ahead. Those disiullusioned MK cadres who returned from Rhodesia were the first to go.(p.49)
I became aware of these developments by word of mouth, but I was to discover later on, by personal experience, the terror of Quatro, to name but one death camp. People were removed from amongst us -- taken to Quatro or Camp 13 -- and disappeared forever without reason. Many of them were slaughtered by one means or another and their ultimate destination was a shallow grave. We heard rumours of execution by being buried alive, amongst many other techniques beyond civilized imagination. The purge created great fear amongst all of us, to the point where the smallest criticism, such as of badly prepared food, was seriously reconsidered by every individual, for one could never be certain that a 'best friend' would keep his mouth shut. (p.49)
Our own security people became exceedingly arrogant, to the point where an innocent slip of the tongue or even a simple gesture could land you in a torture cell at Quatro. Security men of the lowest rank and intelligence -- fourteen to eighteen year olds -- became our masters, with the power of life or death in their hands. They acted on a mood with impugnity. (p.49-50)
Oliver Tambo visited Pango [Camp] at the height of the terror. The path from the entrance to the admin building was lined -- like a scene from 'Spartacus' -- with men, bloodied and filthy, hanging from trees. When his entourage arrived at admin, where I was officer on duty, Tambo's chief of staff told us that there would be a meeting at 'the stage' (a clearing in the jungle... where we held meetings and discussions). Runners were sent out to notify everyone in the vicinity.
On his way to the stage [Oliver Tambo] again passed the men tied to the trees. Being officer on duty, I could not attend the meeting, but my deputy went. After a while I saw guards come up from the stage, release the prisoners and take them to the meeting. There, my deputy told me, instead of objecting to their treatment, as I had hoped, Tambo berated them for their dissident behaviour and appeared to approve when Andrew Masondo declared that on the presidents next visit they would be in shallow graves behind the stage. The prisoners were returned to their trees.. where the president [Oliver Tambo] passed the unfortunate men without a glance on his way out, and they hung there for another three months -- followed by three months hard labour. (p.51-52)
We look at a different perspective as offered below about the investigation into many parts of ANC governance and business by Amabhungane but, I would like the reader to draw their own conclusion, and meanwhile have a better understanding as to why the ANC is doing what it is doing in South Africa today. It is nothing new, it only means that its being incorporated as part of the history of South Africa is very important.:
Why Is No One Watching The Watchmen?
The following post was made by Vinayak Bhardwaj and Murray Hunter
"The joint standing committee on intelligence (JSCI) broke its three – year long silence last Thursday by finally tabling its much-awaited annual reports for 2010 and 2011-2012.
The reports detail internal turmoil within South Africa’s spy agencies, missed targets, wasteful expenditure and a worryingly sharp increase in the use of its surveillance capabilities.
The JSCI, a parliamentary body made up of about 13 parliamentarians from across the party political spectrum, is designed to provide civilian oversight of the intelligence services.
The committee’s independence has always been vulnerable to executive capture, the most recent example being its sweetheart Nkandla report which backed the “security-related” expenditure and absolved President Jacob Zuma of any wrongdoing.
Why the delay?
In the 2011-2012 report, reasons given for the delay include a failure by the crime intelligence division of the police to deliver its reports timeously, the lack of “synchronicity” between reporting periods specified in other legislation and the Intelligence Services Oversight Act, as well as “sensitive” reasons that cannot be disclosed. None of these explain the three-year delay in releasing the reports.
The JSCI reportedly attributed the delay to the fact that the reports were awaiting approval by the president to ensure they did not compromise national security.
The 2011-2012 report also notes that “the 2010-2011 report was only forwarded to the president in October 2013”.
The inclusion of the president in the tabling process is inexplicable. Neither the oversight Act nor parliamentary rules require it; at best, the Act provides for the JSCI to provide a copy to the president and the relevant ministers after the report is tabled in Parliament.
The apparent decision to offer a preview of the report to the president therefore raises significant questions. It is not impossible to surmise that the damning picture painted by the reports of the disarray in the crime intelligence division, particularly its beleaguered former boss Richard Mdluli, may have provided some grist to the presidential filibuster mill.
Instability in crime intelligence
This instability, extensively chronicled in the media, includes the appointment of four divisional commissioners between 2011 and 2013, the cloud of allegations surrounding Mdluli and the fraud and corruption charges brought against head of covert support services, General Solomon Lazarus.
The JSCI details its numerous efforts to arrest the deepening malaise in crime intelligence. It lists the instances when meetings were held, inquiries and task teams established and reports prepared. Yet, in almost all instances, the efforts were futile.
The report describes the committee as “unable to get the necessary co-operation from crime intelligence”. It further describes “infighting and lack of trust” in crime intelligence as having thwarted its efforts.
The auditor general’s reports included in the JSCI reports further indicate an agency mired in wasteful, irregular or unaccountable expenditure. The State Security Agency, the umbrella intelligence body established through the General Intelligence Laws Amendment Act, irregularly spent over R86-million in 2011-2012, earning a “qualified” audit from the auditor general.
Adequate documents were not provided, over 40% of planned “targets” were not achieved and supply chain management regulations were not followed. Goods and services were not competitively bid for.
The annual budget allocated to state security – now amounting to over R4-billion – was never tabled before the JSCI, thus preventing any civilian oversight regarding how taxpayer money is spent.
It is in the crime intelligence division that wasteful expenditure has reached its lowest nadir. Glaring irregularities include the observations that the division ‘understated’ over R47-m of irregularly spent funds. No audit evidence was provided to support over R278-million in various transactions listed.
The auditor general further noted that no document management system exists and the auditor general was thus unable to verify the proper financial status of the crime intelligence division.
The JSCI’s much-delayed reports also contain yearly briefings from the so-called “Rica judge”, which provide the public’s only glimpse into the state’s official use of communications surveillance between 2009 and 2011 – although it is much like peeking through a narrow keyhole into a cluttered, dust-filled room.
The reports – by Judge Joshua Khumalo, the “designated judge” who authorises state security bodies to conduct lawful surveillance in terms of the Regulation of Interception of Communications Act (Rica) – are alarming, not only for what they show, but also for what they may obscure.
The reports show a dramatic rise in the use of formal communications surveillance through Rica from 2008 to 2011. The bulk of this appears to be under crime intelligence, which was making an average of nine Rica requests a month in 2008, but nearly 40 a month by the end of 2011.
In total, Khumalo reported that by the end of 2011 there was a monthly average of about 47 requests a month from all divisions (crime intelligence, the domestic and foreign agencies under state security and military intelligence).
Abuse of emergency clause
The Khumalo briefing also stated that in one year the South African Police Service invoked emergency regulations 3 217 times to trace people’s locations using their cellphones.
These were “section 8” requests – a “life and limb” provision for security bodies to get a user’s location from their network provider. Because it is designed for emergencies, the network provider and law enforcement are only required to give supporting documents to the Rica judge after the fact.
Khumalo notes that, in the most recent year under review, MTN had not provided any supporting documents for section 8 requests.
If this resulted in any penalties, it has not come to light. Khumalo does note that Parliament should consider amendments to the Act “to prevent any possible abuses by state agencies and service providers”.
Crime intelligence’s appetite
Why crime intelligence should have increased its use of surveillance so dramatically is open to speculation. Khumalo’s briefing suggests that it “may be due to a realisation by the law enforcement agencies of the effectiveness of interceptions”.
Yet the spike in interceptions occurred at a time when the JSCI concedes there were “serious problems” at crime intelligence that made it “predictable that the performance of the division would be negatively affected”.
In other words, at a time when crime intelligence’s investigative capacity was at least partly compromised, it was bugging more phones than ever before.
Amid concerns that the state may be abusing its surveillance powers, fuelled by media reports of people in state-security bodies manipulating the Rica process or bypassing it completely to monitor people’s communications, the incomplete picture given here is only likely to fuel paranoia.
Khumalo was at pains, in briefing the JSCI in 2011, to note that he had found no evidence of this kind of abuse.
But at least one such abuse has come to light since then: in 2013 it emerged that the Sunday Timesjournalist Mzilikazi wa Afrika had been bugged under Rica under Khumalo’s watch.
How the JSCI and the Rica judge have addressed this matter, as with many things, we will have to wait for the next JSCI annual report.
This points to a bigger problem: essentially, the Rica judge and the JSCI give so little usable information on surveillance that it is not entirely clear that they serve a public oversight role at all.
In 2013, Jane Duncan, an academic at Rhodes University, made detailed requests to the department of justice to access information on the effectiveness of Rica – including the cost per interception and, most importantly, the number of arrests and convictions that stem from interceptions. The department rebuffed the request, saying that the information she was requesting “was supplied in strict confidence by various third parties”.
The paltry data on Rica intercepts provide only a few insights on the use (and potential misuse) of surveillance.
If there is one insight to be gleaned, then, it is this: at a time when there needs to be a broad and substantive debate about the role of state-security bodies and the use and regulation of surveillance technology, citizens are groping around in the dark. The debate is starved of basic, vital information."
It is important to see and try and make a comparison contrast to the way the security of the ANC was operating in Exile, what they are presenting themselves as today. It is clear that they have a country ow to apply their stealth, and they have managed to intimidate and scare their lot into line-but for how long. many of their electorate say that they are going to vote for the ANC, and without knowing what will happen, at the end of the Hub I reiterate that thie very dysfunction, and incompetent governance is going to be like a bane/curse to the power s they poor will see it manifest itself in the next five years. It is not a pain that will created by some curse, but what they chose as a better evil. Well, the fact that it is a better evil' doees not make it any less evil whatsover.
The securitas is confident that by stifling debate and suppressing democracy this empowers them to manage their power more effectively. It was never successful in exile, and it will not succeed here in the country. The fear that freely spread around into the hearts and minds of the captured exiles-under the claw and iron-hell of the ANc security arm, will not fully succeed here in the country because there are many variables, and this is what they goons cannot wrap their heads around, neither comprehend. But time will tell.. Their efforts at denying, spying, blocking and distorting, confusing and creating serious dysfunction will not make them stay in power until some divine power comes, as they absurdly pontificate. But by the looks of it, time is not necessarily on their side.
Unions, Tribalism and The Misleading And Misrepresentation Of The Workers
Suspended Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi says the ANC that is running the country is no longer the party of Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Nelson Mandela and Chris Hani.
Vavi today addressed about 1 000 South African Democratic Teachers’ Union members with its suspended president, Thobile Ntola, in Mthatha in the Eastern Cape.
Vavi took a swipe at President Jacob Zuma saying that the current ANC was not the one he had joined and so fiercely defended in the past.
“Which ANC is this, where all leaders can defend the use of taxpayers’ money for R200 million upgrades to an individual’s home? What will Chris Hani, OR Tambo and Walter Sisulu say if they woke up to find the ANC in this state?
“What ANC is this where we are told an amphitheatre is not an amphitheatre but a wall with steps and that a swimming pool is a fire pool. What will Hani and Tambo say?” asked Vavi.
Vavi said he was suspended for speaking out against corruption in the ANC-led government where he has alienated some people with powerful allies in the federation and labour movement.
“I will never call a swimming pool a fire pool,” Vavi said of the Nkandla scandal.
With reference to Guptagate, he said under the ANC he had joined it would not be acceptable that “a family from India can come to our country and land planes at our national key points”.
Vavi said he would not support an ANC where corrupt practices were allowed to flourish.
He said it was worrying that people against whom the Public Protector had found, had made it onto the ANC’s election list.
“If we are going to have an office of the Public Protector, it should be respected and taken seriously or shut down,” Vavi said.
Speaking in English and Xhosa, Vavi said it was a political decision to get rid of him.
“It is a political decision that Vavi, Ntola and Numsa must go,” he said.
Vavi also accused Cosatu leaders of double standards.
He said he had admitted and apologised for his affair with a young Cosatu employee.
“Some have four children with staff members. What moral authority do they have over me? At least I don’t have a child outside my marriage,” Vavi said to applause from the strong crowd.
He said he was prepared to fight for his political life in Cosatu and would not give in to his enemies.
He said none of the charges against him had anything to do with the reason for which he was suspended.
He accused Cosatu president S’dumo Dlamini of having unilaterally taken the decision to suspend him.
He said the federation should pay for his legal fees as he was suspended as a sitting general secretary of Cosatu.
“The federation has hired lawyers for its case against me and I am saying they should be paying for my own legal fees. It was not me who called lawyers because I told them it was against the federation’s practice to bring in outsiders,” he said.
Vavi said none of the charges against him would stick as they were trumped-up charges aimed at destroying him politically.
“The court is going to laugh off all these charges,” he said.
Cosatu Pushes Back
The leadership of Cosatu has decided to air its dirty laundry in public.
After “restraining ourselves from responding to attacks” from renegade affiliate the National Union of Metalworkers of SA (Numsa) and suspended general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi, acting general secretary Bheki Ntshalintshali today spoke out.
The leadership of Cosatu said Vavi and Numsa had publicly undermined the leadership of Cosatu, and wanted members to stop participating in disruptions of meetings of Cosatu leaders in some province in support of Vavi.
Ntshalintshali questioned whether the support for Vavi, which is concentrated in the Eastern Cape, was not motivated by “tribalism” because the province is where Vavi’s ancestors come from.
In a tweet, Vavi dismissed the accusation of tribalism as “desperation”.
So far, meetings of Cosatu leaders with members have been disrupted in the Eastern Cape, Limpopo and Gauteng.
On Friday, Gauteng shop stewards would not allow Cosatu president S'dumo Dlamini to speak to them.
Instead, they sang songs demanding Vavi’s reinstatement.
Speaking after today’s meeting of Cosatu’s top five leaders, Ntshalintshali said demands by the dissidents included calling for a special national congress and mounting attacks on the ANC and the SA Communist Party. Their call also included the reinstatement of Vavi’s ally Thobile Ntola.
“If it [tribalism] is not stopped, we may find it happening in every part of the country and have it used to whip up emotions of our people in the process of drumming up support for disgruntled individuals.
“We refuse to accept that these disruptive activities may be based on tribalism.
“But all these were inspired by what they have seen in the Eastern Cape and where there were no consequences for putting the name of the organisation into disrepute,” Ntshalintshali said.
He said the leadership of Cosatu would go to the provinces to “establish the facts about the forces behind these activities and listen to what our structures are saying”.
The leadership of Cosatu denied that they were calling others to play by the rules when they themselves had been dragging their feet and refusing to call the special national congress the disgruntled affiliates have been calling for in line with the federation’s constitution.
Ntshalintshali also outlined the disciplinary charges against Vavi, which are related to:
» Recruiting and employing the staff member whom he had admitted to having sex with at work;
» Having a relationship with the staff member;
» Conversion of the staff member into an employee;
» Supervision of this particular staff member;
» Distribution of an internal grievance and response; » Personal expenses and travel;
» Carte Blanche interview;
» Breach of suspension conditions; and
» Utterances derogatory to Cosatu and its leadership.
“We therefore want Cosatu membership to know that the general secretary is on suspension for no other reason other than that he violated Cosatu’s code of conduct … like anyone else, he has a responsibility to come before the disciplinary process and clear his name,” Ntshalintshali said.
The meeting also discussed Numsa’s decision to form a united front, and said it was clear that the union wanted to form its own political party.
Ntshalintshali said Cosatu would still allow its affiliate time to respond to the charge that it has violated Cosatu’s policies, and explain why it should not be suspended or expelled.
“As things now stand, we see Numsa’s leadership pursuing an agenda that not only stands in opposition to Cosatu policies but that is aimed at destroying Cosatu and at destroying the ANC and the SACP. These cannot be done in the name of Cosatu.
“We want to call on all our structures and members, including Numsa, to see through Numsa’s leadership agenda for what it really is – a programme aimed at ensuring that Cosatu is weakened, calculated to ensure that the ANC loses elections and the SACP is also liquidated so that all these formations can be replaced by Numsa and its allies,” he said.
Sapa Reports that:
"Samwu to Cosatu: Hold A congress Or Resign
The SA Municipal Workers’ Union (Samwu) in North West wants the leadership of the Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu) to convene a special national congress or to resign.
“If this Cosatu leadership does not resign or convene the special national congress on or before the end of April 2014, Samwu will campaign for the removal of its national leadership,” union secretary Lekoba Modimoeng said today.
He said the union would mobilise its members to boycott all activities, collapse its programme and terminate any engagements with it.
The provincial Samwu was demanding the resignation of the congress or its leaders because they believed Cosatu had failed the federation’s membership.
“When some of these leaders speak, we no longer know or are certain on which side of the fence/organisation they are representing,” he said.
Modimoeng said Cosatu was not as strong as it used to be since the suspension of general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi.
Samwu also accused Cosatu of wasting money on legal fees to deal with Vavi.
“The money that has been utilised to deal with comrade Vavi’s matter is coming from workers who are earning miserable and poor salaries and wages every month.”
In January, nine Cosatu affiliates called for Vavi’s reinstatement and for a special congress.
Vavi was suspended last year after he admitted to having an affair with a junior employee who had initially accused him of rape. The affiliates believed the disciplinary process against Vavi was unjust.
The affiliates were the Communication Workers’ Union, the Democratic Nurses’ Organisation of SA, the Food and Allied Workers’ Union, the National Union of Metalworkers of SA, the Public and Allied Workers’ Union of SA, the SA Commercial and Catering Workers’ Union, the SA Football Players’ Union, Samwu and the SA State and Allied Workers’ Union.
They wanted the special congress to be held by the end of March and for a new Cosatu leadership to be elected.
We read the following article written by Garien du Plessis:
Numsa Calls On Cosatu To Leave Alliance, Will Lead Founding Of United Front
Metalworkers’ union Numsa will not be splitting from labour federation Cosatu – for now, at least. Instead, it has called on Cosatu to break away from its alliance with the ANC and the SACP.
In its resolutions following its four-day congress in Boksburg this week, Numsa said workers have been used by the ANC to campaign for it in the elections, without deriving any benefit thereafter.
“Numsa calls on Cosatu to break from the alliance. The time for looking for an alternative has arrived,” according to the resolution.
Numsa will lead the establishment of a “new United Front that will coordinate struggles in the workplace and in communities, in a way similar to the UDF of the 1980s”.
Numsa said it would work with other like-minded parties and organisations, and it might even consider standing for elections.
It will commission a study into other socialist parties around the world, to see how they function.
The deadline for this process is 2015.
Numsa left the door open for a breakaway by giving its central committee the mandate “to assess and to make strategic decisions from time to time” towards Cosatu’s next conference in 2015.
Big Steps Forward For South African Unions And Working Class Politics
News On How And How the NUMSA Union Moved Towards Breaking Ranks With The ANC. Kashma Sawant informs us thusly:
"In what will go down in history as the most important trade union congress since the founding of COSATU in 1985 delegates at the special congress of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa have taken the bold and historic decision to cut ties with the ANC. With financial and logistical support for the ANC withheld, the ANC will be entering the 2014 elections without the support of COSATU’s biggest and most politically influential union. Given the support NUMSA enjoys in the rank-and-file of all COSATU affiliates, including those under pro-capitalist leaders, this means that the ANC stands to lose not just the votes of the 340 000 NUMSA members, but potentially more than a million more from the rest of COSATU’s affiliates. The ANC will emerge from the 2014 elections significantly weakened. The less than 50% nightmare scenario of the ANC’s own election strategists cannot be ruled out.
The aftershocks of the earthquake detonated at Marikana that loosened the foundations of the post-apartheid political dispensation put together so cunningly in the negotiated settlement at Codesa, has now found expression on the political plane. To adapt the title of political commentator Allister Spark’s book on perspectives for the country after Codesa, today SA is another country. The golden bars of the political prison in which the working class has been kettled for going on twenty years, have been broken and the process of the class emancipation and political independence of the working class has begun in emphatic fashion.
Additionally, NUMSA will cease financial contributions to the South African Communist Party breaking the political link with this “ideologically bankrupt” party in the words of NUMSA general secretary Irvin Jim.
The anger and sense of betrayal that delegates felt for the ANC and SACP leaderships was on full display throughout the conference. At no point did a single delegate make any serious argument for continuing to support the ANC. In the minds of NUMSA members the reality is clear: the ANC and the SACP are parties of the capitalist class. Everything in their actions over the past twenty years demonstrates this. The next ANC-led government, with the neo-liberal National Development Programme as its centrepiece, will be a consciously anti-working class government and does not deserve the support of the working class.
At this stage, NUMSA has held back from taking a decision to support an alternative party in 2014 and has simply reiterated the right of NUMSA members to vote as individuals according to their convictions. Instead of taking a clear position on 2014 at the congress, NUMSA has taken the decision to launch a “united front” modelled on the United Democratic Front of the 1980s to unite the struggles of workers and communities whilst simultaneously helping to bring into being a “movement for socialism”. WASP, in its open letter to NUMSA made the call for the launching of a socialist trade union network to help overcome the divisions in the working class and the paralysis of united struggle caused by the crisis in COSATU. We also made the call for an Assembly of Working Class Unity to draw up a battle plan for the struggles of the masses. In NUMSA’s decision to launch a United Front and a Movement for Socialism we recognise these calls as broadly met.
However, with the national and provincial elections only months away we invited NUMSA to “take its place in the leadership of WASP”. WASP was launched to unite the struggles of workers, communities and youth and is organised in a democratic and federal way that would have allowed NUMSA to use the WASP umbrella to stand its own candidates, selected by NUMSA’s own procedures. NUMSA could take its opposition to the National Development Plan into the national parliament as an ancillary to the struggles that will be waged in the workplaces and the communities. At NUMSA special congress the leadership laid down criteria that any political party would have to meet in order to warrant political support. These criteria were endorsed by the delegates in the adoption of the secretariat’s report. We believe WASP meets these criteria. WASP was born out of the struggles of the mineworkers and bases itself on the working class; WASP stands for the nationalisation of the mines, the banks, the commercial farms, the factories and other big business on the basis of workers control as part of the struggle for a socialist society; WASP is a thoroughly democratic organisation. As part of the adoption of their new political strategy, the NUMSA leadership was given a mandate to “be alert” to a “party committed to socialism standing for elections in future”. We therefore repeat our call for NUMSA to take its place in the leadership of WASP and support and stand candidates under the WASP umbrella in the 2014 elections as a crucial part of building the new Movement for Socialism.
The limitations of NUMSA’s specific position on the 2014 elections cannot however detract from the monumental shift in the political landscape that NUMSA’s decision heralds. The break-up of the post-1994 political settlement is now well advanced and the path towards the political independence of the working class embarked upon. NUMSA’s decision has accelerated the process begun by the mineworkers in 2012. In recognising the changed political situation post-Marikana that required the convening of a special congress NUMSA has taken this process on to a far more conscious level.
Delegates welcomed survivors and family members of the Marikana massacre and raised an astonishing R200 000 for the families of the slain. This will be topped up to R500 000 by NUMSA’s Investment Company staff and the company itself. The prominence accorded at the congress to the mineworkers’ struggles of 2012, including the Marikana massacre, was NUMSA’s acknowledgment of the role the mineworkers played as the advance guard of the working class in breaking free from the prison of the Tripartite Alliance. The mass exodus from the National Union of Mineworkers was simultaneously the breaking of the political link with the ANC. It was out of this opening battle that the Workers and Socialist Party was born. NUMSA has now fully joined the battle that the mineworkers began.
NUMSA sent a clear signal to mineworkers and other workers that NUMSA will not abandon them to the pro-capitalist misleadership of unions that continue to cling to the ANC. Irvin Jim declared that NUMSA “will no longer reject any worker” in open defiance of COSATU’s “one union, one industry” policy. Jim even lamented that this has not been NUMSA’s policy at the time of Marikana. This will put NUMSA on a collision course with the pro-ANC right-wing of COSATU and almost certainly lead to the break-up of COSATU. The decision to withhold their monthly R800 000 COSATU affiliation fee until the demand for a special congress is met is another bold move.
With plans for rolling mass action in early 2014 and the extension of the hand of solidarity to the mineworkers by the congress – who will most likely be waging new struggles over wages and retrenchments in the new year – means NUMSA will be at the centre of workers’ struggle in the next period. The planned conference for socialism will continue the discussion, begun at the special congress, on building a working class political alternative. NUMSA has taken its first steps into the new landscape they have helped create and alongside WASP and the mineworkers taken up the historic task of rebuilding the political independence of the working class. WASP salutes the NUMSA leadership and the NUMSA delegates for their decision."
South African Public Protector: Thuli Madonsela
The Public Protector Operates/Worked Within The Law
Meanwhile, on the Nkandla Scandal front, we learn about the fortitude and strength of the Public Protector(Thuli Madonsela) under withering attack from the parliament's whip, Stone Sizani, who admitted that he had not read Thuli Madonsela's 400+ pages Report-but blasted Thuli anyway. SAPA informs us in the following report:
"Public Protector Thuli Madonsela is standing her ground regarding her handling of the Nkandla report amid attacks by ANC chief whip Stone Sizani in Parliament. Sizani accused Madonsela of overstepping her mark at a media briefing in Parliament yesterday.
He said Madonsela was obliged to submit her report to Parliament and suggested that by waiting for a presidential response, she was disrgarding her accountability to the legislature.
Madonsela said she had merely followed the law.
“The Speaker has not requested the Public Protector to submit the report in terms of the Public Protector Act and neither has the chairperson of the National Council of Provinces (NCOP),” her spokesperson Oupa Segalwe said in a statement.
“The Public Protector will dispatch the report should it be requested by the Speaker or the chairperson of the NCOP.”
The 400-page report titled “Secure in Comfort” found that President Jacob Zuma should pay back a portion of the R246 million in state funds that was spent at Nkandla but did not go towards improving security measures.
Madonsela has, in line with the Executive Members’ Ethics Act, given Zuma two weeks to respond to her report.
Segalwe said the Public Protector’s submission of a report to Parliament is regulated by the Public Protector Act, which states that the Public Protector will, at any time, submit a report to the National Assembly on the findings of a particular investigation if:
» He or she deems it necessary;
» He or she deems it in the public interest;
» If it requires the urgent attention of, or an intervention by, the National Assembly;
» He or she is requested to do so by the Speaker of the National Assembly; or
» He or she is requested to do so by the chairperson of the National Council of Provinces (NCOP).
“In view of the fact that the report was to be submitted to the National Assembly by the president within 14 days of its issuing by the Public Protector, in her view, none of the circumstances in 1 to 3 above existed at the time of the delivery of the report,” he said.
Segalwe said the Speaker (Max Sisulu) had not asked Madonsela to submit the report in terms of the act and neither had the chairperson of the NCOP.
She would dispatch the report if it was requested by Sisulu or the NCOP.
“The Public Protector decided to follow the law because of the difficulty she experienced with the IEC report,” he said.
Efforts to meet Sisulu before the release of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) report did not materialise.
Madonsela’s IEC report found that chairperson Pansy Tlakula acted irregularly in the procurement of the IEC office building in Centurion, south of Pretoria.
Madonsela denied Sizani’s remarks that she referred to the interministerial committee appointed to probe the Nkandla upgrades as the “little committee of ministers”.
“Firstly, the Public Protector never referred to the inter-ministerial committee as a ‘little committee of ministers’… She said a ‘committee of officials’,” Segalwe said.
He said Madonsela stood by her statement that the committee’s report could not be compared to a report coming from an independent constitutional body.
This was because it was the result of an investigation conducted by a committee of officials “appointed by a minister whose department’s conduct was in question”.
“The committee was not an independent institution nor did it have legal standing,” he said.
ANC Has Continued To Dumb Down Its Polity With The hope Of Controlling Them
Speaking Truth To Power: Fear Not Fear
Thuli Madonselaknew and has been subjected to vicious attacks on her personality, qualifications, femininity and supposedly-toothless constitutional institution, that of the Public Protector, as being irrelevant and disrespectful of the the state and its higher profile ministry. Yet, one character stands out in the whole saga: Makhaya, Zuma's Chief Architect and builder of his Nkandla Residence-who had overall power upon all the parliamentarians and who went along with his scheme, as he siphoned off R16 million. Yet, they have been dogging Madonsela all the time she was working on completing her investigation and writing her report. This is what happened to her in the article written by Rapule Tabane:
"Madonsela: They Tried To Stop Me
Thuli Madonsela has spoken out in detail for the first time about how various ministers and state lawyers tried to bulldoze her into stopping the Nkandla investigation.
Madonsela said she had initially received great cooperation from the ministers and the presidency, but it all changed when she started asking tough questions at the beginning of last year.
“Then government departments started clubbing together. Suddenly, there was a group approach with an intention to frustrate the investigation. Departments like police, who had been providing us with documents, suddenly said the papers were unavailable. Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa asked me: ‘Why are you doing the investigation when there is a task team doing the same thing?’
“He said you cannot have two government institutions conducting the same investigation. He said the government task team had recommended that the SIU [Special Investigating Unit ] and the AG [Auditor-General] should do the investigation.
“So I had to explain to him that the SIU and AG were not internal but independent institutions. I had to ask him why government had started a new investigation [task team] when there was one under way.
“I explained that we had already started the investigation and resources were already invested in it. The investigation was also 90% complete.”
Madonsela said she had met Mthethwa, State Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele and Public Works Minister Thulas Nxesi on April 22, but the meeting did not resolve issues because they insisted she defer her investigation.
“By then, the AG had already declined to investigate. And the SIU could not investigate without a presidential proclamation.”
Madonsela said she also could not understand why ministers were placing so much reliance on an informal task team of public servants appointed by ministers who they were expected to ask tough questions about.
“You can’t compare that with a constitutional structure such as the Public Protector,” she said.
She said soon after meeting the ministers, she had received a letter from the state attorney, who conveyed their request that her office should stop its investigation.
Madonsela said she could not understand the logic.
At the second meeting on May 31, the ministers, who now included Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, brought chief state law adviser Enver Daniels with them. He told her that, “constitutionally”, if members of the Cabinet said other structures should investigate, she should abide by that.
At the meeting, it was Radebe who said her office did not need their permission to investigate. Madonsela took City Press through the details of the red tape partly to refute talk that she had delayed the report when, in fact, it was government that had caused the delay.
According to her, the stalling began in January and ended in July last year. She said she told the ANC the same thing when they met last year. “So for the ANC to come now and say the timing is suspicious is just wrong.”
She said the differences about her jurisdiction, the fights about whether she understood security matters and the request for extensions before she finalised her report all contributed to the delays.
Madonsela said at one point Zuma asked for an extension because he was ostensibly going to speak to the ANC about his need for more time to respond.
“So when the ANC was saying in public that I should release the report without delay, I exp ected government communications to issue a statement explaining thedelay as it was due to the president. E
ven with the second extension for the president, government communications said nothing.”
She says although the public attacks do not bother her, they had affected her staff.
“Staff requested not to be part of the panel of investigators. Those who were involved requested that their names not be mentioned in the final report. Usually, having their names in the report is a source of pride.”
Madonsela said people who accused her of being aligned to the DA were being mischievous. “They know that it’s not true, they are just playing games.”
She said it was problematic when government disowned its own rules.
“Nkandla must be the turning point. We need to relook the growing tendency in public service of saying: ‘If the man upstairs wants it, it must happen. What the costs are or what the law says does not matter.’ It is a culture that also says where there are no clearly defined laws, you just take the law into your own hands. It is clearly against the law,” said Madonsela
As she unpacked her 400+ pages report, and has been shown by Rapule Tabane's article above, a further look at Madonsela's response is worth noting and the also paying attention to those who are concerned about her safety. As the article, with citing all the articles above has been contending: the ANC, specifically, is the one that is being indicted by the report-it is up to the people of South Arica to impugn and draw out the truth, as spoken to power by Thuli, to begin to make sense of the report by Madonsela wherein she exposes, Zuma, in this case, but I say, the ANC, and how it operates. There are various articles cited above, of which I will synthesize and synergize below, that point out to the modus operandi and culture of violence and bullying tactics of the ANC and its many members-and this has been partially alluded to above in some articles. Carien du Plessis writes in the follwing article:
Thuli Madonsela Doesn't Fear For Safety, But Investigators Had Concerns
Public Protector Thuli Madonsela said if anybody had wanted to physically harm her, they would have harmed her before the investigation into the security upgrades at President Jacob Zuma’s private home in Nkandla had been concluded.
“I don’t think our people are that mean-spirited,” she told journalists during a question and answer session following an almost four-hour long press conference in Pretoria this afternoon, where she read out most of the 75 pages of her report’s executive summary.
She said ombudsmen from other countries often praise South Africa for its transparency.
Madonsela, however, admitted there were concerns among her officials about security.
“Nobody said they were threatened, but with the kind of statements made in public, the investigators didn’t feel comfortable,” she said.
“It is the first time I didn’t indicate in the report which officials assisted in my investigation.”
She added some members of the team did not want to join the panel on the investigation because of “animosity by groups in the public who decided to take this matter in a very distorted way to throw stones at the team”.
“I would appeal to those people to read the report and to see what is being said.”
She also encouraged people to read the "12,000 pages of government documentation uploaded by the Mail & Guardian's investigative team, Amabhungane", following an access to information request. She had based part of her investigation on these documents.
She said people should make up their own minds according to that.
The Tome Of The Epitome Of Corruption, Maladministration
Clarification Of The Role And Power Of The Public Protector As A Constitutional Instituion For making Democracy Have Checks And Balances
According to Thuli Madonssela, 'The Nkandla Probe A Vital Check Fo Democracy'. We read from the following article by SAPA that:
Probing upgrades to President Jacob Zuma’s Nkandla home formed part of the checks and balances of a constitutional democracy, Public Protector Thuli Madonsela has said.
“I have noted that many are still stuck in ‘pre-Constitution thinking’, where unique institutions such as my office, that are neither courts nor tribunals, are not fully understood,” she said today in a speech at the University of Stellenbosch School of Public Leadership, according to notes supplied by her office.
Misunderstanding the checks and balances offered by constitutional institutions such as the Public Protector’s office limited the extent to which they could help improve governance. Madonsela was speaking at a conference on ways to make national development planning work.
She cited the recent debate about her provisional report on the R206 million security upgrade of Zuma’s private Nkandla homestead in KwaZulu-Natal. She agreed that the power to decide on security matters belonged to Cabinet and Parliament.
“But the power to determine whether or not that power has been exercised in accordance with the law belongs to my office, other competent bodies, and ultimately the courts,” she said.
“That is the impact of the additional checks and balances that the framers of our Constitution added to reinforce our fledgling constitutional democracy.”
Madonsela told a media briefing on Wednesday that government had tried to obstruct her investigation into the upgrades at Nkandla in many ways, including accusing her of conducting parallel investigations.
Last Friday, she received a 28-page submission from police minister Nathi Mthethwa on behalf of the ministers in the security cluster stating their concerns on potential security risks posed by her provisional report.
Madonsela said she would amend the provisional report where she saw fit. If she needed to consult on the ministerial objections, she would not talk to the ministers but to security experts nominated by the state.
This was after the security cluster ministers took her to court to secure more time to study her report for more than the five days she had allowed.
State security minister Siyabonga Cwele said yesterday it had not been Cabinet’s intention to politicise the report.
“All that we are doing (is that) we are exercising our constitutional mandate in terms of section 198 of the Constitution which says national executive and Parliament have the responsibility to uphold national security, including that of the head of state, the president,” he said.
“It is not optional, we are constitutionality obliged.”
Limpopo and its abused and forgotten peoples
Thokoza 20 years on: 'We're empty shells'
Contemporary Rural and Township Struggles In Mzantsi Today
As we have been duly informed of the Nkandla Scandal and its debilitating effects on the poor of Nkandla, it is not therefore amazing but perplexing to see the repeat of the same operations by officials elected through the influence of the ANC, as in the Case of the Mayor and councilors of the municipality of Mogalakwena in the Limpopo province. The same shenanigans that can be observed in the Report Madonsela doled out exposing the ANC and its corruptive ways.
As I am onto this Hub up to this point, my aim in citing different press reports about what is going down towards the national elections in South Africa, is the same old business as usual, and that the change we have witness since the coming into power of the ANC, has meant that that change was to have things remain the same or worsen. It is also worth noting that the corruption of Nkandla, is what is happening in big cities and remote regions of Mzantsi. Money has been taken from the destined for the poor and used nefariously by these leaders, who when caught or discovered, hire bodyguards to protect them in their illegitimate rule, because of corruption.so that, the poor end up being screwed bit tim, their leaders mightily rewarded and enriched by their corrupt governance. Maladministration and ineptness in the ANC runs the gamut: From the President to the lowly place officials in the ANC-led government.
In order for me to try and support my assertions that the Zuma Nkandla scandal is not only by Zuma and his upgrading of his homestead, it is a government-wide that implicates the ANC at all levels of governance and operations. The same scandal replicate themselves throughout the country: From the Eastern Cape, to the western Cape; from Natal to Limpopo; from the Gauteng Province to the Northwest provinces in south Africa. The ANC is even more implicated,involved and being indicted by this Hub as being responsible for the present rot and corruption in it mismanaging, maladministering, and being inept in their decrepit governance and their haste to loot the public coffers. The articles above, and the one below, give the reader a bigger picture of the whole sham and failure of governance by the ANC-led government. Poloko Tau writes in the following article titled:
Residents Want mayor With 27 Bodyguards Gone
The Case Of Mogalakwena In The Limpopo Province
"Residents of the troubled Mogalakwena municipality in Limpopo have accused government of protecting the heavily guarded mayor who is accused of misspending public money.
The Mogalakwena Residents’ Association yesterday obtained a court order interdicting and restraining the Limpopo cooperative governance, human settlement and traditional affairs (Coghsta) department from placing the municipality under administration as it announced last week.
Mogalakwena Mayor Tlhalefi Mashamaite has been accused in a damning forensic report by KPMG of having used his office and council letterhead to acquire scores of personal bodyguards at a cost of over R1 million. Mashamaite was sometimes seen surrounded by at least 27 heavily armed bodyguards.
At the same time, the council resolved that municipal manager William Kekana, who was at odds with the mayor, would acquire two bodyguards paid for by the municipality.
This was after Mashamaite’s bodyguards prevented Kekana from entering his office when he returned from special leave and after his employment contract was challenged in court last year.
The report said that while Kekana was on special leave, Mashamaite ordered 12 000 T-shirts for a community outreach programme in four separate orders at a cost of R838 000 without following proper procedures.
A month after the release of the KPMG forensic audit report, Mashamaite remains at the helm of Mogalakwena and action still has to be taken against him despite the evidence the report contained.
On Tuesday, Mogalakwena residents marched on Limpopo Premier Stan Mathabatha’s office and handed him a memorandum demanding the resignation of Mashamaite and other councillors.
They also demanded that Mashamaite be arrested after the KPMG report recommended that criminal charges be laid with the police.
In their memorandum, residents referred to Mashamaite and other councillors allegedly involved in financial irregularities as “criminals” and a “marauding gang of councillors” who loot and interfere with the council administration and who have stopped service delivery.
Coghsta MEC Ishmael Kgetjepe is accused in the memorandum of protecting Mashamaite.
“The MEC has decided to act as a big brother to this gang by interfering in the affairs of the municipality. His delaying tactics open this municipality to looting and losing focus on development,” their memorandum said.
Residents claim in the memorandum that as a result of all the troubles at Mogalakwena, the “communities have now lost R560 million which was meant for water, roads, electricity, sanitation and clinics”.
Meanwhile, Coghsta spokesperson Motupa Selomo denied that the department was protecting anyone.
“Our intervention is aimed at stabilising the municipality first. At the moment, the municipality is not stable and the municipal manager’s employment is illegal and unlawful and we have successfully challenged this in court,” he said.
Kekana had returned to his job as municipal manager after filing his intentions to challenge the court order which nullified his contract.
“We have made an announcement to place Mogalakwena under administration and once that is in place, we’ll get somebody to look into the gist of issues, including the KPMG report,” Selomo said.
“We are holistic and if the mayor did anything wrong, we’ll take action against him or anybody if found in the wrong.”
Selomo said they were going to ask for the court file of the case in which the residents had successfully interdicted the department from placing the municipality under administration. He said they would study its contents before deciding on their next course of action.
Meanwhile, in what may seem like a replay of Tlokwe, North West, where a number of ANC councillors voted for a motion to remove an ANC mayor from his position amid allegations of corruption, at least 25 Mogalakwena councillors were hauled before a disciplinary committee of the ruling party in Limpopo.
The community believes that these councillors are against corruption and are being crucified for being honest.
The group found itself on the wrong side of the ANC for being part of the side that opposes Mashamaite. The councillors supported resolutions to institute forensic audits of municipal finances and were part of a council sitting which employed Kekana.
At least two of the councillors have been expelled from the ANC while others have had their membership suspended for 12 months. A decision was also made that four others be removed from their positions as ANC deployees.
The councillors, however, remain in their positions as their cases still have to be heard by Luthuli House’s national appeals committee.
Limpopo: Falling Through The Cracks
ANC faces challenge in South Africa's poor rural areas
Nkandla POV Close-Up
Impoverished Nkandla residents 'forgotten' by Zuma
The Gravy Train Trudges On; The Poor In Desparate And Grinding Poverty
Meanwhile, all these corrupt officials are being well compensated for the their corruption, ineptness and maladministration. It is very disconcerting to read and write about the way our present elected leaders, now want to to be reinstated into power(which they now claim is because of Divine Provenance-which I have a big/huge problem with), and claim that they have worked very hard to better the poor-which is a lie, distortion and an effort to obfuscate and hide the truth about their lack of honest governance.
For examples, the councilors, who are at odds with many of their subjects, mostly hated and wanted to be removed, earn handsomely under the present government-and yet they have failed to bring to the people service delivery, and if one had read the some of the articles above, including the issue about Nkandla, the money apportioned for the development and efficient service delivery for the poor, has been siphoned to illegitimate and highly questionable "Tenders", which have instead, impoverished the poor even more for their not being implemented.. What am I talking about? Well, we learn from an article posted by City Press that:
Best Paid Councils Do The Worst Jobs,
Managers earn millions despite service delivery protests and financial woes
Six of South Africa’s most expensive municipal management teams preside over councils that are in serious financial trouble.
These teams – municipal managers and all the managers who report to them – earn massive salaries, making their municipalities among the costliest for taxpayers.
But in many cases, their councils have been targeted by the national Treasury because they perform so poorly.
Media24 Investigations has analysed municipal executive budget data from Treasury for the 2010-11 financial year. Among the most interesting findings from this data are:
» Mafikeng in the North-West, with a population of less than 300 000 people, has the second most expensive senior management team in South Africa;
» The R27 million a year spent by Mafikeng on its top executives places it just behind Johannesburg’s spend of R34 million. Joburg is the country’s largest metro, with more than 10 times Mafikeng’s population;
» Smaller municipalities are often outgunning their bigger counterparts in what they are willing to pay for top municipal executives;
» Ten of the country’s most expensive management teams are in municipalities which have populations of fewer than 300 000;
» Some of the best salary packages for municipal managers are found in small municipalities.
In tiny Senqu municipality, which oversees a population of 118 000 people and is based in Lady Grey in the Eastern Cape, the municipal manager earns R1 948 180, data shows;
» Another top earner is Emfuleni municipality’s manager in Vanderbijlpark, Gauteng: data shows the incumbent earns a package of R2 006 200, and;
» The most attractive salary package for a municipal manager is to be found in Johannesburg.
The city manager Trevor Fowler’s yearly package was budgeted at R2 306 030, according to the Treasury data.
Some of the councils whose officials’ salaries cost taxpayers the most are at the centre of violent service delivery protests.
The country’s 12th costliest municipal team oversees Limpopo’s Greater Sekhukhune District Municipality, where ongoing protests over a lack of water in Ga-Phaahla exploded this week.
Nine people were arrested for public violence.
Previous protests in the area in recent months have seen attacks on ANC councillors and a former mayor.
Economist Loane Sharp said the data revealed that “there does not appear to be any coherent basis for either the salaries or number of officials in each municipal district”.
Sharp said it also seemed that officials’ “salaries are unconnected to a particular municipality’s service delivery intensity”.
Six of South Africa’s 30 most expensive management teams are – or have in the last two years – been considered financially distressed by the national Treasury.
They are OR Tambo district municipality in the Eastern Cape, Mangaung and Ngwathe in the Free State, Mogalakwena in Limpopo and the two Gauteng councils of Ekurhuleni and Mogale City.
The Treasury looks at year-on-year growth in debtors, overspending of operating budgets, underspending on capital budgets and stubborn negative cash balances when it classifies municipalities as being in financial distress.
Other costly municipal teams include:
» In fourth place, Steve Tshwete (based in Middelburg, Mpumalanga). Its 25 senior managers collectively earn R19 million and oversee a population of about 182 503 people;
» In ninth place, Moses Kotane Local Municipality (North West province) – its salary bill for top municipal officials is R12.1 million in a town with just under 230 000 residents;
It’s not just municipal managers who earn big money: in some areas, the Treasury data revealed, other management team members are taking home massive salaries.
» In Dr Ruth Segomotsi Mompati Local Municipality (Vryburg) in North West, two managers account for R4.1 million of the management team’s R8.6 million salary cost – R1.9 million for its deputy manager governance, and R2.1 million for its deputy manager procurement and infrastructure;
» One bonus in the council of George in the Western Cape accounts for R557 209, pushing this post’s total cost to R2.2 million.
The George council disputed the Treasury figures, saying four officials’ salaries had been reported under two posts, and this was not reflected in the published Treasury figures.
Several other municipalities contacted by City Press for comment on their generous salaries disputed the Treasury figures.
However, the Treasury said top council officials were required to verify that the information was correct when they submitted it to the Treasury.
The Destruction Of The Apartheid Victims by the ANC
South Africa: The Future Of Our Dreaming
The failures of the ANC as a liberation movement, then in exile, and its selling out in the Codessa fiction, and its ineptness and corruption as a party in its dysfunctional and maladministered government, shows that it lacks a serious and disciplined Utopia. Instead, "We have become used to 'understanding' and tacitly accepting the unacceptable."(John McCann)
There are many reason why this is so, we, the poor, lamely accepting the unacceptable, and various theories have been propounded on this latter matter. Well, before I delve into thie article below and those that I have posted above, I would like to cite the whole article as written by Breyton Breytenbach with the title I have used for this post.
"The merit of Imagined Liberation, by Heribert Adam and Kogila Moodley, is that it reminds us of the imperative of hospitality and of encompassing differences in background and in origin, and that a society can also be measured by the way it reacts to the amakwerekwere (foreigners) in their midst – indeed, that there is interaction between the quality of its liberation and the policies applicable to those who came from elsewhere.
For a moment in our South African history, there seems to have been the flicker of common purpose, maybe even a skyline where – to borrow a phrase from Moodley out of context – "difference was incorporated as a common good and not simply evoked for 'cultural maintenance' purposes".
It did not last long. Maybe it was never intended to be the veritable motivation for transformation into one multihued nation? Can it be argued that the falling apart of this ostensible purpose and the absence of a centre accounts for the extreme pathological expressions and acts of xenophobia?
What we are experiencing at present – the enormous increase in people fleeing their homelands to look for asylum, the clumsy ways in which the developed world deals with the phenomenon, the horrors of a Lampedusa or of desperate "people without papers", as the euphemism goes, literally using their own bodies and those of their companions as stepping flesh to try to climb the barbed fences around Ceuta, the European enclave in Morocco – has been building for many years. It is as if a vast demographic redistribution is under way.
This has become an ever more important symptom of a disintegrating global community – together with the destruction of the planetary environment, the systemic disconnect between the filthy rich and the growing poor, and the tyranny of consumerism.
Notice the extent to which we have become used to "understanding" and tacitly accepting the unacceptable, the ease with which we live beyond the shattered vestiges of our outrage of the time and our betrayed aspirations. How did we get to make do with the reality of nearly two million Zimbabweans surviving in South Africa, often illegally, while their country, the neighbouring country, is being sacked by so-called freedom fighters and now ever more appropriated by China?
Is it truly that easy? Can one look away – at the mountain, say, or at the Freedom Charter? How confident can they really be: the whites squeezing out the last juices of the good life, of the quality of lifestyle in a country that cannot absorb them and must sideline and in due time expunge them once they have coughed up enough for past sins, or the newly empowered blacks arrogantly trashing the poverty of the people who cannot forever be bought off with food parcels? Are these not the repressed fears that sometimes spill over in random acts of barbarism?
Faced with the globalisation of financial finagling and economic systems controlling us ("free" enterprise, capitalism, "the market"), as also the placebo of "communication", can the movements (the incursions) of outsiders / incomers / clandestinos / undocumented ones / car guards and poachers announce a new manifestation of the "solidarity" we seem to have forfeited or forgotten?
Utopian thinking does not have good press. It is assumed that one is being unrealistic – a cardinal sin in empirical practical politics! – escapist to boot, and, perish the thought, maybe revolutionary!
Yet, within the South African context it can be a useful tool. Surely, we can agree that it denotes in most places the nostalgia for what we imagine existed – in our case the magical moment of together becoming other, of a reckoning with ourselves and our conflicting histories and a desire to transform in depth, of a willingness to listen to each other's stories and actively tolerate, even encourage the dialectic between the specific and the general, also in our cultures and our mother tongues.
Maybe a start would be to admit that this dream had no legs. We were never a nation.
Maybe a further necessary step would be to agree that without a utopia to strive for we are condemned to killing one another, that if we were to stop dreaming this shared "space" we call South Africa we shall revert to fighting factions, that we are obliged to provide for movement or else stagnate and destroy or self-destruct.
What would be the two or three measures capable of bringing about the forward movement towards utopia, maybe even realistically so? I have four suggestions:
- Bring about truly elective politics, constituency based, so that Parliament can become vitalised and represent the interests and the aspirations of the people, and establish a true devolution of power that will reflect local concerns and responsibilities and conditions.
- Bring about a "social contract" between the state and its citizens so that priorities can be agreed upon, explained, accepted, and the state be held accountable.
- Allow for the vigorous and constitutionally guaranteed autonomy of institutions, free from party political interference.
- Actively understand and enshrine that our essential richness is the diversity of our make-up, the depth of our languages, the force of our dreaming.
All of the above begs the question of how to get there. Nowhere on our continent has a national liberation movement given up power – neither in Algeria nor Angola nor Zimbabwe, not in Eritrea or Guinea-Bissau or Mozambique – and the ANC in South Africa is no different, even now when the once generous struggle is reduced to the banding of robbers.
Their lust for power, patronage and entitlement – not yet assuaged – is now petrified in historical legitimacy. "We won, therefore all of it is ours." One might as well paraphrase: "We broke it, therefore we own it." And our comrade capitalists have only one dream: how to morph from ostensible communism as erstwhile servants to the people into party power monopoly along the lines of the Chinese example where the state is the captured cow and the people now the capital.
One is going to have to resist in every possible way, by exposure ("shaming" will make no dent); by keeping the Constitution alive and if possible protected from raids by marauding powermongers; by promoting alliances among parties and citizen organisations and in the process validating civics and civil society; by working on a clear and comprehensive and complex vision that will take account of our diversity; by really listening to the poor; by trying to contain the unholy collusion between big capital and cadre corruption; by building firewalls between the state and the party in power; by identifying and renouncing the rotten-tongue Newspeak of political correctness …
The list is long and confused. It has always been a long walk. The way out, let alone the way forward, is not to disqualify or to grade and degrade some people found along the road.
In fact, as always our capacity for imagining liberation – and liberating our imagination – will at least in part be measured by the extent to which we functionally recognise and receive the dignified human in the other."
The following are the responses to the article above:
"Dream on, this is wishful thinking. The rot is too deep and it will take more than mere words to fix South Africa. What is very true is that South Africa never was a nation, in fact the whole of sub-Saharan Africa is a European concept and Europeans divided the continent into artificial countries. I cannot think of a solution, so many of Africa's problems seem to stem from these artificial boundaries."
Isabell vd Westhuizen:
"The whole world is going through a Kairos or time of choosing. The few rich pursue ever more self indulgent pursuits whilst the desperate poor gore ever more restless. We always see ourselves as exceptional either we are best or we are worst in the world. That is wrong. These issues that Breyten points out affect the entire world. Things cannot continue in this vein indefinitely."
"Nothing we don't really know in this piece - but what it does emphasise, in the erudite words of one of SA's greatest writers, is how SA's societal and democratic rot extends not just beyond our borders into the rest of Africa, but beyond, into the rest of the world.
On the one extreme we have deeply entrenched corporate money lust reflecting total disregard of the 'general good' and hiding behind the disingenuous old cliche of, 'maximising shareholder value', aka, kow-towing to the international casino of, the non-productive finance clique ahead of customers and employees (without whom there would be no corporations); and on the other extreme a deeply entrenched mass ignorance that is fostered by politicians (and business leaders) for their own gain and which has become generally acceptable to its victims; ("how do you expect me to know that the Sun orbits the Earth, you elitist, imperialist, colonialist exploiter of the wekkers and the poor!" )."
"As long as the power-hungry enrich themselves by means of and at the expense of the 'masses' the country cannot progress.
No country has achieved greatness or even progress without the people looking each other in the eye and sorting out their differences amongst themselves without some idiots fomenting division and discord amongst those that make up a population. It is not race or ideology that makes countries great, it's 'common cause'"
"The "future of our dreams" is today, and it is a nightmare."
The presidency followed that up with a written media statement acknowledging requests for proof that the bond exists. "The evidence will be readily made available to an authorised agency or institution empowered by the law of the land," said presidential spin doctor/liar Big Mac Maharaj.
whenever I listen to this chump on the radio, I realise just how arrogant he and his party have become - you can almost hear him thinking: how dare you question the royal showerhead, if the words come out of the royal showerheads mouth THEY MUST BE TRUE. WE ARE IN CHARGE YOU WILL DO AS WE SAY......etc.
SA was a democracy for all of 5 minutes then the ANC 'swept' to power and it's been a one party state enriching itself ever since.
the Dream that was, is now over, Zuma the liar/thief/coward is in charge now
what makes me really sad is that the ignorance of the masses will see him stay there for another 5 years, and if he gets his hands on the constitution, for ever if he can help it,"
M&G Analysis: Nkandla -- the joke's on us
Milking the Country and the Cows... Way To Go Prez...
Make Us Your Government Even If We Are Wrong: ANC
Here is some 'sort-of' response from the ANC:
Give ANC Processes On Nkandla A Chance, Urges Gwede Mantashe
The ruling ANC has put some distance for now between itself and the Public Protector’s damning report on President Jacob Zuma’s private Nkandla home.
Briefing reporters in Johannesburg today, party secretary-general Gwede Mantashe consistently declined to give direct replies to questions on the Nkandla issue.
He said there were “processes that need to be given a chance”.
Mantashe was giving feedback on an ANC national executive committee (NEC) in Cape Town at the weekend.
He said the NEC was satisfied with work undertaken on the matter by officials and the party’s national working committee.
“It further noted that there are processes that need to be given a chance, like the pending report of the president expected in due course and progress on the work of the Special [Investigating] Unit.”
Zuma has directed the unit to investigate the security upgrades.
In her report on the security upgrades done at President Jacob Zuma’s private Nkandla homestead in KwaZulu-Natal titled Secure in Comfort, Public Protector Thuli Madonsela found that Zuma had unduly benefited from the improvements.
These included a cattle kraal and fire pool, built with state money. She also stated in the report that he should refund a portion of the R246 million cost.
Today, it was reported that Zuma told a crowd in Gugulethu in Cape Town he would not repay the money because he did not ask for the upgrades. He placed the blame on government officials.
“They did this without telling me,” he told ANN7.
“So why should I pay for something I did not ask for?”
Mantashe said today the NEC had made no recommendations about the Nkandla report.
“We recommend nothing. There are reports that deal with the matter. The ANC will monitor the implementation of the report. That report [Madonsela’s] must be attended to,” he said.
“Anyone who benefited fraudulently or wrongfully must be pursued.”
He said the fact that the report was discussed did not indicate whether the NEC did not favour Madonsela’s report over other reports.
Mantashe said given the deadline for Zuma to respond to Parliament was on Wednesday, the ANC did not want to interfere in a process that had not run its course.
Turning to other issues, Mantashe said public discourse about corruption in the country indicated society held high standards on the matter.
“What we have observed in the public discourse are the high levels of discussion on corruption, a clear reflection that we pitched our standards as a country high, and we should correctly continue to do so.”
Mantashe said the meeting also dealt with the state of the organisation, a report on elections and international issues.
He said the NEC was concerned over the international trend of regime-change methods which undermined democracy.
“Elected governments are undermined and dislodged in many regions, with Ukraine being the latest and Venezuela being threatened as well,” Mantashe said.
“We have directed our government to deal with these disturbing trends in international forums, including the UN and African Union [AU].”
Mantashe said any African government that took power through unconstitutional methods was acting against the AU’s Constitution.
“SA as a member of the AU supports its decision … to suspend Egypt from participating in its activism.” On jobs, Mantashe said in-depth research would be commissioned to look into the best way of dealing with jobs that did not require high-level skills, and those that were usually taken by foreign nationals.
“Equally, such an in-depth research should also look into small trading impact by foreign nationals.”
He said once the research had been compiled, the immigration policy would then be refined.
Where Are the People(Baphi na Abantubaphi na abantu- cutting edge 20-09-2012: The Poor Speak out against Criminality
Response for the Article above from the Grassroots
"So why should I pay for something I did not ask for?”
Exactly our argument for refusing to pay e-tolls!"
It must be tough being a journalist. You get invited to participate in a press conference and then you arrive there, pose very serious and pertinent questions and instead of your straightforward questions being answered to, you get get vague responses coupled with you being insulted and told about quality of reporting.
Today's press conference must have felt like the worst waste of time, where nothing was answered professionally and satisfactorily."
"Mantashe made a fool of himself. He took his frustrations on poor journalists who did their work by asking very tough questions that were beyond him. Then he changed his tune on going to Nkandla with journalists as he promised last time stating he did not want to incriminate Zuma."
"The assertion made by Zuma, it clearly shows, no regard, respect to the office of presidency, as well as total disregard to people who put him in that office. No wonder why tax payers refuse to pay e-toll nonsense, y pay if didn't ask for it."
"There are no innuendos, Nkandla is there above the ground for everyone to see ( except the underground expensive bunkers). There is no President who can afford to build a palace worth R250m not unless that money came from Lybia oil or DRC mining.
Of course Zuma knew, this is his private and personal residence. Did you not read the report of the PP. How do you explain why he introduced his consultants and contractors to DPW.
"The ANC has concluded that Nkandla will have little to no effect on the election. The ANC voters either don't know about, care about or understand, or otherwise they entirely accept JZ's "little fiscal romp". Consequently the ANC will simply sit, do nothing and slide into another easy election win."
"No matter how you wish this away, Zuma and the ANC are complicit in allowing R248 MILLION to be stolen from the people. Though I do acknowledge that, despite reason, he probably will be president after the elections. But... I am willing to bet - not for long."
"Why do have to wait for another PROCESS? The conclusions of the PP's PROCESS are clear. It has now become so boringly predictable of the ANC to call for another "process" whenever they are scrambling to cover up one of Jayzey's scandals that, it has in fact become a dead sure give-away of his guilt. Gwede, I ask you a straight question: How does it feel to have to cover up all the time for this corrupt Zuma; to take the pain for him? Is it worth it, and if so why is it worth it....perhaps because you are sharing in the proceeds of the looting of tax payers' money by the inner circle of the ANC? Come-on, be a man, stand up and answer."
Ngugi wa Thiongo , an exiled Kenyan writer, i read his novels while i was still at school, long before ANC took power. He wrote about how liberation movements in Kenya graduated from being liberation movements to self gratification organisation. That is why when the new despensation came in, chapter 9 institutions where established, to protect this hard fought democracy, unfortunately shower head has managed to undo all that hard work in four years. PP's office is the only chapter 9 institution with a bone that is remaining, only one wonders what happens when Thuli leaves for AANC is going to win."
NO MORE CHANCES with ourTax money. You are ALL a "LOF OF CHANCERS" that is the proble, Your Government was warned by Mail and Guardian, and ALL Media etc a long time ago when it was much less than 46 Millions Now it is R 246 Million????? that was long before before ZUMA took the "CHANCE" of trying to get away with it and even employed his own Architect at R 18 Million himself. do yu lot tink there are N OTHER ARCHITECTS in South Africa that knows what it should hae cost? or no Master Builders, or nobody that can build a swimming pool, spaza shop fr Madam, a clinic etc ? Where the hell does the R 246 Million come from just for Security? How many COMPLETE luxury houses with swmimming Pool and Security does that buy in Sandton/Camps bay etc..NOT JUST SECURITY- COMPLETE MANSIONS? and you come and ask for a "chance" A chance for R 246 Million for only SECURITY? dO YOU THINK THIS ENTIRE COUNTRY CONSISTS OF iDIOTS AND UNEDUCATED ILLITERATE RURALS THAT YOU BULLs**T EVERY DAY?"
"Our people will never see anything wrong with Nkandla, any way corruption is the culture of African people, from Cape Town to Cairo. Despite how much the media tries to expose corruption, our people will never ever see any wrong doing, and even if they see, they follow ANC like is their church movement they should be loyal to. Sad to say but it is the truth. Blind loyalty is still in many African countries that got freedom in the 1950's. It comes probably from ancentral worship. They think if they vote another political party they will be cursed."
ANC media briefing, 31 March 2014
Interview with Thuli Madonsela
Refuting The Truth: Reaction To Corruption by the ANC
'The report is actually very careful' -- law expert
Some Good Out Of The ANC Cesspool If Corruption and Scandals
Whilst we are still on the the Nkandla trip, how about the following report on how the government waste money on perpetual junkets even after they live office.. Oh, perks...
Travel Perks 'Not An ANC Idea'
The African National Congress initially opposed the proposal that retired MPs could get up to 24 free flights a year for 10 years, the office of the Chief Whip said on Tuesday.
“The ANC was initially opposed to the proposal due to the additional burden it would place on the public purse,” spokesman Moloto Mothapo said in a statement.
“Our decision to back the proposal was made on condition that Parliament must first subject it to the National Treasury, which should conduct a comprehensive assessment of its affordability and practicality.”
Mothapo said that it was “extremely shameful” that the chief sponsor of this proposal, the Democratic Alliance, was contradicting itself in the media in “a clumsy effort to score cheap political points”.
He said the office of the ANC chief Whip was “astounded” by the DA's “hypocrisy and flip-flopping” on the report of the Parliament oversight authority (POA) regarding the post-retirement travel benefits.
The report proposes certain air travel benefits for members of parliament for up to 10 years after retirement.
“Contrary to some DA MPs' grandstanding on this matter, this proposal was not the brainchild of the ANC,” he said.
“The facts, and the minutes of the POA meeting where this proposal was entertained, will show that it was in fact the DA - through its chief whip and deputy chief whip in 2007 - that proposed to the POA that such travel benefits be extended to ordinary MPs post their retirement.”
He said that after Douglas Gibson and Mike Ellis retired from Parliament, their successors Watty Watson and Sandy Kalyan continued to champion the proposal.
DA deputy chief whip Kalyan said the idea was to “level the playing field” between benefits granted to former MPs and those for former ministers and deputy ministers. Kalyan served on the task team that reviewed the travel policy.
The proposal is contained in the oversight authority's 2013 annual report, tabled recently.
On Tuesday, Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan said Parliament would have to work within its budget and keep in mind the “modesty factor”.
Whatever the new arrangement was, it would have to be resolved after the May 7 general elections.
The Sunday Times reported at the weekend that Parliament's oversight authority recently recommended that retired MPs and their spouses get free plane tickets, at taxpayer's expense, based on how many years they had served as MPs.
An MP who had served one term (five years) would get eight economy-class tickets a year for 10 years, 16 economy-class tickets a year for 10 years for two terms, and 24 business-class tickets a year for 10 years after serving three terms.
The oversight authority is the highest policy-making authority for parliamentarians and includes National Assembly Speaker Max Sisulu and National Council of Provinces chairman Mninwa Mahlangu.
Voices: South Africa - Why Poverty? (English version)https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pC7a4uQzfaU
For The Poor Africans Of South Africa: "Aluta Kontinua!"
The African National Congress is expected to win Wednesday's election in South Africa with leader Jacob Zuma enjoying huge popularity among the poor, despite his corrupt reputation. But for many members of South Africa's burgeoning middle class, the ANC's heroic struggle against apartheid is ancient history.
Brian Khumalo, a slight man, is wearing designer jeans and a white shirt with a double collar. A black man, Khumalo moves with considerable ease through Johannesburg's primarily white fashion world. After a recent party, a white friend drove him home to Soweto, or South Western Township, 10 kilometers (six miles) outside the city.
To find the fastest route, the friend proudly switched on his new GPS navigation device, and suddenly Khumalo felt as if he were sitting in a time machine. "Attention, you are in a forbidden zone," a sonorous female voice warned repeatedly after the vehicle had turned off the highway at the Soweto exit. "Whites aren't allowed into Soweto," says Khumalo. "Only blacks belong there; it's the same as it was back then. But everything here has changed now, except that the news hasn't reached the people who program the navigation devices."
Khumalo snorts in contempt. He was born here, 38 years ago, and began his career as a hairdresser in the settlement. He now operates Soweto's only luxury beauty spa, where his employees cut the hair of the nouveau riche, give them manicures and massage their aching backs. "People have money," says Khumalo. "My business is booming."
Next door, graffiti artist Mr. Ekse has just painted a section of wall yellow, one of the colors of the African National Congress, and now he is spray-painting a portrait of Jacob Zuma. This time he is doing it for money, because this is an election campaign. "Of course I'm troubled by the nepotism and corruption at the ANC, but it's the only place for me politically," says Khumalo. "We have the ANC to thank for everything we are today."
For our people to begin to understand what's going, consciously and seriously, Hubs such as this one are going to be needed in order to put everything on the table for all those who passionately and seriously want to understand what is going on in South Africa. One need not be biased in presenting historical, and in the same breadth, a historian should not be afraid to speak truth to power through using African history and looking or presenting at the good and bad sides of it.
Our people here in Mzantsi have been subjected to ANC's 'talking points' and propaganda, and deliberately kept ignorant and dumbed-down.so that, even when our people talk about the politics of the vulture culture, they are unconscious of what they are regurgitating, and that, they have no other source of alternative information-but that from the ANC; but also, they still feel that the will vote for the ANC, because, according to them, "better the devil you know, than the one you do not know - and maybe someday some good guys will rule in the ANC, and life will be better.
We are only 20 years removed from hard-core Apartheid, and now we are are having to deal with the quislings, turncoats, scoundrels and sell-outs that are in governance over us here in Mzantsi. The article above, up to this point, is a mediarized version of the corruption that is running amok in South Africa. The good ideas are those how to pilfer from the state of corruption availing itself to anyone willing to sell out the struggle of the poor people. It is important to read the article posted below in order to understand the way ANC see's its rule in South Africa s being like:
Fingerprints of poverty - South Africa
In its defense against the charges of corruption, maladministration and ineptitude, the ANC had offered this response in their rallying their followers, in December 2013:
ANC Western Cape safety and security group
Anc Western Cape
3 hours ago
FRANSMAN SAYS: Enough is enough! We are fedup (gatvol)! Vote ANC! Victory over the DA is possible! We must gain victory over DA!
Speech by Marius Fransman (ANC Western Cape leader & Deputy Minister of International Relations) at the Western Cape (SACP) Provincial Launch of Red October Month in Wellington on Sunday 13th October 2013:
Notes by Anc Western Cape
FRANSMAN SAYS: Enough is enough! We are fedup (gatvol)! Vote ANC! Victory over the DA is possible! We must gain victory over DA!
Today at 3:51pm
Speech by Marius Fransman (ANC Western Cape leader & Deputy Minister of International Relations) at the Western Cape (SACP) Provincial Launch of Red October Month in Wellington on Sunday 13th October 2013:
It gives me great pleasure to be here in your midst today to celebrate Red October month. We bring you fraternal greetings and on behalf of the ANC Western Cape, we wish you success and in particular, we salute the SACP and its revolutionary leadership for always keeping the flag of the working class masses flying high and fighting those who only advanced the interests of the privileged elite.
It is for this reason that the role of the SACP is so critical in our progressive Alliance and Red October month celebrates this long legacy of putting the interests, welfare and fundamental rights of the working class first!
We are now entering two decades of intense struggle in a post democratic South Africa to transform our society and to transform organs of state to serve the agenda of the National Democratic Revolution and to carry out the prerogatives to develop a national democratic society.
We have accomplished much in the face of great odds but there still remains much to do. Our record of accomplishments over the past 19 years speaks for itself:
We built 3.3 million houses - 600 every day;
Transferred more than 500 000 state rental houses to long-term occupants;
We brought electricity to 6.5 million new households taking the total number to 10 million;
We installed 500 000 solar geysers in poor working class households;
6.5 million households now have access to water infrastructure - totalling 11.6 million households;
The same number have access to some free basic water;
7 million households of those who cannot pay for their water get 6 000 litres free each month;
11.5 million households have access to toilets - 84.3 present (that is an additional 6.5 million since 1994).
We want to say to you today, the ANC delivers and the ANC leads. We never claim that we have the panacea for all ills but our tradition is deep rooted in consulting with our people and taking the time out to listen to the elders, talk to community leaders, understanding what our people are saying and then together finding solutions that work.
There is a picture painted by the enemy that all is doom and gloom and twenty years of democracy has brought nothing but corruption, economic loss and social dysfunction. What is this doom and gloom that they are talking of? Have they not stolen enough? Have they not abused enough? Have they not lied enough? Have they not eaten enough of our flesh?
Today much of our economy still remains in the hands of a privileged mainly white few; as we commemorate 100 years of that archaic and oppressive law the 1913 Native Land Act most of our land is still locked in white ownership passed on from family to family; the best and most senior jobs in the private sector are still reserved for whites; access to high quality private healthcare and the top private schools are still beyond the reach of the average black working class family; despite our sectoral charters and amended BBBEE legislation much of industry remains either untransformed or under-transformed; and nowhere are these realities more stark than here in the Western Cape where the DA Government has reversed every area of transformation that we had made as an ANC government.
Is this the type of future we want to promise our children? Is this the type of society that we struggled for and for which many gave up their lives and for which others sacrificed sweat and tears? I therefore welcome the theme of Red October 2013: "Transform the financial sector to serve the people."
It is no coincidence that the financial services sector is one of the largest contributors if not the second largest after agriculture of the Western Cape economy. It is an economy that remains largely untransformed. This is an indictment on us as revolutionaries and it is an obstacle to advance the economic equality agenda.
The African National Congress, and its Alliance partners the SACP and COSATU are the mantle-bearers of the Freedom Charter that spells out clearly that "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white."
This statement is no simple statement just as the Freedom Charter in all its simplicity was and still is not a just another simple statement articulating hot air. It represents the voice of our people forged into unity through bitter struggle under the most repressive conditions.
I want you to understand and reflect on the nature of this Freedom Charter, the nature of our movement and why we as the leadership of the ANC in this province chose to call our strategy a "People's Path to Power".
The Freedom Charter was collated from a charter of minimum demands made by our people. Fifty thousand (50 000) volunteers spanned the length and breadth of this country covering small villages and dorpies like Wellington, Ashton and De Doorns – everywhere - people signed the petition in great numbers - demonstrating the mass character of our movement and that the vast majority of the people of this country love the ANC.
It is for this reason that I want to make a call on the people of Wellington, the Boland and the Western Cape as a whole. We call on all our supporters to ensure that they are registered to vote. In order to do so you must have a valid South African identity document. We call on you to demonstrate that the ANC is a mass based movement that enjoys the support of the mass of our people. Now is your chance to register next year we will call on you in 2014 to make a difference by casting your ballot and making your mark next to the ANC logo.
I wanted to bring it to your attention that under the guise of freedom of expression some white folk have taken to usurping the legacy of Red October month to tell the world that whites in South Africa are being subjugated to the worst form of oppression and genocide. Their protest march was widely covered in the media on Friday and they claim: "whites have suffered since apartheid ended and Afrikaners ceded power to Nelson Mandela's African National Congress party in 1994".
In 2004 they resorted to the same shenanigans shouting wolf while chomping on the juicy leg of roasted lamb. They spread rumours that whites would be massacred and coined all types of phrases for this operation - "Operation Vula", "Night of the long Knives", "Operation white clean up", "Operation Iron Eagle", "Operation Uhuru" and yes believe it or not: "Red October campaign".
In 2004 they spread all these lies and rumours and said Mandela's death was imminent and therefore whites would be massacred."
In his wisdom Madiba quelled the rumours saying: "My health is all right, I'm doing very well. Others have said that I am on the eve of going to my grave. If that day comes, I will go and knock at the door of heaven"
He joked that when his time comes, "I will look for a branch of the ANC in that world and join it."
Nicky Falkof writing in the Daily Mavericks says: "In the case of Red October month, though, there are certain things about the campaign that merit a closer look: In her book 'Aftermath of Feminism' British Cultural theorist Angela Mc Robbie dissects the way Tony Blair's aggressively neo-liberal government co-opted the language of feminism in the late 1990’s.
ANC's Ineptness In Full Public Display" Unfinished Toilet
The debate between the DA and ANC in the Western Cape on violence in the province
The House Is Burning: Mzantsi In The Throes Of Revolt
What we have here in Mzantsi is a failure to communicate. There is a breakdown of intergovernmental and government and the subjects that has totally broken. In fact, it never was facilitated for, nor existed. Old Apartheid structure were modified with slogans like "Batho Pele"("People First"", which in reality has turned out to be people last, if ever considered.
The same people who are supposed to come first are the first ones to tell you that they will vote for the ANC since there is nothing better out there. In the same breadth, they tell you about the corruption of the and within the ANC. They see these elites, many with bodyguards and high-priced lawyers, in their midst, whilst they, the poor, are languishing in abject poverty with no respite.
There is also an element of fear that is prevailing to those who would try to derail the ANC's goal. There are goons that have been employed and deployed in the different wards, and these are some kind of 'enforcers' of the wishes, will and power of the ANC. Many equate the DA with the Nationalist Party, and they too, are not really in a position to sow that they understand the plight of the poor. Other parties are there, and that's about it-as to their ability to win the elections, that will not person very soon.
There are emergent youth groups like the EFF, which is making a lot of noise, but lacks in funds and substance, and are led by a disgruntled and demoted and fired leader, Julius Malema, which, in all earnestness, nothing's gonna happen from their front. So, this then leaves The ANC and Zuma and the main focus of this entire Hub.
The ANC believes that is sure nothing will come out of the Zuma Nkandla scandal for they hope that their polity will soon forget about that, and that they will not attach such importance as the press does on the scandal. This may be the case, because they do not think of replacing Zuma despite the shredded image he has just earned with Nkandla, and many other scandal which he just brushed off: rape, arms smuggling, Guptagate and the list goes on. So that, the ANC hold on to the belief that the same will happen with the Nkandla scandal.
I have tried to post some comments from the readers of various articles in order to add to the flavor of real-politik here in Mzantsi. The people are not really fooled, and the general population of Africans have long caught up to the shenanigans of the ANC, it is just that the masses are too poor to be online and participate like other ethnic groups with access do. But, as a member of that voiceless and Webless group, I will use all means at my disposal to broaden the dialogue and discourse about the elections of Mzantsi, and the role played by the ANC in all of this fiasco.
The ANC has tried and is still trying to distance itself from the Public Protector' damning report on Zuma. At the same time they use their spokespeople to send out a message that Zuma will not pay anything, and that they have put him up for the presidency. Zuma has even told the ANc followers that he will not pay and that he did not know anything about the upgrades that have been made on his property-and why should he pay for something that he did not ask for. Mantashe, their talking head, says:
“We recommend nothing. There are reports that deal with the matter. The ANC will monitor the implementation of the report. That report [Madonsela’s] must be attended to,” he said. “Anyone who benefited fraudulently or wrongfully must be pursued.”The people are not supposed to read or should read anything into such a statement. The ambiguity displayed by the ANC is their staple in attempting to obfuscate and confuse-draw attention away from the scandal for it could potentially explode in the faces of the ANC's ruling Honchos.
The ANC narrative spinner try their best to deflect focus on the Nkandla scandal and allude to International political drama, and put themselves in a position to try and avoid certain tendencies like in the case of Russia and Ukraine; Venezuela and that they support the suspension of Egypt, and attempting to take a moral high road, whilst here at home, the house is burning. And Mantashe attempts to digress by addressing the jobs issues. And then he went on to add:
"... an in-depth research would be commissioned to look into the best way of dealing with jobs that did not require high-level skills, and those that were usually taken by foreign nationals. Equally, such an in-depth research should also look into small trading impact by foreign nationals.”
If there was thorny point that alluded to above in my synergy above. The ANC blatantly courts foreign nationals at the expense of the local people. If we are going to be talking about skills, has the ANC ever taken stock as to the amount of skills that are amongst its subjects. To me, the statement by Mantashe is that he is wooing the foreign nationals in.order to make them, in the final analysis citizens of the country, who would then be loyal to the ANC when it comes to voting. The ANC is not looking to relinquish power any time soon.We read from Breytnbach that:
"Utopian thinking does not have good press. It is assumed that one is being unrealistic – a cardinal sin in empirical practical politics! – escapist to boot, and, perish the thought, maybe revolutionary!
"Yet, within the South African context it can be a useful tool. Surely, we can agree that it denotes in most places the nostalgia for what we imagine existed – in our case the magical moment of together becoming other, of a reckoning with ourselves and our conflicting histories and a desire to transform in depth, of a willingness to listen to each other's stories and actively tolerate, even encourage the dialectic between the specific and the general, also in our cultures and our mother tongues.
Maybe a start would be to admit that this dream had no legs. We were never a nation."
He said once the research had been compiled, the immigration policy would then be refined.
I like what Breytenbach cited:
"Nowhere on our continent has a national liberation movement given up power – neither in Algeria nor Angola nor Zimbabwe, not in Eritrea or Guinea-Bissau or Mozambique – and the ANC in South Africa is no different, even now when the once generous struggle is reduced to the banding of robbers.
"Their lust for power, patronage and entitlement – not yet assuaged – is now petrified in historical legitimacy. "We won, therefore all of it is ours." One might as well paraphrase: "We broke it, therefore we own it." And our comrade capitalists have only one dream: how to morph from ostensible communism as erstwhile servants to the people into party power monopoly along the lines of the Chinese example where the state is the captured cow and the people now the capital."
And Breytenbach further adds:
"In fact, as always our capacity for imagining liberation – and liberating our imagination – will at least in part be measured by the extent to which we functionally recognise and receive the dignified human in the other."
Maybe that might happen, but for now, the ANC is not really listening to anyone, and they are arrogant and every defensive if certain maladministration and dysfunctional corruptive behavior are called to their attention. for the past 20 years, when the elections come nigh, they keep on playing the same game, empty promises and more corruption. It seems with the coming election this is going to be business as usual for the ANC and its handlers. At this juncture, ordinary people are not yet capable of imagining liberation" and the comments below correct this wishful thinking by Breytenbach, for they are seeing and feeling the brunt of this malfeasance and maladministration, ineptness and dysfunctionally corrupt ANC-led government.
ANC In The Mix And In The Fix: Will The Gravy Train Ever Drip-Up and Become Dry?..
I partly cite and reiterate this piece from above:
"The ANC today is seen as more corrupt and ineffective than at any time in recent years. A 2011 Afrobarometer survey showed that 50 percent of respondents saw government officials as corrupt and 25 percent thought that corruption was one of the country’s most pressing problems; this is the highest concern for corruption since 2002, when only 13 percent thought of corruption as significant."
Such facts are pushed aside or ignored by the ruling ANC party. The arrogance in full display in all sectors and level of society by the ANC rulers is devastating. They do not think that those that they rule over will turn against them. At the present moment, those in the health professional fields are given orders to treat foreigners with care and respect and that thy should remember that they are not the Home Office. As I have cited in the article above that was issued by the ANC in December 2013, they see themselves as good and providing leaders taking care of the poor and those that Apartheid treated like slaves. Well, we are seeing the re-Apartheidization of social and economic relations under the ANC.
All the articles above are taken from various newspapers and they are all pointing fingers and accusations at the ANC. There are a few articles which I have chosen, along with videos, wherein the ANC give its point of view. My task as a historian is to chronicle the Story(History) of African in Mzatsni. In this case, I am dealing here with contemporary history which, by some artificial measure,is 20 years old. In the two decades of ANC-led government, we are seeing too many strikes, and as the article above points our, are becoming more and more violent. This is what I wrote about and called it Low Intensity Warfare against the poor: "Anatomy of Low Intensity Warfare In South Africa: Economical Oppression-Dehumanization in the Neo-Post Apartheid Rule." The ANC see's itself as entitled to rule, and now of late, invoking the scriptures(Bible), to garner votes.
This comes at a time when they whole ANC government is under scrutiny, and the way they rule questioned and investigated, and their 'yoyo' response to the charges allayed against their leader and President, Jacob Zuma, by Thuli Madonsela(The Public Protector-see posted video above), that, with the death of Mandela, we are beginning to see the ANC unravel.
I contend here and now that the ANC never practiced and learned how to rule. They were blinded by the sudden wealth that they were suddenly thrust into and with. They selected each other through nepotism, cronyism,(thus we have "Exiles' and "Inziles")-those who went and came back from Exile, and those that never left the country at all). We have seen how this selection into the present perking order has dragged the country down, and the ANC, like all liberation movements throughout Africa, have and are refusing to relinquish power to people better than themselves.
We know from one article above that:
"With less than two months to go before South Africa’s 2014 elections, there have been enough signals to suggest that these polls will be markedly different from previous campaigns and elections. The most obvious difference is that this will be the first election without the presence of the father of South African democracy, Nelson Mandela, who passed away on Dec. 5, 2013, at the age of 95. Yet, perhaps even more consequential, the elections will take place at a time when the fortunes of the African National Congress (ANC), which has ruled South Africa since 1994, have been declining due to a series of political scandals and a stagnant economy; critical allies of the ANC have defected; and the ‘born frees,’ – those born after South Africa’s first democratic election in 1994 — will be eligible to vote for the first time. None of this means that the ANC will lose its grip on power; however it does suggest that the ANC may emerge weaker than at any other time in the past 20 years. The end result may be a very different political landscape than exists today."
There is a sense of losing touch and grip with its polity, for the ANC-rulers, but to save face, they have and are constructing a 'laager' mentality-aping their master in the Trek into the interior of Mzantsi, and building a laager in battle and society against the indigenous whom they killed and took their land and riches plus lives away from them. The ANC is doing exactly that, as an elitist motley crew of filthy rich Africans, and assiduously working hard to protect their gains and interests.
It is also saddening to see the shoddy and sloppy manner through which the ANC invokes the Freedom Charter, which they have contradicted and thrown away since their rule 20 years ago. This is serious desperation, because, it is so unknown in their rank and file as to what the ANC is talking about given their(The poor peoples) present and decrepit existence promulgated by the ANC leadership. In their lies, and shortage of ideas as to how to govern, they lie about their intentions and sloppy deeds and delivery. It has been now two decades that the poor have not really received any help from all departments put there to be of service to the poor. There are types of corruption and bribery that is taking place, as we speak, and as revealed through Zuma. This is happening throughout the ANC cadre.
If one reads the stats and the alleged dieeds that the ANC have done, one does not hear them talk about how those 600-a-day-built-houses are falling onto people. At present, in Jabulani Twons, they have built a band new hospital over there. It has taken eight years to have it opened. today, as I am onto this Hub, this clinic cannot be opened because it has not received a license for it start accepting patients. Nurses are reduced to dusting, attending 'dry-run' exercise, and when it rains, the nurses have to use bucket to catch the water leaking from the roofs. There is also fear that the walls of the hospital might collapse, and many other such discrepancies.
Meanwhile, the hospital remains inoperable and staffed with nurses, but no patients. this was caused by those who were given tenders to build the hospital, and in many cases, they did shoddy worked, and took off with the money allocated and allotted for the hospital-theus the 8 years of many 'tenderpreneurs' were and are still having their fill. So, we have a fully built hospital which cannot be allowed to operate, filled with nurses and no patients--as we are headed towards the 2014 elections and a few more weeks to go.
The Swan Song Of Lack Of Service Delivery
The Gravy Train Rule And Is Put In focus: The Revulsion Of the Ruled
The City Press article on the Gravy Train of Councilors and other government's earnings is one of the many corruptive traits that are embedded within the ANC's Modus operandi and schemes. One even learns that most violent protest are those people gaining and gaining/gaming the system using the Taxpayers monies are the ones that have a violent outcome. So, the Mangers, who have an allegiance with the ANC, are still being paid and have no record of satisfactory service delivery for their constituents.
It would be better for many South Africans to view the list of how much is made as salaries by these incompetent leaders. Now, when people have lost hope, no jobs, poverty reigning supreme, and a bleak future ones reality, how is all of this justified? It is very disconcerting to see how the ANc overlooks such anomalies, and is quick to castigate the poor if they 'boo', or show some distrust of the government, and the like. That is why there have been so many assassinations and one article above points out to that fact about the ruling ANC-led government.
There's so much corruption in south Africa, it is very hard to begin to tabulate it chronologically or otherwise. The new normal has been doing the wrong things to get on ahead of others, and putting down and climbing on top of the poor to make it, is the way to go. Abnormal and dysfunctional governance and society is the new normal, and the normal and functional ways of being and life are the abnormal.
This conundrum and contradiction is what guides South African society today. This has its own devastating effects on the lives and existence/coping-mechanisms of the wretched and poor of Mzantsi. This crude and very deliberate negations and pushing back on what the ANC is accused of, and the accusers piling up on counteraccusations on the ANC, are the zeitgeist that prevails in south Africa.
The ANC accuses the DA of using texts to propagate the Nkandla scandal; different organizations and parties want Zuma ousted; the ANC claiming fewer than 4 million people living in poverty; the negators say times that by five; the following article by Adam Wakefield, is what the ANC says it has achieved in combating poverty:
"Four million fewer people are living in poverty in South Africa", statistician general Pali Lehohla said on Thursday.
“Poverty has indeed been declining in South Africa,” Lehohla said.
“...Indeed, in many ways it (poverty) is being tackled.”
He was briefing reporters in Pretoria on Statistics SA's report on poverty trends in South Africa.
Lehohla said three different types of poverty lines were used in the Stats SA report.
These were the food poverty line (R321 a month to buy food), lower-bound poverty line (R433 a month to buy food and clothing), and the upper-bound poverty line (R620 a month to buy food, clothes and provide shelter).
Using the food poverty line, in 2006 approximately 27 out of every 100 people lived below that line. In 2009 during the recession it rose to 32, and in 2011 the figure dropped to 20 out of 100.
This translated into 12.6 million, 15.8 million, and 10.2 million people respectively.
The lower-bound poverty line in 2006 was 42 out of 100, 44 in 2009, and 32 in 2011.
This equalled 20 million, 21.8 million, and 16.3 million people respectively.
For the upper-bound line, from which the four million poverty reduction figure was drawn, in 2006 the figure was 57 out of 100, dropping to 46 out of 100.
This equalled around 23 million people in 2011 against 27 million in 2006.
Social grants had an important impact on reducing poverty, with 2.6 million grants issued in 1993 and 16.6 million in 2011.
Lehohla said the issuing of social grants, between 2006 and 2011, rose by 46 percent, especially the child support grant.
In 2002, 13.4 million people fell within the self-declared hunger bracket, while in 2011 6.6 million people were in the same bracket.
Regarding the provinces, 23 percent of households in KwaZulu-Natal, 18 percent in the Eastern Cape, and 16 percent in Limpopo lived in poverty.
At a municipal level, the top 10 municipalities with the highest levels of poverty were in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape.
Msinga municipality in KwaZulu-Natal showed the highest level of poverty at 37 percent.
Nkandla municipality, where President Jacob Zuma's homestead is located, had the fifth-highest level of poverty in KwaZulu-Natal." (SAPA)
All this is said to obscure and obfuscate the reality that many of these leaders are taking home millions of rands which they have not worked for nor earned. Whilst the Gravy Train drips, those who benefit from its flow, hurl stats and other FYI tidbits to assuage their guilt and theft and being turncoats, quislings and sell-outs of their people's souls, country and culture and the whole bit.
These are some of the responses to the article above:
"Yup you only need 33% to pass these days so then these stats are correct you know, that is if you are a ***** reading them."
"is "Adam Wakefield" even a real person? If he is, I wonder if he even lives in South Africa. and, if he does, then I wonder how much they paid him to misuse public media to spew out such blasphemous deception???????????"
"but they will still vote ANC, the money that was used to renovate the selfish president's home would have built more that 1000 houses for the poor."
"So why then so many times do we read about the "gap between rich and poor getting bigger........"
"All government institutions are rallying around JZ's 'good story to tell', cooking some figures to justify Zuma's continued abuse of state resources. Even the people who are just as poor have become even poorer. The middle class is fast getting there as Zuma is milking it to death."
"what a load of ********!! i mean this is ANC brainwashing their ignorant voters once again. Just look at Nkandla, right outside that wall of Zuma's palace is shacks!!! bwa ha ha ha hey must all think we're idiots!!!!!!!!"
"Obvious transparent ANC-propagandada released to help them with the elections.
1) There are MORE unemployed folks now than ever before.
2) The 2,5 millions middle class (those suckers who pay the grants for those who are "not poor"*) have less and less real, disposable income.
3) The tax-payers' base is shrinking, but the grant-recipients base is expanding.
Now something here does not add up, methinks. It only takes a bit more going on like this and an external factor like our mineral revenue from drastically being reduced to have things go seriously wrong.
The IMF poverty threshold is seen as "less income than 1,25 $US per day, on par with the data here. And it's the ANC's vision for a well run country, I reckon."
Platitudes & Plagiarism:
"Its all electioneering claptrap. But lets face it.....people really are getting fatter...just look at our cops."
"Factual article but very MISLEADING CONCLUSIONS. It smacks of JZ's touch."
"agreed... they neglected to mention that the 4 million are divided as follows: 80% are dead from HIV/AIDS and the other 20% are living for free in jails!"
"R620 is an extremely LOW benchmark. The dumb*ss' hasn't even taken into account inflation (R620 would now be around R1 100 (at 8% inflation +/-). So I recon you can add back those 4 million as they are probably only earning between R620 - R1 100 and therefore you (as government) have done f'all to help people in this country..oh sorry, except for old JZ. He's doing alright."
"Most of our people in SA dont even have (R321 a month to buy food), or (R433 a month to buy food and clothing), Do they realise what the cost of living these days....crazy mother f@%&rs.....R433 to buy FOOD and CLOTHES....LOKL..."
"Anyone spending less than R1500 per month on food is living in poverty in my book, which equates to R50 per day. Let's put this R50 into perpective based on conservative selling prices in the townships, a loaf of bread at R12, a liter of milk at R8, a few veggies at R10 and a few chicken pieces at R20. So based on just a food poverty line of R1500 per month, millions more are living in poverty."
"where did they get the numbers, clearly they dont include me,i get poor by the day....shame skepsel."
"at least your getting poor... i'm beyond poor..there aint even a word to describe my poorness... ppl are too busy being rich to even invent a word for my situation :-("
"Pali Lehohla i want to see the proof what are you stats based on? The ruling party giving you instructions to make them look good."
"With the rapid downward spiral of our currency I think we might need to redefine the poverty line, at this rate il be classified as wealthy but will be staying in my parents basement who will then be classified as insanely super wealthy in their house in Parow ..."
"according to my sources the anc has created more than 4 million new millionaires in SA...most of course are within the boundaries of the 'ruling class' and in the employment in various spheres of government...thus it is safe to say that the numbers of poverty struck citizens has not reduced much..."
I have used the responses above to give a sense of what people think of such tired stats. I have tried to clean-up some comments for their unsavory language, but, I would have liked to point them out to give the reader a sense of their gut response to all this social miasma they are facing and mired in. The ANc Likes to let-loose such skewed stats to try and dilute their real corrupt selves. This is not really attacking the ANC, but this article is pointing out to the discrepancies in some sort of real time presentation, and hard core information from the disenchanted subjects through their responses.
The Rising Angst
The ANC Scandal: Nkandla Is Just A Microcosm
The Nkandla Scandal is the ANC Scandal. The many articles above that I have started by citing for the article attest to that. There is no need for me to try and regurgitate what has already been stated above. What I am onto here, is how this is the scandal of the ANC.
I used the media, the press and videos to counter the ANC's attack that the media are hostile to the ANC. The ANC went to the extent of authoring a document "Media Transformation ownership Diversity" and one can Google this document and will find it in its entirety. The news media coverage of the President’s private home at Nkandla, involves the ANC and more particularly the leader of the ANC party, was produced by investigative journalism, has raised questions of whether a political figure’s dignity and privacy have been infringed by the media and has similarly raised concerns for media freedom in South Africa, including questions surrounding the difficulty of open access to information.
The findings of the report(Thuli Madonsela's) have become all the more relevant at the present time, since the ‘Nkandlagate’ scandal presently continues. The main findings of this report, are still relevant to the ongoing stand-off between the major players in the Nkandla scandal. For example, in recent weeks the ministers of security and of the police have requested the media to desist from publishing pictures of Nkandla citing security concerns, yet ignoring the implications of the request on media freedom. The Mail & Guardian’s publication of the findings of the leaked Public Protector’s provisional report initiated an immediate scramble by security cluster officials and others to prevent similar leaks. ‘Nkandlagate’ is far from over.
Below I take a mediarized political ecological view of the Media from Rhodes University who make the following observation
While the study is confined to a single media controversy, it does provide the platform for analysing the discourses articulated by the contesting sides. Importantly, by examining the news coverage that emerges gradually over an extended period as a coherent body of work, it is possible to identify the patterns of engagement and positioning.
The expenditure on President Zuma’s Nkandla private home was argued to be “unlawful” on various counts.
In the face of the criticisms, Nxesi initiated an investigation to clear up “misperceptions”. President Zuma did not act to address the public concerns, but offered an ad hoc defence in Parliament claiming ignorance about the levels of expenditure. He additionally described himself and his family as victims of misinformation on the part of the media.
This initial revelation planted the seed for moral outrage about the spending of excessive amounts of money on the President’s private home. Indignation was expressed by the opposition parties, Cosatu, and articulate members of the public at large and reported in the press. The DA responded by means of statements in Parliament, speeches and interviews in other public venues, and through the Zille-led march. The coverage of the statements of moral outrage from various public figures and the arguments made in the editorials constituted the resistance to the refusal of access to information and it was articulated within a discourse of democratic rights and responsibilities.
In spite of the series of revelations and moral outrage articulated within a rights discourse, Zuma, Nxesi, and other officials had repeatedly deflected the call for information by telling people to await the findings of the Public Works Department’s report which the public and journalists were assured they would have access to. However, it is now evident that, since the report itself was withheld by Nxesi and the Public Works Department, this was intended as a delaying tactic. The withholding of information about the spending of the public purse is indicative of a dismissive attitude towards the rights to information enshrined in the Constitution and which ANC public officials have recognised by taking office.
This is the battle of ideas then. The investigative journalists have declared themselves on the side of right, the self-appointed fighters of a just war. They view the extraordinarily high level of spending from the public purse for the incumbent president and his family’s personal comfort as acting outside the morality of a democratic dispensation. On the other hand, the ANC have made their mark in the sand.
The persistence of the journalists in gaining access to information has been matched by the determination of the ANC officials and others behind the scenes to withhold information about the spending.
The ANC have in effect declared their position as one based on might, enabled by their large parliamentary majority. They have chosen recourse to rules and dubious acts to withhold information from the public.
When the promised Public Works report was publicly withheld in late January 2013, Nxesi saw fit to give the population a summary that exonerated the President, although it allowed that procedural malpractice in relation to tenders and payment was evident and that those responsible would be held accountable. The inappropriateness of the spending was not discussed.
What remains inescapable is that R240 million has been spent for one home that will benefit a single office holder and his family for many years to come. As noted earlier, the saga is not over, but the comments made here speak adequately to the nature of the coverage of the Nkandla saga.
The questions relating to the alleged hostility of the news media towards the ANC, their lack of respect for the dignity of public figures, and their not acting in the interests of the public were found to be unfounded in this coverage. The analysis of the editorials in particular, but also the reporting in general, shows that the investigation takes a position of moral indignation both at the expenditure on the President’s Nkandla homestead and at the cavalier way that information was obscured. This however cannot be conflated with hostility to the ANC per se. Some of the editorials are at pains to recognise the heroes of the struggle and ANC leaders who have been concerned with the public good.[But What has that got to do with the scandal that is ANC's?-my question)
While the City Press and the M&G have been highly critical, they do not attack the ANC, the Office of the President or that of public officials, but rather particular forms of conduct.[So is Madonsela careful not to attack Zuma or the ANC-my addition]
To argue that the media have attacked the dignity of the ANC politicians involved would require that the politicians have been wrongfully accused or that the journalists made ad hominem attacks.[This is not really based on facts, but the intimidation tactics of the ANC-my addition]
On the other hand, the ANC public officials felt no obligation to provide access to the information about public spending that was requested. President Zuma at no stage saw fit to address the issue or reassure the public of South Africa.His defense remained one of ignorance, as was that of several other ANC politicians. The impatience with requests for information on the part of these ANC officials, their reluctance to provide information and a frequently hectoring tone point to their attitude toward the news media and indirectly to the public. President Zuma’s supporters similarly responded aggressively, at times resorting to accusations of racism.(Obfuscation, Denial, Delays, dismissing and ignoring the truth that exposes them is the many ways in which the ANC is fighting back-my addition]
That ANC public officials, on several occasions, guaranteed the news media and the public access to the report initiated by the Public Works Department and then summarily denied this access similarly speaks to a dismissive attitude on the part of the ANC. Their conduct constitutes disrespect not merely for the journalists but for the citizens of the country who have the right of access to information and freedom of expression.[A lie told often ultimately becomes the truth-PR strategy deployed by the ANC]
Finally, in terms of the public good this report argues that it is deeply ironic that the ANC endorse the Nkandla expenditure, while their 2010 document laments the role the media play in encouraging greed: “our souls are being poisoned by the spirit of conspicuous consumption in a socio-economic formation that encourages greed” (ANC 2010: item 83).[Use these talking points against your detractors, they eventually become associated with those intended for-the ANC opposition-my addition]
The excessive expenditure on the various luxuries at Zuma’s homestead arguably points to personal enrichment and conspicuous consumption. Similarly, the point that the news media do not work to effect nation- building can be redirected. By seeking to hold politicians accountable and to expose corruption, this body of investigative journalism arguably bolsters due democratic process and thus constitutes a patriotic act. (Rhodes University)
The strategy is simple, blame the media, distort talking points and repeat many lies, often enough that they end up being believable truths, is the modus operandi of the ANC. Yet, even the report above shies away from pointing the finger as to the real cause of Nkandla, by mvoing around the issue and not confronting it.
That is why I opened with the the sentence that the Nkadla Scandal is the ANC Scandal. Zuma is the elected president of the ANC and country, and his upgrades were doe by the ANc(it various organs/departments; that the scandal of Nkandla is a microcosm of the ANC overall scandal, If one were to investigate the whole of the ANC, Nkandlagate will pale in compariosn. The Whole enchilada lies with the whole ANC, and if their operation were to be exposed, the whole group of cabals, thugs and minions, bullies, heavies and assassins of the ANC will be out of the their jobs, riches and livelihood. Thus why, I can sense, everyone is scared to say it loud endough: The ANC Scandal Has Been Exposed By The Public Protector's Report.
We Have To Deal With And Take Government Malfeasance, Seriously...
Good If It Favors The Government; But Bad To Speak Truth To Power
In their introduction to their "Media Transformation Ownership AndDiversity the ANC Stated:
3. Freedom of speech, access to information and a free media are entrenched in the Constitution and the media operate in an environment free of oppression, persecution and the repressive legislation w hich sought to restrict and control the media.
4. The Constitution protects and provides for the freedom of the media, freedom of expression and access to information. This is further supported by the legislative framew ork giving effect to the Constitution, including the Broadcasting Act of 1999, Independent Communications Authority of South Africa Act of 2000,AccesstoInformationActof2000,Media Development andDiversityAgencyActof2002, Electronic Communications Act of 2005, Promotion of Administrative Justice Act including Chapter 9 of the Constitution w hich sets up institutions to support democracy.
5. The legislative framew ork establishes an Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) to regulate broadcasting, telecommunication and postal in the public interest. The regulator acts w ithin the parameters of the policy and law , prescribes regulations, impose measurable license terms and conditions, monitor compliance to the license conditions and manage frequency spectrum.
6. Print media is self-regulated under the Press Ombudsman, a body it established and funds. The Press Council, the Ombudsman and the Appeals Panel are a self-regulatory mechanism set up by the print media to settle disputes betw een newspapers and magazines, on the one hand, and members of the public, on the other, over the editorial content of publications.
7. According to the media this mechanism is based on twopillars: a commitment to freedom of expression, including freedom of the press, and to excellence in journalistic practice and ethics. But there is another school of thought that this self-regulation mechanism by design only serves the interest of the media as opposed to serving the interest of the broader South African society.
8. The democratic Parliament, having regard to the COMTASK report 1996, recognized the exclusion and marginalization of disadvantaged communities and persons from access to the media and the media industry. It resolved in 2002 to establish the Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA) in partnership with the major print and broadcast media industry, to help create an enabling environment for media development and diversity that is conducive to public discourse and w hich reflects the needs and aspirations of South Africans.
Just the above then makes one question as to where the Media went wrong according to the ANc? Or is it a case of fat cats not willing to relinquish the "Gravy Train." Or, if I amy say, they forgot to read what they wrote about the media?
12. The Stellenbosch Conference noted that:
• Communications play a major role in deepening our democracy, promoting a culture of human rights and as a key pillar in the transformation of our country.
• Valuable progress has been made in transforming the media and challenging the legacy of the apartheid media discourse, but a lot still has to be done.
• The media itself faces major challenges w ith regard to equity, skills development and improvement in w orking conditions.
• Media and communications are contested terrains and therefore not neutral, but reflect the ideological battle and power relations based on race, class and gender in our society.
Or maybe they suddenly remembered what they inserted in the following manner:
10. It recognised that w hile there had been much progress in engagement w ith the media muc h still needs to be done as some fractions of the media continue to adopt an anti-transformation, anti-development and anti-ANC stance.
11. At its 51st National Conference in Stellenbosch in 2002, the ANC reaffirmed the importance of a free and diverse media to the democratic process and to the task of fundamental social transformation.
This is maybe what confuses the government officials, what they implemented:
16. In 1993, the IBA Act made provision, amongst other, for the following:
• diverse range of radio and television services on national, regional and local levels,
• adherence to local content quotas, and
• cross media control to ensure diversity of ow nership and plurality of voices.
I could go on citing what I had pointed out were the contradiction that are part of the rule of the ANC-led government. When it suits them, a certain part of the laws apply, but when it threatens their livelihoods, they resort to raw force, assassinations and intimidation. This is why then I state, in strong terms, that the ANC is trying to manipulate and control the media to only show their point of view and the way they want the South African real-politik and social reality to be projected like they deem fit.
The ANC is the government and the write and pass rules and laws. "The Ethics Act, for example, prohibits the president from acting in a manner that is inconsistent with or might compromise the credibility or integrity of his office."(Rhodes University). Yet, whenever they choose to do so, they can contravene all those rules and laws with impunity and sheer arrogance.
The AnC is the government in charge of the Department of Works, Police, the Army, and all those different entities implicated in the Madonsela report. There was total disregard of 'protocol' and ethics in governance. This word is bandied around by the ANC that even the untutored know or use it in their daily colloquy. the media helps us as historians to track down the day-to-day maladministration and corruption of the government. As citizens, we need to have all points of view presented to us to make informed decisions and cosnclusions. This is enshrined in the ANC's own Media document. Now that the media projects the salacious and unsavory actions of the ruling elite, they feel threatened and always have a knee-jerk reaction. the trumpet threats, and all sorts of tactics to ward of any perceived attacks on their fiefdoms and cash cows.
One can also Google The Media Policy and Democracy Project and look for "'Nkandlagate' - a critcal textual analysis of the press coverage, by Jeane Prinsloo". I cannot take up on this long and in-depth look into the media and its role into the scandal, and also offers a much more critical look into the role played by the media. My focus is still on the ANc, and that they should not be let off the hook with this so much touted scandal. They are working very hard to deflect it from the minds and hearts of the people. But the snippet of responses i have offered throughout this article give the reader a sense of what the readers think about the information.
The ANC and African Nationalism in general stand completely discredited after 20 years of power
How the ANC Sold Out South Africa’s Poor
Whilst our focus is on Nkandla, there are other outlying and underlying issues that need to be pointed out. I have called the ANC 'sell outs', quislings, turncoats and scoundrel for a reason. They have the wherewithal to tell its detractors that they are ANC haters. They bully anyone who comes to telling as much truth about their shenanigans, and many have paid with their lives for their principles. These are not just accusation, they have been written about, and the ANC cannot just shut them down, censor them or wish the away. The modus operandi of the ANC is well tabulated, and the readers can glean from the articles I have posted above, and from the Hubs I have written here on Hub pages about the corruption and use of raw power by the ANc whenever they run out of ideas and lies.
It is important to present this article below, and the readers, having read thus far, will begin to see a glimpse of the truth about the state of affairs within South Africa under the ANC. [Ronnie Kasrils, who was a member of the national executive committee of the African National Congress from 1987 to 2007, and a member of the central committee of the South African Communist party from December 1986 to 2007. He was the country’s minister for intelligence services from 2004 to 2008. This is an extract from the new introduction to his autobiography.] It is very instructive to read up on his post below:
"South Africa’s young people today are known as the Born Free generation. They enjoy the dignity of being born into a democratic society with the right to vote and choose who will govern. But modern South Africa is not a perfect society. Full equality – social and economic – does not exist, and control of the country’s wealth remains in the hands of a few, so new challenges and frustrations arise. Veterans of the anti-apartheid struggle like myself are frequently asked whether, in the light of such disappointment, the sacrifice was worth it. While my answer is yes, I must confess to grave misgivings: I believe we should be doing far better.
There have been impressive achievements since the attainment of freedom in 1994: in building houses, crèches, schools, roads and infrastructure; the provision of water and electricity to millions; free education and healthcare; increases in pensions and social grants; financial and banking stability; and slow but steady economic growth (until the 2008 crisis at any rate). These gains, however, have been offset by a breakdown in service delivery, resulting in violent protests by poor and marginalised communities; gross inadequacies and inequities in the education and health sectors; a ferocious rise in unemployment; endemic police brutality and torture; unseemly power struggles within the ruling party that have grown far worse since the ousting of Mbeki in 2008; an alarming tendency to secrecy and authoritarianism in government; the meddling with the judiciary; and threats to the media and freedom of expression. Even Nelson Mandela’s privacy and dignity are violated for the sake of a cheap photo opportunity by ANC's top echelon.
Most shameful and shocking of all, the events of Bloody Thursday – 16 August 2012 – when police 'massacred 34 striking miners at Marikana mine, owned by the London-based Lonmin company. The Sharpeville massacre prompted me to join the ANC. I found Marikana even more distressing: a democratic South Africa was meant to bring an end to such barbarity. And yet the president and his ministers, locked into a culture of cover-up. Incredibly, the South African Communist party, my party of over 50 years, did not condemn the police either.
South Africa’s liberation struggle reached a high point but not its zenith when we overcame apartheid rule. Back then, our hopes were high for our country given its modern industrial economy, strategic mineral resources (not only gold and diamonds), and a working class and organised trade union movement with a rich tradition of struggle. But that optimism overlooked the tenacity of the international capitalist system. From 1991 to 1996 the battle for the ANC’s soul got under way, and was eventually lost to corporate power: we were entrapped by the neoliberal economy – or, as some today cry out, we “sold our people down the river”.
What I call our Faustian moment came when we took an IMF loan on the eve of our first democratic election. That loan, with strings attached that precluded a radical economic agenda, was considered a necessary evil, as were concessions to keep negotiations on track and take delivery of the promised land for our people. Doubt had come to reign supreme: we believed, wrongly, there was no other option; that we had to be cautious, since by 1991 our once powerful ally, the Soviet union, bankrupted by the arms race, had collapsed. Inexcusably, we had lost faith in the ability of our own revolutionary masses to overcome all obstacles. Whatever the threats to isolate a radicalising South Africa, the world could not have done without our vast reserves of minerals. To lose our nerve was not necessary or inevitable. The ANC leadership needed to remain determined, united and free of corruption – and, above all, to hold on to its revolutionary will. Instead, we chickened out. The ANC leadership needed to remain true to its commitment of serving the people. This would have given it the hegemony it required not only over the entrenched capitalist class but over emergent elitists, many of whom would seek wealth through black economic empowerment, corrupt practices and selling political influence.
To break apartheid rule through negotiation, rather than a bloody civil war, seemed then an option too good to be ignored. However, at that time, the balance of power was with the ANC, and conditions were favourable for more radical change at the negotiating table than we ultimately accepted. It is by no means certain that the old order, apart from isolated rightist extremists, had the will or capability to resort to the bloody repression envisaged by Mandela’s leadership. If we had held our nerve, we could have pressed forward without making the concessions we did.
It was a dire error on my part to focus on my own responsibilities and leave the economic issues to the ANC’s experts. However, at the time, most of us never quite knew what was happening with the top-level economic discussions. As Sampie Terreblanche has revealed in his critique, 'Lost In Transformation', by late 1993 big business strategies – hatched in 1991 at the mining mogul Harry Oppenheimer'‘s Johannesburg residence – were crystallising in secret late-night discussions at the Development Bank of South Africa. Present were South Africa’s mineral and energy leaders, the bosses of US and British companies with a presence in South Africa – and young ANC economists schooled in western economics. They were reporting to Mandela, and were either outwitted or frightened into submission by hints of the dire consequences for South Africa should an ANC government prevail with what were considered ruinous economic policies.
All means to eradicate poverty, which was Mandela’s and the ANC’s sworn promise to the “poorest of the poor”, were lost in the process. 'Natonalization of the Mines' and heights of the economy as envisaged by the Freedom charter was abandoned. The ANC accepted responsibility for a vast apartheid-era debt, which should have been cancelled. A wealth tax on the super-rich to fund developmental projects was set aside, and domestic and international corporations, enriched by apartheid, were excused from any financial reparations. Extremely tight budgetary obligations were instituted that would tie the hands of any future governments; obligations to implement a free-trade policy and abolish all forms of tariff protection in keeping with neo-liberal free trade fundamentals were accepted. Big corporations were allowed to shift their main listings abroad. In Terreblanche’s opinion, these ANC concessions constituted “treacherous decisions that [will] haunt South Africa for generations to come”.
An ANC-Communist party leadership eager to assume political office (myself no less than others) readily accepted this devil’s pact, only to be damned in the process. It has bequeathed an economy so tied in to the neoliberal global formula and market fundamentalism that there is very little room to alleviate the plight of most of our people.
Little wonder that their patience is running out; that their anguished protests increase as they wrestle with deteriorating conditions of life; that those in power have no solutions. The scraps are left go to the emergent black elite; corruption has taken root as the greedy and ambitious fight like dogs over a bone.
In South Africa in 2008 the poorest 50% received only 7.8% of total income. While 83% of white South Africans were among the top 20% of income receivers in 2008, only 11% of our black population were. These statistics conceal unmitigated human suffering. Little wonder that the country has seen such an enormous rise in civil protest.
A descent into darkness must be curtailed. I do not believe the ANC alliance is beyond hope. There are countless good people in the ranks. But a revitalisation and renewal from top to bottom is urgently required. The ANC’s soul needs to be restored; its traditional values and culture of service reinstated. The pact with the devil needs to be broken.
At present the impoverished majority do not see any hope other than the ruling party, although the ANC’s ability to hold those allegiances is deteriorating. The effective parliamentary opposition reflects big business interests of various stripes, and while a strong parliamentary opposition is vital to keep the ANC on its toes, most voters want socialist policies, not measures inclined to serve big business interests, more privatisation and neoliberal economics.
This does not mean it is only up to the ANC, SACP and Cosatu to rescue the country from crises. There are countless patriots and comrades in existing and emerging organised formations who are vital to the process. Then there are the legal avenues and institutions such as the public protector’s office and human rights commission that – including the ultimate appeal to the constitutional court – can test, expose and challenge injustice and the infringement of rights. The strategies and tactics of the grassroots – trade unions, civic and community organisations, women’s and youth groups – signpost the way ahead with their non-violent and dignified but militant action.
The space and freedom to express one’s views, won through decades of struggle, are available and need to be developed. We look to the Born Frees as the future torchbearers."
I would look back into the history of the ANC dueling its Quatro stint to get a better chance of understanding what we are dealing with and be better prepared to deal with it, than wishful think of hoping the the they youth today can manage this ogre. No, they are ill-equiped to deal with the ANC, and it is our duty to open the dialogue and post the history and evolution of the ANc from exile and what we wee them doing today in South Africa.
Mutiny In The Liberation Armies: Inside Quatro
The first-hand testimony by former combatants of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) about the ANC prison regime, together with press reports that began to appear in Britain in March this year, are an event in South African history. Never before has such concentrated factual evidence been presented about the inner nature of the ANC and its eminence grise, the South African Communist Party.
If people wish to understand the operation of the ANC/SACP, they must look here. This is the view behind the proscenium arch, behind the scenery, where the machinery that runs the whole show is revealed in its actual workings.
The ANC/SACP did a very good job in preventing public knowledge of its secret history from emerging, and the testimony of the Nairobi five shows how. (Two other South Africans, both women, are with the five in Nairobi at the time of writing, but they have not yet gone public about their experiences). Those who survived the Gulag system of the ANC/SACP did so knowing that to reveal what they had been through meant re-arrest, renewed tortures and in all probability, death. They had to sign a form committing them to silence.
As they repeat in this issue, the ex-detainees in Nairobi have revealed that other prisoners, including Leon Madakeni, star of the South African film Wanaka, as well as Nomhlanhla Makhuba and another person known as Mark, committed suicide rather than suffer re-arrest at the hands of their KGB-trained guardians. Madakeni drove a tractor up a steep incline in Angola, put it into neutral and died as it somersaulted down the hill (Sunday Correspondent, 8 April).
The ex-guerrillas in Nairobi displayed immense courage in speaking out publicly, first through the Sunday Correspondent in Britain on April 8 and then in The Times on April 11. It was another indicator of the crack-up of Stalinism internationally: a snippet of South Africanglasnost.
Their courage might have contributed to secure the lives of eight colleagues who had fled Tanzania through Malawi hoping to reach South Africa on the principle that better a South African jail than the ANC 'security.' This group, including two leaders of the mutiny in the ANC camps in Angola in 1984, arrived in South Africa in April, were immediately detained at Jan Smuts Airport by the security police for interrogation, and then released three weeks later. The day after their release they gave a press conference in Johannesburg, confirming the account of the mutiny published here.
This regime of terror, extending beyond the gates of the ANC/SACP ‘Buchenwald' of Quadro, was a necessary element in the total practice of repression and deception which made the Anti-Apartheid Movement the most successful Popular Front lobby for Stalinism anywhere in the world. No international Stalinist-run public organization has ever had such an influence and shown such stability, reaching into so many major countries, for so long.
In its thirty years' existence, the AAM put international collaborative organisations of the period of the Spanish Civil War and of the Stalin-Roosevelt-Churchill alliance to shame. Extending to the press, the churches, the bourgeois political parties, the trade unions and the radical, even the ‘trotskyist' left, the AAM has been an outstanding success for Stalinism, as the review of Victoria Brittain's book in this issue shows.
Vital to its success has been a practice of open and covert censorship now blown wide open, in which individuals such as Ms Brittain have played a sterling part. The ANC's prisoners were its necessary sacrificial-victims.
The KGB in Africa
The prison system to which they were subject goes back to the late 1960s. It was the successor and the complement to the prison system on which blacks in South Africa are weaned with their mothers' milk. In 1969 one of the editors of this journal met two South Africans in London who said they had fought in the first MK guerrilla operation in mid-1967 - a disastrous fiasco across the Zambezi River into the Wankie area of Rhodesia, along with guerrillas from the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), then led by James Chikerema. (The ZAPU president, Joshua Nkomo, was in detention). The two men described how they had eventually succeeded in escaping from Rhodesia, and how their criticism of the operation had led to their imprisonment in an ANC camp in Tanzania. An article on the theme appeared the same year in the British radical newspaper Black Dwarfthen edited by Tariq Ali.
The revelations by the Nairobi five indicate how little has changed. In his book on black politics in South Africa since 1945, Tom Lodge, (Black politics in South Africa Since 1945, Ravan, 1987), writes:
In 1968 a batch of Umkhonto defectors from camps in Tanzania sought asylum in Kenya, alleging that there was widespread dissatisfaction within the camps. They accused their commanders of extravagant living and ethnic favouritism. The first Rhodesian mission, they alleged, was a suicide mission to eliminate dissenters. In political discussions no challenge to a pro-Soviet position was allowed (p300).
From 1968 to 1990, nothing basic altered in the ANC's internal regime in the camps, except that in the high noon of the Brezhnev era it operated para-statal powers under civil war conditions in Angola, where a large Cuban and Soviet presence permitted the ANC security apparatus to 'bestride the narrow world like a Colossus.'
From the account of the ex-mutineers, ANC administrative bodies ruled over its elected bodies, the security department ruled over the administrative organs, and KGB-trained officials - no doubt members of the SACP - ruled over the security apparatus. Umkhonto we Sizwe functioned as an extension in Africa of the KGB. Its role in the civil war in Angola was to serve primarily as a surrogate to Soviet foreign policy interests, so that when the ANC rebels proposed that their fight be diverted to South Africa this counted as unpardonable cheek, to be ruthlessly punished. Over its own members, the ANC security apparatus ruled with all the arrogance of a totalitarian power.
There is a direct line of connection between the ANC reign of terror in its prisons - which a UN High Commission for Refugees official described as more frightening than Swapo prisons - and the 'necklace' killings exercised by ANC supporters within South Africa, especially during the period of the 1984-86 township revolt, but now once again revived against oppositional groupings such as Azapo. (The ANC's' necklace' politics was also a definite contributory element provoking the carnage in Natal). Two former ANC prisoners, Similo Boltina and his wife Nosisana, were in fact necklaced on their return to South Africa In 1986, after having been repatriated by the Red Cross (letter from Bandile Ketelo, 9 April 1990).
This is the significance of the ‘Winnie issue.' When on 16 February last year, leaders of the Mass Democratic Movement publicly expressed their 'outrage’ at Winnic Mandela's 'obvious complicity’ in the abduction and assault on 14 year-old Stompie Mocketsi Seipe, leading to his murder, this was in response to very widespread and very well-founded revulsion among Soweto residents - especially ANC supporters such as members of the Federation of Transvaal Women (Fetraw). They were enraged by the jackboot politics of the so-called Mandela United Football Team, whose 'coach‘ - to the satisfaction of Fetraw members - has been convicted of Stompie's murder.
This squad of thugs, based in Mrs Mandela’s house, acted within Soweto in the same way that the ANC/SACP security acted abroad, in Angola, Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique, Ethiopia and Uganda. (According to the exdetainees, the KGB-apparatus in the ANC even sent its troops to Rhodesia in 1979 to fight against the guerrillas of the Zimbabwe African National Union, ZANU, which was not a Soviet client).
For this reason, the integration of certain members of MK into the South African army and police - as the MK commander, Joe Modise, and his second in command, Chris Hani, are seeking - should not present any serious problems. They speak the same language, they are 'all South Africans.' The welcome of Captain Dirk Coetzee, head of the regime's assassination squad, into the arms of the ANC is an indication of the future course of development, as is the decision by the new Swapo government in Namibia to appoint a number of top South African security policemen, including the former chief of police in the Ovambo region, Derek Brune, to head its secret organs of coercion.
The South African prison system was replicated in the ANC prisons even into everyday terminology, above all at Quadro. This is a name that requires to become common currency in political discourse: it is the Portuguese for ‘No.4' the name used throughout South Africa for the notorious black section of the prison at the Fort. Sneers by warders at soft conditions in 'Five Star Hotels', the common description of punishment cells as 'kulukudu' (Sunday Correspondent, 8 April) and the whole atmosphere of brutal crassness is quintessentially South African, spiced with the added sadism of the Gulag. The ANC prison system combined the worst of South African and of Russian conditions fused together, and it is this new social type - as a refinement and augmentation of each - that is now offered to the people of South Africa as the symbol of freedom.
Beginning of an Era
In returning to South Africa, the ex-ANC detainees have the advantage of the Namibian experience before them. They need an organization of their relatives, along the lines of the Committee of Parents in Namibia, and an organization of former prisoners themselves, such as the Political Consultative Council of Ex-Swapo Detainees (PCC). The ex-detainees who returned to Johannesburg in April have already mentioned that they intend to form an association of 'parents of those who died or were detained in exile' (Liberation, 17 May).
These young people - the Nairobi five are aged between 28 and 33 - represent the flower of the generation of the Soweto students' revolt. This was the beginning of their political awakening. The experience of Stalinist and nationalist terror at the hands of the ANC/SACP represents a second phase in a cruel journey of consciousness. A third phase is now beginning, in which these young people will be required to discover what further changes in society and thought are needed to bring a richly expressive democracy into being in southern Africa.
Compared with the Namibian experience (see Searchlight South Africa No.4 and this issue), South African conditions are both more and less favourable. Unlike in Namibia, the churches in South Africa are not absolutely glued to the torturers. A letter from the group in Nairobi was sympathetically received by the Rev Frank Chikane, secretary of the South African Council of Churches. Archbishop Desmond Tutu met the ex-detainees when he was in Nairobi early in April and arranged for them to get accommodation at the YMCA there, paid for by the All-African Council of Churches. (Up to that time they had first been in prison in Kenya, since they had arrived absolutely without documents, and had then been living rough). The Archbishop later took up the mutineers' demand for a commission of inquiry with the National Executive Committee of the ANC. He got no response.
We join with these ex-detainees in demanding that the ANC set up an independent commission of enquiry into the atrocities perpetrated in the Umkhonto we Sizwe camps.
Mandela's statement acknowledging that torture had taken place was in any case very different from the ferocious silence of President Nujoma, the chief architect of Swapo’s purges. The ex-detainees' demand for action against top leaders of the ANC, however, goes way beyond what the organization is likely to be able to concede. Therein lies its radical character.
These positive currents, however, are negated by the convergence of very powerful capitalist and Stalinist interests which together aim to fix the future with the utmost Realpolitik. The leaders of the unions, previously independent and now politically prisoners of the SACP, have become the engineers of the SACP/capitalist fix, and the workers - even when eager for socialism - are disoriented.
It is likely that there will be a very violent period as the ANC's drive for its supposed target of six million members gets under way, through which it aims to wipe the floor with rival groupings that accuse it of sell-out. It is possible that the methods of Quadro will become part of the daily metabolism of South African life. Future capitalist profitability requires in any case that a massive defeat be inflicted on the workers. The Young Upwardly Mobile (Yuppy) stratum of black petty bourgeoisie will ruthlessly attempt to enforce and secure the conditions for its material advance.
Under these conditions, the ex-detainees will need to find the route to the consciousness of the workers, both to win a base of support for their own defence (even survival) and to help speed up the process of political clarification about the nature of the ANC. In the meantime, defensive alliances need urgently to be made: with the left wing of the unions, socialist political groupings of whatever kind, opponents of the new capitalist/ANC autocracy, concerned individuals in the press, the universities and the legal system; and not least, with the ex-Swapo detainees in Namibia.
As a yeast in which the fermentation of new ideas can develop, the ex-ANC detainees on their return to South Africa will prove one of the most favourable of human resources for a democratic future. They know the future governors of South Africa from the inside. They need the greatest possible international and local support to protect them under very dangerous conditions of life in the townships.
They too will need beware the siren voices of their KGB-trained persecutors, who seek to persuade them that the Brezhnev wolf in Angola has been transformed into a Gorbachev lamb in South Africa. In particular, they will need to inquire whether Joe Slovo, the scourge of Joseph Stalin in 1990, and general secretary of the SACP is the same Slovo who was chief of staff of MK in the glory days of Quadro. What did he know? When did he know it? And what did he do about it?"
It is important we tabulate our history with as much information as possible. The information above is very important towards understanding the to better deal with the forces inside the ANC. Not only that, the very same acts that are appalling to us, had been practiced in exile, and the ANC had done a good job at stifling dissent and shutting down calls for democracy and freedom. They were more interested in what they are doing now: being in cahoots with their former masters and making sure that they enrich themselves in so doing-which is what they have been doing in exile-long before ruling South Africa. For the ANC, s I have stated and will continue to say, ruling South Africa is business as usual. They sold the struggle of the people against Apartheid for a mere pittance.
People Are Being Robbed Blind-And Maladministration and Corruption the Norm
Sell Outs; Quislings; Turncoats; Scoundrel: That Is The ANC Leadership Today
What's Going On? What's Happening To Us Here In Mzatnsi?
As Historians and researchers about Mzantsi, our duty and task is to chronicle as much , and very close to the truth, what is happening today, so that, the future generations may live these times though Hubs like this.
What is not commonly discussed nor known about the cowardly ANC, suits the present rulers in South Africa, for it is too damning. Kasrils above points out to the moments when ANC lost its nerve in negotiations with the Oppenheimer's.,American and British Bosses of their invested companies in South Africa, The Development Bank Of south Africa, Western Educated Youthful ANC reps, who were cowed into telling the ANC not to seek Nationalization of the Mines, with what was referred to as 'ruinous economic policies' by the miners and foreign investors. This meant that the Freedom Charter Was hurled out the window of the dark skies of the ongoing negotiations: Codessa-The talk of the talks about talks to be talked about.
Kasrils informs us above that they took the IMF loan to their detriment when they came into power. In essence, what Kasrils is saying is that when we begun our democracy, we had at the helm a bunch of amateurs/quislings/sell-outs who had no inkling as to what they were getting themselves into. It was only when they were exposed to power and its riches that they threw out all their revolutionary pretenses and went for the Capitalist jugular-in a collaborative sense. In the sense that that were drowning in never-before-seen-wealth and opportunities they have not yet seen and were not even able to discern once in power.
The ANC honchos and potentates soon forgot about the Poor in their gleeful and exuberant acceptance of the role of the 'slave drivers' - junior vulture capitalists; the ANC accepted to pay-off the vast Apartheid-era debt, which should have been cancelled(Kasrils); they agreed to set-aside a "wealth tax for the Super rich, and they pardoned those corporations which enriched themselves during the Apartheid era, from any financial reparations. They were obliged through extremely tight budgetary obligation which were instituted tying the hands of future government. Kasrils adds: "In Terreblanche’s opinion, these ANC concessions constituted “treacherous decisions that [will] haunt South Africa for generations to come”.
Life is deteriorating in the hovels of the poor. Madness and mental diseases rampant; drugs are decimating townships and rural areas/suburbs-families and communities and a large swath of the social fabric. Corruption has taken over peoples lives; there is a settled culture of dog-eats-dog the as a survival matra. Kasrils fruther added that:
"In South Africa in 2008 the poorest 50% received only 7.8% of total income. While 83% of white South Africans were among the top 20% of income receivers in 2008, only 11% of our Black[African] population were. These statistics conceal unmitigated human suffering. Little wonder that the country has seen such an enormous rise in civil protest."
It is clear that the ANC is "inclined to serve big business interests, more privatisation and neoliberal economics."(Kasrils)
I have long since held that the ANC is in service of and for the monied interests and investors/foreign governments than it has anything to do with and for its ailing army of the poor. They have not only sold out, and become quislings, or turncoats/sellouts, they have instead turned onto their followers and intimidated and murdered them depending on the resistance they meet. There are no ideas that the ANC is implementing, and if there are any, they are chockfull of errors and preservation of Apartheid structures; the are too many mistakes and shoddy administration, along with barren ethics and callous arrogance and mien not matched ever since in Mzantsi.
How Corrupt is the ANC?
"The Washington Post newspaper wrote this:
South Africa loses billions of dollars due to negligence and corruption by the ANC Government.
"A South African government minister reportedly spends the equivalent of nearly $70,000(US) of taxpayer money on a trip to Switzerland to visit his girlfriend in jail who is facing drug charges,then tells his president that he was on official business.He claims to have been on sick leave since February.Another minister and the police chief were implicated in an unlawful deal to lease police buildings at inflated prices,which then cost taxpayers more than $250 million(US).
These incidents pale beside the sprawling, routine corruption and negligence in South African governance exposed by Willie Hofmeyr,the head of the anti-corruption agency known as the Special Investigating Unit.Hofmeyr told Parliament that around 20% of all government procurements or more than $3.8 billion,go missing each year-most of which gets stolen and the rest untraceable because of negligence.
The South African government barely blinked when that report was made. Instead, they either ignore or pooh-pooh it as inconsequential.
Hofmeyr is currently investigating more than 900 cases of questionable contracts and conflicts of interest,valued at more than $635 million.The worst theft, he said, takes place at the local government level,where there wasn't that much oversight.
Recommendations were made to Zuma to act against corrupt ministers. And what is Zuma's response to all that?A presidential spokesman said at the time "that Zuma would respond to the recommendations when he is ready". Yeah, right!
From the New York Times newspaper tells us this:
South Africa Slips From the Moral High Ground says ALAN COWELL.
"South Africa has never liked to see itself in any way as run-of-the-mill country, instead preferred to cast itself as aloof from the corruption,strife and misrule so often associated with the continent to its north.
Hence Thabo Mbeki's calling the country's first democratic election in 1994 as "an African Renaissance".
However South Africa has become a different country under its newest coterie of the most powerful thugs that surrounds President Jacob Zuma and has since lost its claim to the moral high ground.
Archbishop Desmond M.Tutu, said recently of the ANC "Mr.Zuma,you and your government don’t represent me...You represent your own interests."
The archbishop’s remarks provoked some sharp reactions from the ANC.
“In the GREATER scheme of things,who is Bishop Tutu? A prelate who was won honors because he raised his voice against apartheid? Who did not?” said ANC veteran Thula Bopela.
Corruption and patronage/arrogance and entitlement have replaced principle and promised transparency in South Africa.
Author Njabulo S. Ndebele wrote: "South Africans have become corrupted by the attractions of instant wealth, reflecting a potentially catastrophic collapse in the once cohesive understanding of the post-apartheid project as embodied in our constitution. The ANC functions as a state within the state, and it thinks it is the state."
Dr.R.Simangaliso Kumalo,the head of the School of Religion and Theology at the University of KwaZulu-Natal,wrote:"Pretoria seemed to side with dictators like President Robert G.Mugabe in Zimbabwe or Col.Muammar Qaddafi in Libya blending its debts to those who supported it in the liberation struggle with a hard-nosed pragmatism.
Political analyst Eusebius McKaiser said in a lecture in August,discussing South Africa’s role in the Libya conflict:
"It is clear to me that we do not have a moral foreign policy.There is little indication that our foreign policy is consistently and genuinely informed by a thorough commitment to project our domestic constitutional principles onto the international arena.”
Indeed, those principles —or the threats to them — lie at the center of the debate.Two years after their first free election in 1994,South Africa created a new constitution guaranteeing rights that much of Africa had shunned,ignored or undermined and seeming to lock the land onto the moral coordinates of its struggle for democracy. [All that has changed today]
But the ground has shifted.
Max du Preez, a journalist and author wrote: "Nothing anybody says or does can be taken at face value any longer, because we suspect this can only be explained if one understands what the doer or speaker wants to achieve in terms of his or her factional interest.”
So from a government minister, a front-page sex scandal and claims of a honey trap set by "spooks" determined to crush enemies of the president! [This has been the lame spin offered by the ANC in its defense]
What an interesting government South Africa has in power! Turbulent some might argue,but so very much corrupt as well. This is what we the poor have to deal with.But this does not end there.
What A farce.. Honoring And Falunting Corruption Scandalously
From Racial Apartheid(The Afrikaners) To Class Apartheid(The ANC)
"“South Africa has never had a politico-economic system in which the political side was powerful enough to tame the capitalist side”. He blames both the implementation of “black empowerment and affirmative action in rather doubtful and myopic ways” and the “perpetuation of white elitism and white corporatism” after 1994 for the inequality in South Africa:
"The rich and the poor are two sides of the same systemic coin. Nothing explains this better than the situation in South Africa in the first 70 years of the 20th century when whites constituted 20% of the total population, yet received more than 70% of the total income. Africans constituted almost 70% of the population, but received less than 20% of the total income. This can be ascribed to the politico-economic system of white political dominance and racial capitalism-corporatism in South Africa in that period. The system enriched whites and impoverished blacks undeservedly [and unreservedly].
In neoliberal countries where the capitalist-corporatist sector is dominant, this close relationship between the rich and the poor is particularly evident. In all neoliberal capitalist countries the poor have got poorer since the early 1980s and the rich have got richer. When social-democratic capitalism was in place in Western countries in the third quarter of the 20th century, democratic governments were powerful enough to tame the capitalist-corporatist sector and bring about an equalisation of income. But when social democracy was replaced by neoliberal capitalism in the early 1980s, income became much more unequally distributed in all Western countries."
This problem persists and is devastating the society of the poor Africans in South Africa. What I am saying is that what is being discussed in the article above, is one way that shows that the change that took place in South Africa, was the making more concrete and solid the state of Affairs under apartheid, and now, these structures were never improved, but degraded by the present ANC government at the expense of the poor.
In the era of Class Apartheid, we see how adept the ANC has become at degrading the structures and lifestyles of the poor in favor a few up-and-coming elite in the African community-who are just a paltry few in relation to the overall population of the poor Africans they lord over after taking over from Apartheid.
I reiterate, the Nkandla Scandal is the Scandal of the ANC and up to this point, we have at least traced its beginnings and formation during and pre-1994 and onwards, to the present 1994 elections. A lot has happened in the past 20 years, and it is still the same 'business as usual.'
Now, the ANC is saying that it must be elected and it will get rid of corruption and other maladministration problems. Well, they have been repeating this lie for 20 years, and it seems, I think, they believe it is the truth. As a class, they see themselves as anointed by God to rule, since they will rule till Jesus comes, as they claim; and they are grooming the lesser sidekicks into an-up-and-coming class. This is why the ANC knows what the Zuma fiasco is all about: It is about the ANC and its ineptness, lack of ideas and corruption. And they are not in a hurry nor interested to get at the bottom of the report because they will be investigating their own corruption and maladministration
Capitalism Makes The Rich, Richer, Through Others' Efforts
How ANCs Political Along With Corporate Power Operated In Creating Their Ill-Acquired Riches
The Following Article was written by Terreblanche:
The rich and the poor are two sides of the same systemic coin. Nothing explains this better than the situation in South Africa in the first 70 years of the 20th century when whites constituted 20% of the total population, yet received more than 70% of the total income. Africans constituted almost 70% of the population, but received less than 20% of the total income. This can be ascribed to the politico-economic system of white political dominance and racial capitalism-corporatism in South Africa in that period. The system enriched whites and impoverished blacks undeservedly.
In neoliberal countries where the capitalist-corporatist sector is dominant, this close relationship between the rich and the poor is particularly evident. In all neoliberal capitalist countries the poor have got poorer since the early 1980s and the rich have got richer. When social-democratic capitalism was in place in Western countries in the third quarter of the 20th century, democratic governments were powerful enough to tame the capitalist-corporatist sector and bring about an equalisation of income. But when social democracy was replaced by neoliberal capitalism in the early 1980s, income became much more unequally distributed in all Western countries.
In South Africa, before and after 1994, the capitalist-corporatist sector has always dominated the political sector. Such systems were in place from 1894 until 1994, institutionalised by the British empire and supported by Western governments and corporations on behalf of the two white settler groups. The elite compromise – or the elite conspiracy – reached between the corporate sector and a leadership core of the ANC before 1994 exonerated white corporations and citizens from the part they played in the exploitation and deprivation of blacks. It also enabled whites to transfer almost all their accumulated wealth almost intact to the new South Africa.
After agreement was reached on the elite compromise, the ANC leadership core was, admittedly, able to implement a policy of black elite formation, but it was deprived of the power to hold white corporations and citizens accountable for the systemic exploitation and deprivation of black people during the "century of injustice" (1894-1994).
The ANC government has used the power allotted to it to create a black elite by implementing black empowerment and affirmative action in rather doubtful and myopic ways and plundering the budget recklessly. The perpetuation of white elitism and white corporatism after 1994 and the creation of black elitism over the past 18 years, to the detriment of the poor and unemployed, is the main reason why income has become increasingly unequal since 1994. The richest 10-million South Africans received almost 75% of total income in 2008, whereas the poorest 25-million received less than 8%.
South Africa has never had a politico-economic system in which the political side was powerful enough to tame the capitalist side.
Instead of social democracy and an equalisation of income since 1994, South Africa has, over the past 18 years, experienced a United States-led neoliberal transition that has enabled the capitalist-corporatist side to orchestrate even greater inequality in domestic income.
Indian economist Amyarta Sen argues that 'market prices and the distribution of income always depend on the enabling conditions - social, economic and political. The enabling conditions of capitalism are always such that the prices of goods in factor markets can easily be twisted in favour of those in power, those with large amounts of marketable assets and those with access to the instruments of political power and propaganda.'
Sen's argument is that income always becomes less equally distributed if capitalism is left to its own devices. Capitalists can exploit the asymmetric property and power relations for their own enrichment: it is thus always necessary for governments to implement comprehensive redistribution policies in capitalist countries.
When government policy is friendly towards the capitalist elite, income becomes more unequally distributed. When government policy pursues the welfare of society at large, income becomes more equally distributed.
According to British journalist George Monbiot, writing in The Guardian, the rich are always inclined towards the self-attribution fallacy. That is, they are always inclined to credit themselves with outcomes for which they were not responsible: "Many of those that are rich today got there because they were able to capture certain jobs. This capture owes less to talent and intelligence than to a combination of the ruthless exploitation of others and accidents of birth, as such jobs are taken disproportionally by people born in certain places and into certain classes."
In the South African case, both rich whites and rich blacks are guilty of the self-attribution fallacy. Perhaps we need a justice and reconciliation commission to examine power relations over the past 120 years to infuse the necessary degree of humility among both the old white elite and the new black elite. It is important that the rich in South Africa should be informed about the central role that skewed political and corporate power played in creating their opulence.
My take is that we need to purge the whole ANC NEC and other lackeys that suck out the lives of the poor.
ANC: Our SIU Report Found Zuma Not Liable nor Guilty Of Anything
Does The ANC Really Listen to the People Or Themselves Only: The Latter Seems Real
Hisotry Will Vindicate the Oppressed Poor-It Always Does
Zuma is reported to have responded to Madonsela's deadline of the 14 days he needed to response, but it seems like he did not submit the necessary paperwork, but his own word through his spokespeople that he has 'responded' to the to the parliament.
Sbelo Ndlangisa writes:
"President Jacob Zuma has complied with Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s instruction that he should submit a report to Parliament about his comments that the government had not paid for upgrades to his Nkandla residence.
Madonsela found that Zuma had unintentionally misled Parliament when he made the claim in the wake of the R246 million upgrade scandal in 2011.
Her investigation uncovered that the state had in fact paid millions for non-security items such as the cattle kraal and chicken run, the swimming pool, the amphitheatre and the visitor’s centre built by the state at the president’s private residence.
Madonsela had given Zuma 14 days to report to Parliament about this, and had also recommended that Zuma should pay back a reasonable portion of the costs.
The deadline for the report to Parliament was due to lapse at the end of today.
Presidential spokesperson Mac Maharaj said Zuma had submitted a “response” to National Assembly Speaker Max Sisulu today.
Maharaj said Zuma was concerned about allegations of maladministration and impropriety in the Nkandla procurement, especially the inflation of costs.
“Noting that three state agencies or institutions, namely the Public Protector, the justice, crime prevention and security cluster of Cabinet and the Special Investigating Unit, have all inquired into the same subject matter, the president has decided that he will give a full and proper consideration to all the matters before him and, upon receipt of the Special Investigating Unit report, will provide Parliament with a further report on the decisive executive interventions that he would consider to be appropriate,” Maharaj said.
However, Zuma was less diplomatic on Sunday in Gugulethu, outside Cape Town, when he told residents that he would not fork out any money for the lavish upgrades as he had not asked for them."
These were some of the selected responses to the article above:
"This man is the greatest thing that has ever happened to democracy in South Africa - both the DA and EFF must love him. For the first time in 20 years people are starting to wonder whether blindly following the ANC is the right thing to do. I am sure Juju and Zille are both praying that he is given another term as president -that could pretty much bring the ANC to its knees."
"The things that this man gets away with is exhausting and nauseating at the same time. It is almost unbelievable and leaves one wondering whether its all actually a bad dream. Disbelief is what often consumes one's mind coupled with a sense of helplessness and spine chilling fear for the future of this country. It just cannot be this way and something has to give."
"Zuma is the baby that runs around the house with a soiled diaper dragging behind it, the ANC are the parents who do nothing about it. ANC voters throughout South Africa live in abject poverty and shameful conditions unfit for human beings, they now have a leader who is also entirely without decency and shame."
"Mr Zuma, how does it feel to be the one that's jumping and squirming to the tunes called by someone else? The tables have been turned now. Be assured...the majority of South Africans find it quite hilarious. Just remember, your jumping and tap dancing is not going to entertain the electorate for long...they want answers; real answers..."
"Maharaj is lying, by saying Zuma is 'concerned'. He's in fact happy that he's benefitted fraudulently and now he has got scapegoats who'll bear the brunt for his greed. I only believe Zuma when he says he's got 'a good story to tell'. Swimming pool, amphitheatre, cattle kraal etc paid for with our taxes. That's indeed a good story. With this man at the helm we can forget about uplifting the standard of living of millions of our citizens."
"In what universe does THIS qualify as "meeting the deadline" with a response??
This is a joke. I would like our President to come and slap me in the face in person. At least that way I would feel like he has made some kind of effort."
"He may just as well not have bothered. Nothing he says is worth listening to. He just lies and blames and generally behaves like the gutless coward that he is. We all know he stole billions (inkandla is only one example of his greed and dishonesty), we know he used our money to built that monument to corruption and that he won't pay one cent back. Voting for the anc is suicide. The anc is the epitome of the governments throughout Africa - arrogant, corrupt, greedy, lazy, incompetent and shameless. We need to vote with our common sense on 7 May. The anc of old is dead and burried he anc of today dances on the grave."
"Even the apartheid regime failed to produce a corruct leader as Mr Zuma. This man is gonna go down as the most stupid, brainless & foolish president this country has ever seen. Thanks to the corrupt ZANC & ZUPTA."
"This thieving ANC is underestimating people's anger towards Nkandla.
Come May 7th, we are going to teach them a lesson."
"The 26% of the youth insisting that JZ must still be president are Masina led ANCYL, Manamela led YCL and Tsotetsi led COSAS and the interesting thing is they unfortunately do not represent the majority of the country's youth. They'll kill and die for JZ and the Mangaung elected ANC NEC. As for the 48% in KZN, it is nothing but home boy support tantamount to 'tribalism' which is actually doing no good for the rainbow nation the likes of Tata Madiba and Harry Gwala fought for it to live in harmony. We actually need to be sincere and show integrity on the matter, we showed them when we ousted the apartheid regime, why can't we do the same against one of us if they are leading us astray.
"It can certainly be done Tsietsi, removing a corrupt comrade is certainly possible. BUT the ANC NEC is not going to do it, because they are all in it together....the only way this time around is to vote against the ANC so that its majority drops to below 55%. Then the party will have to get rid of him to survive. What intelligent thinkers like yourself need to do in the days running up to the election is just to influence a few other people to vote against the ANC."
"For the prosperity of our democracy, President Zuma must resign. He has built a monument of corruption and disgrace in Nkandla..."
These views in their diverse presentations, point out to the disgruntled vNC, what I am saying is nothing else but pipe dreams-history will vindicate the poor.
Foreign companies and Government Are Economic Hitmen
Americanization Of South Africa - A Shortened View
One thing about the AN in exile, is that it was limited in presence and operation in the United because it had been branded a terrorist organization. The were able to grab hold of a status of an observer in the United nations, and their little office was no bigger that a a closet. They were not allowed to have large numbers of followers that they had in other countries. So that, their knowledge of how America operates with foreign governments, was from observing afar,and when they came into power, they went flying into the waiting arms of the Americans.
We pick up the narrative about the impatient ANC's pell-mell rush into the American graces with a short historical insight from Terreblanche:
"Why 1986 as the break-point for apartheid? Terreblanche notes four geopolitical conjuctures: the Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster unveiled Soviet incompetence and thus hastened the end of the Cold War, PW Botha's comprehensive state of emergency, US Congressional anti-apartheid sanctions, and the Reagan/Gorbachev summit in Iceland. Recalls Terreblanche, Gorbachev then 'put pressure on the ANC in exile to seek a negotiated settlement'.
'Another critical moment was after Botha's stroke in mid-1989, when Margaret Thatcher arm-twisted FW de Klerk to release Nelson Mandela and unban liberation movements. De Klerk kept the lid on the pressure cooker during the country's longest-ever depression, from 1989–93, by more than doubling the budget deficit.
This was the period of rapidly-declining East Bloc power and Ronald Reagan's reassertion of Washington's imperial project, resulting in our 'lost transformation', says Terreblanche: 'The Americanisation of the SA politico-economic system during the transformation of 1994–96 was based on the wrong ideological premises, on the wrong power structures, and put SA on the wrong development path... integrated into the criminalised global structures.'
This is a crucial time to note because that is when the Americans came fully into government and economical structures in South Africa, without the Afrikaners blocking and checking their moves throughout the country and their dealings. The multicorps had their agenda, and the ANC was eagerly waiting and forcing their way ahead of all countries dealing with the Americans, to be accepted and be on equal terms with the Americans. This will be discussed more in-depth below within the Hub
Terreblanche offers a moral critique of 'the conspicuous consumption, the wastefulness, the greediness' by both elite whites and a few blacks: 'judged against the misery and deprivation of so many poor people, we have no alternative but to be shocked at the vulgarity and the repulsiveness of the lifestyle of the rich.'
Until this truth reaches the collective, we will keep on seeing these shenanigans as dramatized the by the ANC for all to see, and shut up.
Eastern Cape: Tales from a fractured province
Collaborating With the Former Enslavers: The ANC's Working Against Its Polity
ANC's Class Apartheid Hangover: The Way Of The Ogre
The ANC which has always presented itself as a national movement, in particular one representing the interests of the entire African population, has in reality always been a party representing the rising African bourgeois class. The ANC’s flirtation with the African working class has been a cynical manoeuvre to recruit workers as its foot soldiers with which it has been able to batter down the Apartheid regime and the resistance of Afrikaner nationalism.
In its period in power from 1994 the ANC has taken over the management of South African capitalism and carried out this task like any other capitalist government in this period. Privatisations and opening of the country to global competition, while workers living standards have been cut, have been the order of the day. At the same time the power of the state has been used to promote the party elite into the top ranks of the bourgeoisie through the famous Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) program.
Creating a black bourgeois class was, of course, always the ANC’s programme, but the lie, which it has maintained, is that this would somehow benefit the African working class. This lie is now being cruelly exposed. Although the issues of racial division and racial oppression have always clouded the South African situation, and have been exploited to the hilt by both the Afrikaner nationalists and the African nationalists, the real contradictions in South African society, as in capitalist society the world over, are those of class.
The interests of the working class and the capitalist class are diametrically opposed and the ANC cannot reconcile the two. On the one hand the ANC has produced a situation where, according to its own calculations, 9% of the capital of mining corporations is in the hands of black capitalists while on the other hand it has created a situation where:
· 40% of the working age population are unemployed. This represents 6 million workers 2.8 million of whom are between 18 and 24.
· The urban underclass, surviving on welfare payments, has increased from 2.5 million in 1996 to 12 million in 2006.(Financial Times 2011)
· 50% of the population live below the poverty line. (Financial Times, 2011)
· 7 out of 10 black children grow up in poverty.(Financial Times December 2011)
· Life expectancy has decreased from 65 years in 1994 to 53 years in 2009.(See cameronduodu.com)
Such contradictions are threatening to tear the organisation apart. In the shameless enriching of its top members the ANC government has mired itself in corruption and cronyism which extends right up to the presidential office. At the 100th anniversary of its foundation there is actually little cause to celebrate.
Since coming to power the ANC has been in a tripartite alliance with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). This has been designed to shore up its power and provide political cover for its attacks on the working class. Needless to say workers have resisted the erosion of their wages and living standards and the last 2 years have seen massive strikes.
In 2010 there was a civil service strike involving 1.3 million workers which lasted 20 days, and in 2011 there have been strikes in the mines, energy, petroleum, metal and paper sectors which have seen hundreds of thousands of workers down tools for pay increases. Although COSATU does its best to control and defuse these strikes, the general deterioration of workers’ conditions is putting pressure on the alliance and opening up fissures in the ANC itself.
It was undoubtedly pressures from those feeling dispossessed and betrayed by the ANC which led to the ousting of the previous president Thabo Mbeki in 2008 and his replacement by the more populist Zuma. The ousting of Mbeki has led to his fraction leaving the ANC and forming a new political grouping Congress of the People (COPE).
Many black workers look to Mandela as the man who will free them from exploitation and hardship. They are greatly deceived. ….In fact the ANC’s objectives have nothing to do with the working class’s interests, they are to use the power of the state to foster a black capitalist class and prop-up the foreign and domestic financial potentates and honchos. …At this juncture, the ANC knew that South African workers have no interest in placing themselves in the infantry of the African nationalists-well, this will soon be proven to be true or not at the rate and way the ANC is governing alongside Imperial and local business capitalists.
By the mid 1970’s it was clear to the main factions of the South African capitalist class that the migrant labour system in particular and Apartheid in general were leading the country to catastrophe. The increased capital intensity of South African capitalism meant that a skilled stable working class was required.
Their strategy was to create an African middle class which they could use as an ally against the working class via the Urban Foundation, and African trade unions which could be used to control the class struggle. Of course, this meant providing political rights to Africans as well as other rights granted to workers in the metropolitan countries. There was only one political force which could implement such a programme and that was the ANC.
As we have shown above the ANC was on the bourgeois side of the class barricades and this made its co-option as a tool of Western and South African capital possible. Before the ANC was unbanned the key sectors of South African capital, particularly the mining corporations, had received assurances that the statist elements of the ANC’s programme, particularly the nationalisation of the mines would not be implemented. These were demands from the 50s which were considered suicidal in the period of globalisation. The slow deterioration of the social situation in the 80’s finally convinced even the Afrikaner nationalists that bringing the ANC into power was the only route by which South African capital could be rescued from the cul-de-sac in which it was trapped. the were right, and also, they really bought time for the monied class to accumulate more
Since coming to power the ANC has not fundamentally changed the structure of South African capitalism. Having the ANC in power has benefitted South African capital in many ways, particularly in giving it access to the rest of Africa and making the opening up of trade with China, India and Brazil easier. The programme of Black Economic Empowerment which was, in fact, initiated by the South African corporations, not the ANC, has resulted in a few extremely wealthy black men who have no desire to change the present structure of things, and still remain in the top organs of the ANC. Politicians such as Cyril Ramaphosa, one time secretary of the National Mine Workers Union, and Tokyo Sexwale, ex-Robben Island prisoner, have become two of South Africa’s richest men through BEE. Both still retain their seats on the ANC’s national executive committee.
All the above simply describes how the ANC has become the executive arm of South African capital. It is small wonder that the interests of the working class are ignored. The question which must be asked, however, is this “was the working class correct to ally itself with the ANC.” Our answer is emphatically “NO.”
The ANC Regards The Poor As Just A Number And Percentage to Win Power During Voting
The unemployed are also finding a voice. A spokesman for the Unemployed People’s Movement accuses the ANC of betrayal:
“During the struggle our leaders embodied the aspirations of the people. But once they took state power they didn’t need us anymore. We were sent home. We are only called out to vote or attend rallies. But all the time our people are evicted from farms, paving way for animals as farms are turned into game reserves under the pretext of tourism. Our people are evicted from cities. Our people are denied decent education.”
Today the increasing globalisation of capital has made the national state national only in the sense that it is dominated by the bourgeoisie of a certain nationality. In its key aspects it exists as an agent of international capital and the imperialist alliances in which it finds itself. This can be seen in the fact that the coming to power of the ANC was facilitated by US and European capital via financial sanctions and pressure. After the removal of the threat of Russian advances in South Africa in 1989 this pressure became irresistible.
In recent demonstrations, the unemployed demanding jobs, housing, running water and electricity have been met with ferocity similar to that of the Apartheid regime. At a demonstration in the town of Ermelo, in one of SA’s poorest provinces, 2 protesters were shot dead by the police. At another demonstration, over precisely the same grievances, in the town of Ficksburg, a protester, Andries Tatane, was beaten to death by police in full view of the television cameras.
An explosive social situation is building up and could detonate if welfare payments are cut back. Certain commentators from within the ANC are looking nervously at the events of the Arab Spring, and seeing them as prefiguring the future for SA. While it is understandable that those in the Unemployed People’s Movement and some in the ANC youth organisation see the ANC as having “betrayed” them is this really true?
Besides the 11% with no services, the report also found:
- 26% of households had no infrastructure in the area or the infrastructure was about to collapse.
- 317 of South Africa’s 826 bulk waste treatment facilities are on the brink of collapse.
- Municipalities in 2011/12 only spent about 30% of their capital budget allocations with very little being spent on sanitation.
- Municipalities have a skill shortage in the sanitation area and maintenance and planning is going undone.
This report comes after the presidency was asked to investigate the status of sanitation in the country after communities in Khayelitsha and Rammulotsi complained over toilet facilities in 2011. These toilet facilities, or lack thereof, were found by the South African Human Rights Commission and the Cape Town High Court to be violating these communities’ human rights.
Achmed Vawda, who presented the report, warned parliament that if these problems aren’t solved, South Africa should expect further protest actions.
Nomhle Dambuza, ANC MP and chairperson of the human settlements committee, said that work has already begun on looking into ways of solving this sanitation crisis and that a unit that specialises in sanitation is required to look into the issue as a priority.
The essence of the narrative above is that the ANC has been In Service Of foreign Capital for the past 100 years. They really pined for and eventually achieved the status of a lackey of foreign capital and protector.
Imprisoned Prisoner Naton: Mzatnsi
Richard Calland informs us:
"Nkandla is now a pivotal election campaign issue. On the one side of the contest, the ANC appears to be in denial. The ruling party's self-delusion, in which it tries to convince itself as much as the electorate that the public protector's report on President Jacob Zuma's homestead is about mistakes made by certain government officials and private contractors, and thus is not about Zuma's integrity or fitness for office, is as revealing as it is absurd.
In this parallel universe, the ANC appears to believe that the majority of voters – its core, working-class support – does not give a flying fig about what public protector Thuli Madonsela described in her report as "opulence on a grand scale".
Is this not the sign of a political party that is not only losing touch with reality, but also with its people?
Time, of course, will tell, and the ANC has thus far proved to have a resilient electoral brand. Alas, public opinion polling in South Africa is too sparse and too infrequent to provide any useful evidence as to whether, and to what extent, Nkandla will have an impact on people's decision to vote.
But the rebuttable presumption must be that it matters a great deal, and that the ANC's claim that the Nkandla scandal is a media and middle-class "preoccupation" is a massive misreading of potentially monumental proportions.
Thus, the opposition's job is to keep Nkandla firmly at the centre of the election campaign and as far as possible to turn Election 2014 into a referendum on Zuma's fitness for public office.
In this they must be careful, however, because there is polling evidence to suggest that voters will distinguish between the ANC and its leader and, whatever their feelings about the latter, may still give the former the benefit of the doubt when they enter the polling booth."
The ANC knows that they have already won the elections, and the rest is for show-off and pretending that they are rallying the troops. At the same time, they know they already have a voting block of 33 percent of the voters in South Africa, the rest, I call the undecided, disgruntled and very anti-ANC.
The ANC knows this, and they have long prepared for it. Nkandla partly blew up in their faces, for they have been pushing hard to have Thuli's report brought forth, and yet, on the other hand, they have been covertly working on trying to dissuade and shut down her investigations. They stonewalled her efforts towards receiving information she asked for from various officials and departments, and there were threats in various forms from the ANC thugs, die-hards and fanatics-heavies, and enforcers.
Also, there are those African elite who voice their disgust with Madonsela's report because she is about to kill the geese that lays their golden egg. Meaning, they might be out of the loop in looting the present public treasures and coffers that they are now enjoying immensely.
The poor are very annoyed and disgusted with such crass accumulation of wealth as did Zuma. They also believe that the devil they know is better than the one they do not know. The ANC thrives of this schism. What has become a problem for them is the technical skills required to ramp-up the vote. In the earlier years of Mandela's fist rule, that was not the problem. Over the the years this reliable standing vote has been whittled above into various enclaves of the undecided, ANC haters, opposition parties, the disappointed and the list is very long.
Democracy and the ANC is like water and oil. One has to get to read about The fight against true democratic ideals espoused by their(ANC) cadre, whom they massacred and buried in a mass grave. Chris Hani was the point man of these ANC murderers and hit-men using AK 47. Paul Trewhela has written extensively about this Saga, and he followed the ANC killing machine when they chased some escaped guerillas all the way to the former Transkei under Matanzima. They killed those left-over democracy seekers in the then homeland of the Transkei. Chris Hani had infiltrated himself into the country to come and kill them.
The issue about undemocratic but clientele ANC to the Multi Corporations lackeys and slave-drivers and protectors of capitalism, has been the modus operandi of the ANC. They cannot afford to let real democracy be the strategy and idea/plan of and for the people of South Africa. The past 20 years have shown us as much.
Jay Naidoo, South African social and political activist, talks about social justice and corruption
Poor Africans: This Is What Our Story Today Is About
The ANC works for and on behalf of the Investors in South Africa. According to African Studies Quartely, "Many observers of South African politics are dismayed by the economic policies recently adopted by the African National Congress (ANC) government. These analysts fear that the promise of the struggle has been sacrificed to a market-oriented economic policy that is tailored to the demands of national and global capital. In other words, the ANC has been captured by capital."
We read from the African Studies Quartely that"
"The ANC certainly deserves some pointed criticism. There is no shortage of histories that "celebrate" the organization, lionize its leadership, and generally rely on sycophancy rather than historical analysis. With the benefit of hindsight, many of the ANC's tactical and strategic blunders become clear.
Marais points out, for example, that resistance in the 1950s remained fragmented, and that the ANC failed to capitalize on popular militancy in this period. Marais also criticizes the ANC for its decision to embark on armed struggle in the 1960s. This position makes less sense, resting in part on the very dubious claim that the ANC might instead have moved into a Gramscian "War of Position," which would have entailed an attempt to create a proletarian mass movement.
Virtually all discussions of the 1960s suggest that the state's extraordinary repression in this period squelched even hints of public dissent, so a "War of Position" was not really an option. Marais's brief discussion of the 1970s emphasizes the importance of trade unions early in the decade, and generally downplays the importance of Black Consciousness ideology.
In his account of the 1980s, Marais is most critical of the ANC and the loosely allied United Democratic Front (UDF. He argues that the ANC and the UDF failed to build on the growing strength of the labor movement in this period, relying instead on a rudderless strategy of insurrectionism that had no real hope of transforming South African society. By the late 1980s, Marais argues, the UDF/ANC alliance had achieved only a stalemate in which it was forced to broker a settlement with the National Party and white capital.
Overall, this assessment reflects a trend in radical scholarship that has emerged since the 1990s that seeks to imagine an alternative past in order to create an alternative present. This view seems to suggest that if the ANC had been more committed to working class mobilization during the resistance years, it might have been possible to achieve a more sweeping transformation, even socialism, in South Africa."
Be that as it may be, it is of importance to point out in this Hub that I have already asserted above that the Nkandla Scandal is the Scandal of The ANC. So, we pick it up when Marais writes:
"The ANC had failed to build a sufficiently strong and disciplined popular movement, it was unable to wrest control of the economy from white capital. Instead, the ANC was forced to focus its efforts on control of the state and to appease capital. This balance of forces led the ANC to reject its initial strategy of "growth through redistribution" as outlined in the early versions of the RDP. Instead, the ANC bent over backwards to accommodate the demands of national and global capital. These interests forced the ANC to reject the ambitious social policies of the RDP in favor of the neo-liberal market based policies of GEAR, even though most analyses suggested that such a program would do little to improve the rampant social inequalities created by apartheid capitalism.
It is important to recollect that political forces were arrayed to compel the ANC government to adopt policies that put the working class in the favored position rather than capital. "There is little doubt that the ANC has moved away from the redistributive orientation of the RDP, and even further away from the social democratic vision of the Freedom Charter. The critical question is why did it make the shift?
Marais doesn't offer a complete explanation: "It is difficult to pinpoint the factors that led to the conversion of ANC economic thinking to orthodoxy" (p. 150). Yet this seems to be a critical question. Why would senior ANC leaders, most of whom have spent their entire lives fighting the social, political, and economic injustices of apartheid, turn about-face and abandon this cause? If GEAR serves the interests of capital at the expense of the working class, then why did the ANC adopt it?"(Marais)
I still like his analyses as to what happened to the ANC that we see it as it is. It is interesting to know that:
"... Marais... describes an elaborate program of neo-liberal indoctrination mounted by South African corporate conglomerates and international actors led by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Marais explains the shift to orthodoxy as resulting from the "bewildering assortment of seminars, conferences, workshops, briefings, international 'fact-finding' trips'... financed by business and foreign development agencies."
And Marais adds that:
"Leftists in the ANC could not match the technical savvy of the pro-business elements inside and outside the organization. This meant that the leftists could not defend the RDP against the blizzard of technical data, models, and forecasts offered by the advocates of neo-liberalism. A more compelling argument might simply be that the ANC leadership concluded that South Africa's serious economic problems, precarious international position, and the sometimes shrill fears expressed by domestic capital made it impossible to go ahead with the statist orientation of the RDP without raising the threat of massive capital flight and shrinking trade."
The ANC was no closer to its working class roots during the resistance years, and that since 1990 it has gone too far to accommodate capital while making only modest social investments. This is a fact and why I say that the scandal of Nkandla is the Scandal of the ANC. This has been long in the making: two decades plus to date.
Profits vs wages of the total income produced each year, more and more is going to profits and less to wages. This according to a recent report of the European Commission that examined the situation in the USA, Europe and Japan.
This tendency coincided with the arrival of neoliberalism, the attacks on the welfare state and the labour movement.
As can be seen from the diagram below, wages constituted 73.5% of all new income produced in 1976–77. It is about 65% today, 28 years later.
Interestingly enough, in post-apartheid South Africa we see the same trend. In spite of democratisation, capital has been extremely aggressive, using retrenchment, defiance of labour laws and labour brokers to increase the rate of exploitation.
The wage share in South Africa, measured in relation to value added, fell with 3%-points, just in the last decade. In current prices, this meant a wage loss of more than R480 billion to capital. In sectors like Mining, Agriculture and Fishing, Construction, Transport and even in Finance, wages are now as low as 30–35% of new value produced; 65–70% of the new income produced every year goes to profits, i.e. stands at the free disposal of the owners and the bosses.
Whilst in the North, wages are at a historical low, they still lie more than
15%-points over the wages in SA. The meaning of this difference is that exploitation of labour in South Africa stays at extreme levels. And it is increasing.
GEAR decimated local industry Government has undertaken a massive infrastructure investment programme seen in government circles as the main driver for creating jobs. Yet according to a government advisor Edwin Ritken, local manufacturing industry was so decimated by the impact of the GEAR policies that it is not in a position to benefit from massive state investments, such as the Eskom build programme of more than R300 billion.
The capacity of local industry to supply components of the kind required by government’s infrastructure programme was lost when state investment was slashed during the GEAR years. Between 1994 and 2004 state investment hovered at just 5% of GDP. Based on the assumption of a 10% investment rate, the shortfall in public investment between 1994 and 2009 was about R1.5 trillion in 2010 prices.
According to Ritken, South African companies have the capacity to supply just 16% of the intermediate goods required for Eskom’s infrastructure investments. The implication is that the rest has to be imported, representing a massive loss of opportunity to build SA’s manufacturing industry and creating decent jobs."
Well to start with, the empty campaign promises of 1994, 1999, 2004 and again 2009 of ""A better life for all", in the face of the reality of rising unemployment, reduced wages, growing squatter camps, lowered education outcomes and failing health systems. Given a 15 year tenure of the ANC as a 'democratically elected government', given their near-perfect track record of non-delivery, given the extent of expenditure running literally into hundreds of billions of Rand in preparation for the World Cup with almost none of it qualitatively changing the lives of the millions of citizens, given the potential for rebellion and social dissent amongst those "unpatriotic" citizens can very easily spell disaster for the best-laid plans of mice and men.
What contingency plan could the ANC possibly put in place to mitigate the righteous indignation and protestations of a people denied of the historical "land, bread and peace". Well, that's easy - thousands of police and soldiers and of course the "old" Act No: 74 of the Internal Security Act of 1982 been substituted with the "new improved" Protection of Constitutional Democracy Against Terrorist and Related Activities Bill of 2003 that will simply ban all public gatherings, and that includes the potential banning of all June 16 Commemoration Services. June 16th 1976 being the cornerstone and milestone of the liberation struggle in South Africa/Azania.
"The ANC faces an intractable dilemma having squandered vast sums of money in order to beautify infrastructure "suitable" for a handful of transient tourists so as to proudly proclaim our civility and ability to savour the finer things in life, thus revealing their oafish nature and their shrink-wrapped ability to match the consumptive patterns of western culture so evident and readily exportable from the Imperialist countries to the deliberately underdeveloped countries of Africa and elsewhere. Now they have to bluster and bully the populace into believing that what they did was for the common good.
"A devastatingly risky gamble, taken on the assumption that their "historical popularity" or the 'Mandela Magic' as it is commonly called, will carry them through yet again, the same dwindling popularity that has consistently returned them to power over and over again in the past 15 years, yet unwittingly squandering the last vestiges of credibility it had in its "goodwill coffers" in the hope that such a gamble could pull off an amazing "smoke and mirrors" event, both at the level of, bamboozling citizens with non-delivery while alleging lack of resources, yet pulling off a successful World Cup, at a huge expense to adulating bourgeois audiences to whom South Africa will be further be indebted post 2010.
"The staggeringly disproportionate expenditure used to create "world-class facilities", when compared against the allocated budgets for social delivery programmes boggles ones' mind. Will the hard-pressed working class of this country realise how they have been short-changed by the ruling party, and if they do realise it, what is the most likely courses of action that they would engage in order to express their displeasure. Clearly something of this magnitude cannot go unnoticed and surely millions of people will not merely shrug their shoulders and declare that as 'life' and then wander on in their expected state of complacency in the face of brute oppression.
"How does one reconcile the fact that every second Municipal water treatment plant has ground to a halt as a result of poor maintenance and inadequate upgrades, triggering cholera outbreaks across the country? How does one reconcile the fact that the numerous public hospitals across the country are desperately short of adequately trained staff and desperately short of sufficient medical supplies and equipment? How does one reconcile the fact that millions of children engage in an educational system that is largely dysfunctional?
"How does one reconcile the fact that millions of children attend school on a daily basis hungry and tired, also the fact that there are still children learning to read and write under trees or an open sky? How does one reconcile the fact that some 22 million of our people live in the worst kind of squatter conditions imaginable? How does one reconcile the fact that some 22 million of our people do not have access to clean and potable water? How does one reconcile the fact that some 14 million of people are still unemployed when we are fed the lie that our economy is stable and will weather the storms of the now evident global depression? What about the fact that 42.9% of our people live at less than U$2 a day, below the poverty datum line?
"We consistently hear the ANC using the term "Šour young democracy", purely in reference to voting and elections, as if the notion of democracy has absolutely nothing to do with the resolution of hunger, resolution of all homelessness, resolution of faulty education, resolution of landlessness, resolution of unemployment, etc. It appears that the ANC through its rapacious expropriation of the wealth of this country from the workers in order to benefit the few elites has by their own actions set in motion a series of events that do not bode well for the outcome of the 2010 World Cup. The ANC does not need clever "first world" risk analysis strategies and complex disaster management scenario to be painted for them in order for them to understand or forestall the inevitable consequences of an empty stomach. Unfortunately, for its card carrying membership, there is no "battle for the soul of the ANC" its soul is already owned lock stock and barrel by the IMF, World Bank overlords and they do not have the requisite authority to deliver on their "promises" in order to negate those very likely consequences and outcomes of popular dissent and the rising tide of rebellion.
"We expect to hear the standard defence line normally advanced by the ANC government and its sycophants in the face of such spontaneous uprisings, "that they are the work of a third force, who are intent on destroying our fragile democracy". We may even see the phrase "third force" been replaced with the word "terrorist", yet surely, the answer must be less "conspiratorial" and lie somewhere in the area of the "accepted responsibility" of a democratically elected government to ensure the adequate delivery of basic housing in order to negate the potential damage and destruction to their precious "world-class" infrastructure put in place for 2010. In order to mitigate against theft from and robbery of tourists, you do not need to deploy 41,000 more police and 20,000 soldiers, just create more jobs for the ordinary citizen.
"It is no credit to the government as it finds itself in a situation where it has to quell angry dissent of its own citizens, (using revised laws originally created by the apartheid apparatchik) citizens who simply demand what is due to them in the context of their understanding of democracy. In a nutshell the ANC is an event management team put together for the sole purpose of expediting the will of Global Capitalism, yet, foolishly have come to believe that their authority and function transcends the rather narrow boundaries prescribed by the dictates of both the World Bank and the IMF and the specific requirements of their global economic strategies, and much like the former regime, it could well be the defining month wherein the dissent you seek to suppress, will swamp the embankments of your sophistry."(Black Educator)
Used To Be The ANC Stood For the Struggle and Emancipation of the Poor
Technical Bankruptcy, Nepotism, Cronyism and Cabals
Moeletsi Mbeki talks about the joint ventures of ANC and the mining interests:
"The problem of instability in South Africa is that there was change of the political system in the early 1990s without change to the underlining economic structure. What made this possible was because the main drivers of the political change process besides the ANC and the National Party were the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union. These drivers were concerned primarily with protecting their economic interests.
"The United Kingdom which was the largest foreign investor in South Africa wanted to preserve its investments. It also wanted to ensure that the social and economic conditions of the 800 000 English speaking white South Africans were not undermined. The United States government on the other hand wanted to ensure that the West retained control of South Africa’s strategic minerals and of the Cape Sea route. The Soviet Union which collapsed as the change negotiations happened wanted to ensure that the ANC and the Communist Party were among the key players in the negotiations in order to justify the investment the Soviet Union had made in these two organisations since the 1920s.
The outcome of these negotiations was essentially to separate the controllers of the state – the new black political elite – from the controllers of society’s productive assets, the capitalists. This separation has created an underlining uncertainty in the South African economy as the owners of capital feel that their assets are threatened with seizure, onerous taxation and corruption by the political elite.
During the last 20 years we have therefore witnessed two major apparently contradictory social and economic trends in South Africa.
The rise to power of a new black political elite and the rapid growth of the black middle class; and the enrichment of their members through Black Economic Empowerment and highly paid state employment."
Throughout this Hub I have been stating the the ANC is inCahoots with big capital in accumulating profits. Many commentators has alluded to similar arrangements that the ANC is involved withDeep pockets of local and foreign investors on many fiscal fronts.
Moeletsi covers someof these trends and issues below:
"South Africa is an old country, or more accurately an old society, but one with a new political system. It is this that makes South Africa such an explosive cocktail. The country has entrenched social groups or interest groups if you wish, with more than a century’s ways of doing things. The new political system on the other hand expects them to do things differently, but the political system does not have enough power to enforce the new ways prescribed by the new paradigm. It is this unfulfilled challenge that is at the bottom of endemic conflict at the mines; at the black townships; in the commercial farms.
South Africa’s class structure has been formed by the combination of a colonial legacy and the discriminatory policies of Afrikaner rule which culminated in Apartheid. The country’s society can be categorised as follows: there are the former ruling elite who own the country’s means of production in the form of capital and productive assets. There are the fairly new political elite who have political power but have limited, if any access to the country’s productive assets. The third major category of South African society is that of the African poor who have the power to provide a voting majority but have no access to any productive assets.
What this social structure has resulted in is entrenched inequality in our current society both in income and the ownership of productive assets. Capital, for the most part, remains under the control of a non-black elite, while the only means of production that the majority of the population have control over is labour. However this is redundant for the most part because the economy is unable to absorb the type of labour that they most widely possess, namely low-skilled labour.
The country’s current leadership however is making few inroads towards addressing this underlying social structure and the subsequent problems that arise from it namely: inequality, mass poverty and unemployment. There are a number of reasons that the ANC government is failing to address these challenges. Part of the reason lies in the fact that the ruling party has only political power and has very little control over the use or investment of productive assets. Any suggestions of radical change that may result in the redistribution of these assets and the owners of the assets can simply invest them elsewhere. The current government is therefore to some extent controlled by those who own productive assets.
There is also a second segment of society which can exert significant pressure over the ruling party and that is the African poor. The South African government owe their political power to this segment of society but have provided them with little reform. This is slowly resulting in impatience and a lack of credibility of the ANC government to this segment. This is evidenced by the frequency and nature of service delivery protests that are beginning to characterise interactions between the state and this segment of society.
Balancing the needs of these two segments of society, while pursuing a developmental agenda, is undoubtedly challenging and requires capable and effective governance. However, the ANC government’s policies today are a reflection of (rather than a solution to) the problems that economy and country face. The emphasis of economic policies is job-creation while this has its merits, they do not adequately address the causes of unemployment. South Africa has a structural unemployment issue and the country’s education system is failing to respond to the problem. Numerous policies have been drafted and passed with limited efficacy at best.
In this regard it is often said that South Africa does not have a problem in terms of policy formulation and development but rather that the challenge lies in the implementation of these policies.
"South Africa is an old country, or more accurately an old society, but one with a new political system. It is this that makes South Africa such an explosive cocktail. The country has entrenched social groups or interest groups if you wish, with more than a century’s ways of doing things. The new political system on the other hand expects them to do things differently, but the political system does not have enough power to enforce the new ways prescribed by the new paradigm. It is this unfulfilled challenge that is at the bottom of endemic conflict at the mines; at the black townships; in the commercial farms.
"South Africa’s class structure has been formed by the combination of a colonial legacy and the discriminatory policies of Afrikaner rule which culminated in Apartheid. The country’s society can be categorised as follows: there are the former ruling elite who own the country’s means of production in the form of capital and productive assets. There are the fairly new political elite who have political power but have limited, if any access to the country’s productive assets. The third major category of South African society is that of the African poor who have the power to provide a voting majority but have no access to any productive assets.
"What this social structure has resulted in is entrenched inequality in our current society both in income and the ownership of productive assets. Capital, for the most part, remains under the control of a non-black elite, while the only means of production that the majority of the population have control over is labour. However this is redundant for the most part because the economy is unable to absorb the type of labour that they most widely possess, namely low-skilled labour.
"The country’s current leadership however is making few inroads towards addressing this underlying social structure and the subsequent problems that arise from it namely: inequality, mass poverty and unemployment. There are a number of reasons that the ANC government is failing to address these challenges. Part of the reason lies in the fact that the ruling party has only political power and has very little control over the use or investment of productive assets. Any suggestions of radical change that may result in the redistribution of these assets and the owners of the assets can simply invest them elsewhere. The current government is therefore to some extent controlled by those who own productive assets.
"There is also a second segment of society which can exert significant pressure over the ruling party and that is the African poor. The South African government owe their political power to this segment of society but have provided them with little reform. This is slowly resulting in impatience and a lack of credibility of the ANC government to this segment. This is evidenced by the frequency and nature of service delivery protests that are beginning to characterise interactions between the state and this segment of society.
"Balancing the needs of these two segments of society, while pursuing a developmental agenda, is undoubtedly challenging and requires capable and effective governance. However, the ANC government’s policies today are a reflection of (rather than a solution to) the problems that economy and country face. The emphasis of economic policies is job-creation while this has its merits, they do not adequately address the causes of unemployment. South Africa has a structural unemployment issue and the country’s education system is failing to respond to the problem. Numerous policies have been drafted and passed with limited efficacy at best.
"In this regard it is often said that South Africa does not have a problem in terms of policy formulation and development but rather that the challenge lies in the implementation of these policies.
"A significant contributor to this inadequacy in policy development is in the pronounced lack of technical capacity, both in the ruling party and government departments, to conduct the rigorous technical analysis required to produce effective and implementable policies."(Mbeki)
Usually the ANC pushes back on many assertion knowing that many people are not paying attention to the details and ins-an-outs of African history. A significant contributor to this inadequacy in policy development is in the pronounced lack of technical capacity, both in the ruling party and government departments, to conduct the rigorous technical analysis required to produce effective and implementable policies.
This is particularly concerning because the state’s inability to create new jobs through economic reforms and growth, has resulted in its use of the only tool at its disposal to create employment – the state itself. As a result, the state has grown and continues to grow significantly, and has consistently been the biggest employer in country in every quarter of this year for instance. This further exacerbates the inadequacies of the state’s employees at addressing the challenges faced by the country.(Mbeki)
This lack of capacity permeates all the levels of government partly due to the phenomenon of “cadre deployment” in which party representatives of the ANC are deployed to government positions, often without the requisite skills to effectively execute the responsibilities associated with those positions. This phenomenon is most retrogressive at the local government and more specifically municipal level as this is the coal-face of policy implementation and subsequently service delivery. The reality is that poor governance; inefficiency and maladministration are most prevalent at this level of government, evidenced by local government departments in at least three provinces being placed under administration in the recent past.
The result is a blockage to economic and social development. What remains to be seen is how long South African society, particularly the poor voting majority will be willing to tolerate these costs to their welfare and voice their discontent by either voting for a different political party or resorting to violent protests similar to those seen in Marikana at Lonmin mine.
This raises a critical issue that the ANC battles to grasp – the separation of the party from the state. There has been, and increasingly continues to be, a blurry line between the ANC and the national government. It is not uncommon to hear high-ranking ANC officials speak rather loosely of a “we” when posed with questions regarding the governance of the country. This “we” includes both the ANC and the national government which is inherently incorrect. These are clearly two separate things. The national government has been in existence since 1910 while the ANC has been a ruling party only since 1994, making it abundantly clear that there is a separation between the political party and the state. However this separation does not seem to register within the party and its members. Further, it is not unusual for national governance to be overshadowed by party politics as is evidenced by the numerous cabinet re-shuffles that the country has been subjected to since 2007.
"This absence of separation appears to have filtered through to individuals who fail to separate themselves and their affairs from the office(s) that they hold, creating the perfect environment for rampant maladministration. Also, the current government has managed to create, particularly in the recent past, a reputation for conspicuous consumption. This is of concern for two reasons. Firstly, this consumption is not funded by profits from the use of productive assets, but rather from the funds of state employment, or state coffers. Secondly, because this consumption further entrenches the inequalities between the different segments of society and intensifies the divisions within our society which manifest in the form of social unrest."Mbeki)
Are there Any Honorable ANC Politicians Left?
"Rhoda Kadalie says she's seen far too many of her friends ruined by politics.
"I am frequently asked why I do not consider going into politics. My stock response is that I have seen far too many of my friends ruined by politics. Perfectly nice people prior to 1994 have become arrogant, pompous, self-serving and narcissistic. Politicians across the spectrum, except for a few, are a horrible lot."
One such friend, Yolanda Botha, received a damning editorial in the Cape Argus (November 30 2011) for lying under oath that she had vested interests in a business company that received R50 million contract from the Northern Cape Department of Social Development and in return her house was refurbished at a cost of R1.2m.
Worse, she retains her position as chair of Parliament's Social Development - wait for it - oversight panel, which adds R180 000 to her already exorbitant salary of R800 000.
Botha was a nice woman and one wonders whether there are anymore honourable ANC politicians left. The height of cynicism is the Speaker's reprimand which yet again reinforces the culture of impunity that has left political corpses strewn all over the place - likeable men and women like Winnie Mandela, Jackie Selebi, Bheki Cele, Mac Maharaj, Phumzile Mlambo-Nguka, Judge Hlophe, Baleka Mbete, Allan Boesak, and Tony Yengeni, to name a few.
More generally, the ANC has destroyed swathes of people who should have been in senior positions today to give direction and guidance to aspirant young people. Instead young, inexperienced, untrained and incompetent people are governing us and their role models are those at the highest levels of government, even in the judiciary, have been crooks.
This stranglehold of impunity in the hallowed halls of the legislature must be smashed. Its seeds are deep and were sown with the start of the Arms Deal and entrenched by the Travel Scandal. The most sacred space where the country's laws are made has been defiled and "moral regeneration" continues to elude a society desperately in need of a moral fabric that will inspire SA's youth.
Regrettably, when the morally degenerate occupies the levers of power, then we have no hope of addressing the challenges of health-care, housing, unemployment and poverty that the country. No wonder SA has declined on Transparency International's corruption index from 54 in 2010 to 64 in 2011 - worse than Namibia, Rwanda, Mauritius, Cape Verde and Botswana.
Can we blame some of the cops for being corrupt? Can we blame Home Affairs officials for taking bribes? Can we blame some magistrates and prosecutors for taking chances?
Political office and the entitlement that goes with it have destroyed wonderful people, many of whom were my friends; we belonged to the same political organisations; we worked at the same university; we frequented the same parties, and so on. Today many who now serve in government, universities, and on corporations view themselves as entitled and despise columnists especially when they become the objects of our critical pens.
Those who enter politics as a first step towards wealth and those who have wound up their vested interests with political office and steal from the very poor they profess to serve, harbour resentments towards opinion-makers, so venomous, that one knows they are guilty. The problem is - the fallen still remains mighty. We, the citizens, should dislodge them.
A pensioner friend of mine is starting the first act of defiance. She told me that she would refuse to pay in any tax demands over and above what she has already contributed this year. She can no longer take the flagrant abuse of our taxes for personal enrichment and conspicuous consumption. I concur and will join her. Any takers?
Class Apartheid Is ANC's Modus Operandi
The Outsourcing Of Mzantsi: Post-Apartheid Class Apartheidization
The few responses that are posted below is to make the point that the people of South Africa know what's happening, and the ANC continues to bury its head in the sand on these issues.
Carlie Arthur's responded:
"Very interesting read but short on solutions.
The authors write: “Any suggestions of radical change that may result in the redistribution of these assets and the owners of the assets can simply invest them elsewhere. The current government is therefore to some extent controlled by those who own productive assets.” How can the economy be restructured in this context?"
Desne Massie wrote:
"While I agree that there needs to be a fine balance between the priorities of growth and development, the government (taking care not to conflate it with the ANC) has shown cognisance of this in its National Development Plan and national budgets. Endless economic growth should not, of course, be the pursuit of a complex developing country such as South Africa, and of course such strategy is unsustainable alongside its high GINI co-efficient. Still, in South Africa growth and development have the potential to become a virtuous cycle.
But I think you have not afforded sufficient attention to the compromises the ANC were forced to make in prioritising the current account deficit and prudential macroeconomic policy over infrastructural spending during the negotiated settlement when the demands of hot money and capital flight could have brought the entire country to its knees. Nor have the budget surpluses that resulted from that decision under Trevor Manuel been a necessarily bad thing for South Africa.
While political stability is certainly a factor ratings agencies have recently started taking into account, the situation is not as dire as some political analysts make this out to be. Yet, I think you are right to criticise the ANC to not rest on its laurels and pay yet more attention to inequality. Borrowing for spending on infrastructre could be more aggressive. But these are issues of economic strategy that are somewhat subjective. However, the economic data you provide to substantiate them are not.
As I understand it, mining per se is in decline, and at current levels contributes only 5% of South Africa’s real GDP and roughly 37% of net exports. (Precious metals contribute only around 24% of these net export figures according to the Treasury’s 2010 balance of payments figures.) I apologise if I have misinterpreted the statistical data, but I am not sure how you arrive at the “over 60%” figure, which is misleading. Perhaps what needs clarifying in these debates is what is meant by mining per se. Because, what is significant is mining proper’s role in the formation of capital and GDP in the context of South Africa’s minerals and energy complex, and that needs to be dismantled being as it is a bloated, destructive, exploitative and polluting set of economic subsectors, comprising mining, energy-sensitive aspects of manufacturing, the electricity sector and the transport and storage sector. Even with the decline of the sector, commodity prices are higher, mining stocks are stable despite some divestment, and precious metal prices should continue to increase to real value as the true cost of labour becomes reflected in the price. This should imbue some stability into the sector over time, and more importantly, fairness in the global capital market.
We should be concerned that Marikana has to some extent undermined collective bargaining processes for wage negotiations, and the discipline of the police. However, even though the mining sector is still somewhat volatile with continued potential contagion in strike action, the situation remains largely under control."
Nancy Kachingwe says:
"South Africa is not going to be able to achieve growth because the ANC has not used what power it does have to make that growth happen. Firstly the government seems not to acknowledge that one half of South Africa’s population remains agrarian. Agrarian reform is therefore key to assisting this part of the population (female, living in the former homelands, etc) to become active participants in the economy. three is a close link between the mining crisis and poverty because lack of agrarian reform leaves mining as one of the few options for employment–as was intended in the first place. Though he may have not been stating official government policy, I was surprised at a meeting to hear the Chief Economist of the IDC dismissing the idea that agriculture could be one pillar of development and growth for South Africa, except maybe in agriprocessing of commodities from neighboring countries. Secondly the state has outsourced almost every function, so policies have not been used to leverage the state machinery for broad based growth, primarily by taking charge of skills building at all levels to deliver development. In other post independence countries, much of the investment in human skills building was precisely to enable the state to take charge of its developmental functions, including in many cases, running mines, parastatals, delivering health and education, supporting agriculture and rural development, building infrastructure reflected in fairly respectable pre debt crisis development figures. It is unfortunate that the ANC has (and continues to) buy in to the myth of inefficient state/efficient private sector, when in fact SA’s private sector can be just as bad as any government service.
The one thing that SA needs desperately is a strong–dare I say black–policy counterweight to those that define the policy directions. That capacity is not in the state. Outside the state it is fragmented.
Finally, I am looking for data on mining and communities, which indicates how many people are displaced by mining. I have been told that such data does not exist. If we are not even properly counting the poor, how can we have policies to help them?"
Marcus Mbena commented:
"A simple solution is to invest from the ground up. A growing and developing economy needs increasing amounts ofuskilled labourers, in increasingly diverse sectors. So it is therefore logical that education should be prioritised. The most promising students should then be identified and government funding for tertiary education should be provided. But unfortunately the government has failed at the first hurdle – they have allowed the education system to gradually deteriorate. Unfortunately, the worst affected are the black majority who still receive education that is the equivalent of modern bantu education. Basically – ensuring that the masses remain nothing but unskilled labourers.
Unfortunately the government’s efforts to reform education ,and rid the system of unproductive elements ,are made difficult due to it’s links with the trade unionists. It seems appeasing it’s alliance partners, and clinging to political power, are more of a priority then equipping it’s citizens with the skills they need to prosper."
Moeletsi Mbeki has been a thorn and sharp critic of the ANC in its neo-post-Apartheid rule and settlements. In his critiques he has pointing out to the fact that South Africa is a land frozen in time, "hwere economic power remains in the hands of a White elite and a few businessmen elevated through Black Economic Empowerment (BEE).(Today known mostly as Tenderpreneurship).
About the Miners massacred at Marikana., he said this about that: "This made it clear that the government is prepared to use all necessary force in pursuit of profits.” According to Mbeki, the South African mining industry is 150 years old, and has operated largely unchanged since the 19th century. His view of the people that were receiving government tenders, created the possibility of a "mushrooming middle class" which was most an entrepreneurial class and body of people. It is a group that has relied upon inflated public sector salaries and a transfer of existing industrial wealth (rather than the creation of more.) (Mbeki)
Very little is now being invested in the economy – particularly in infrastructure such as power generation and transport. The productive sector is also shrinking – footwear, clothing and textiles cannot compete with cheaper Asian imports. Unemployment stands at a rising 33 percent and whilst the life of the poor is getting ever more precarious, the political elite just gets richer. South Africa has become an unstable society, where the government – in the guise of the re-militarised police – has been forced to use violence in order to maintain its control. (Mbeki)
Mbeki went on to explain how key external players which facilitated the end of apartheid. The key point being that both the UK and US, in particular, had economic interests vested in the protection of their own investments in the country. In the case of the UK, this included the 800,000 English-speaking white South Africans, whose lives the British government wanted to see free from serious disruption following the change of political system. For the US government, of central importance was the protection of the Cape Sea Route (a major transit route for world trade, especially oil) and the continued availability of key minerals critical to the US economy.
The maintenance of the above interests meant that the South African economy became frozen in the state it existed in 1990, which was essentially what it was in 1870. An economy frozen in time cannot, however, stand competition with more entrepreneurial rising powers (particularly those in Asia.)
Black Economic Empowerment((BEE Legalized Corruption)
BEE has functioned as an attempt to co-opt and bribe the controllers of political power, with the elite using taxation and corruption to enrich itself. In Mbeki’s words: “BEE is legalised corruption.”
South African corporations are no longer really investing in the country, and capital flight is vast and on the increase. The public sector has become a cash-cow for a political elite rather than a provider of good public services. For these reasons, the economy is growing at an anaemic 2 – 3 percent per year, which explains the growing instability and emergence of demagogic populist figures like Julius Malema.Mbeki)
The ANC has been part of the problem and not our solution, up to this point. About some two decades and a half, I was having a discussion about the ANC coming to power. Most of my friends belonged to PAC, AZAPO, Black Consciousness Movement, Radical intellectuals that were critiquing the ANC, and me, as I considered myself an African Historian and media ecologist After much talk and arguments, I told my friends that I hoped that the ANC takes power, then in this way the people will eventually figure out what the ANC is all about.
If the Hub above is about anything, Nkandla have been the shot across the bow, and the one that drew political blood first, mu take and belief is that the people are beginning to figure out the ANC, and the articles, videos and other research above are pointing straight to the ANC. In order to understand why I say the Nkdandla Scandal is the ANC Corruption scandal, the resposes above, Mbeki's article and many other cited data within this article, all point out to the fact that the ANC was into the Vulture capitalism that we see today in full disllay.
So that, underneath all of this is a harsh material fact. The South African economy has not fundamentally changed. The structure remains the same as it was under apartheid -- the same dependence on exporting raw minerals, the same enslavement to the "Minerals Energy Finance complex.
Far from an increase in the manufacturing sector – the sector which can really produce jobs – we have a rapid process of de-industrialisation. We are not gaining jobs, we are losing them. In 2004 there were 3.7 million unemployed people in our country. Last year that had risen to 4.1 million -- more unemployed, not less. South Africa is in trouble because it is being ruthlessly looted by International capital with the assistance of the ANC at the helm of the clientele government it lord over.
Our political leadership is no longer able to represent the nation because it has a conflict of interest. Its real, material interest in the profitability of the mining and financial sectors prevents it from looking after the interests of the nation. The interest of building our manufacturing industry. The leadership’s interest in the profits of global capital prevents them from being the leadership that the nation needs.
Class Apartheid: Born In 1994
Official data tell us that class apartheid, born in April 1994 with features that include durable racism and patriarchy, is now a malevolent juvenile delinquent:
- Income inequality rose to a world-leading Gini coefficient level of 0,72 by 2006, in spite of a slight increase in social spending (worth only 3% of GDP more than in 1994);
- The official unemployment rate doubled from 16% in 1994 to around 32% by the early 2000s, before falling to 26%—but by counting those who gave up looking for work, the realistic rate is closer to 40%;
- In spite of several million people getting access to new housing, their “Unos”, “smarties” or “kennels” are smaller than apartheid-era matchboxes, are located further away from jobs and community amenities, are constructed with less durable building materials and have lower-quality municipal services;
- Tiny token amounts of free water and electricity are provided to many, yet their overall price has risen dramatically, leading to millions suffering disconnections each year because they cannot afford the second consumption block;
- AIDS and the degenerating healthcare system have caused a dramatic decline in life expectancy, from 65 at the time of liberation to around 50 today, while education remains crippled by low-quality schools and excessive cost recovery, leading a third of learners to drop out by Grade 5;
- Ecological conditions have worsened, according to government’s own commissioned Environmental Outlook report, and South Africa’s CO2 emissions per unit of GDP per person are 20 times higher than even that Great Climate Satan, the US (even before the rush of new coal-fired plants); and
- The high crime rate—so obvious as corruption penetrates the top of government, the police and army—was accompanied by a residential arms race that left working-class and poor households most vulnerable to dramatically increased robberies, house break-ins, car theft and other petty crime, as well as epidemic levels of rape and other violent crimes.
Meanwhile, thanks to the policies of Thabo Mbeki, Trevor Manuel and Alec Erwin, our economic future appears sabotaged:
- Instead of “macroeconomic stability”, exchange control liberalisation fostered white capital flight and left South Africa so vulnerable that the Rand crashed by more than a quarter in 1996, 1998, 2001 and 2006, the worst record of any major currency;
- The outflow of profits and dividends to big South African firms’ new overseas financial HQs is one of two crucial reasons (along with excessive trade liberalisation) that SA’s current account deficit has soared to among the highest in the world—8,1% of GDP this quarter—and is now a critical threat;
- Disguised by superficial GDP growth, South Africa has a net negative per person rate of national wealth accumulation, because of nonrenewable resource depletion according to the World Bank;
- Finance has boomed while, as a percent of national output, manufacturing declined; and
- Instead of being reinvested in plant and equipment, corporate profits were spirited abroad or sought returns in the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (which rose 50% during the first half of the 2000s) and speculative real estate, as the property boom raised house prices by 200% from 1997-2004, in comparison to just 60% in the US just prior to its bursting housing bubble.
So, as with racial apartheid two decades ago, the chains of class apartheid have growing cracks and, with enough pressure from below, can also be broken.
To be sure, not all the 10, 000 social protests that the police have recorded each year since 2005 reflect this critique. But enough do, that the ANC’s next ruling crew will so have to intensify repression seriously, if they want merely to polish the chains of class apartheid, as Jacob Zuma recently promised in Davos and to the men from Citibank.
Regrettably class apartheid thrives.